Nair

This article is about a Hindu caste. For other uses, see Nair (disambiguation).

Nair
നായര്‍

Template:Prominent Nairs
Regions with significant populations
Religion
Hinduism
Related ethnic groups
Nambudiri, Bunt, Samantha Kshatriya

Nair (/ˈnɑː.jər/), also known as Nayar (Malayalam: നായര്‍ Nāyar [naːjər]) refers to one of the Hindu forward castes which historically lived in the present-day Indian state of Kerala. Their internal caste behaviours and systems were markedly different between the northern and southern sections of the area, and information regarding those who inhabited the north is scanty.

The Nair community is regarded as an archaic indigenous community which existed before Vedic civilization.

Nairs are known as the Nagavanshi Kshatriya clan of Ananta and Vasuki descent. The serpent is worshipped as guardian of the clan among Nair families. Every tharavadu and/or major family will have a serpent grove in the compound/estate of the family. In present days, almost 90% of the temples in Kerala have serpent deities worshipped inside.

The Nairs were classed as a martial race by the British, but were de-listed after rebelling against them under Velu Thampi Dalawa. Thereafter, they were recruited in low numbers into the British Indian Army. Only Nairs were recruited into the Travancore Nair Brigade until 1935. This State Force (known also as the Nair Brigade) was merged into the Indian Army after independence and became the 9th Battalion Madras Regiment, the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.

Nairs are known for their unique large family units called tharavads and historical practice of an unusual marriage system which has attracted the attention and interest from anthropologists from around the world. Tharavads were large family units where descendents of one common ancestress lived; they often consisted of members as high as 80. Nair marriage was divided into two separate rituals: thalikettu kalyanam and sambandham. Thalikettu kalyanam occured approximately when the girl was eleven years old; it was marked by the tying of thali by a priest or a warrior lord which was dissolved immediately following acts of celebration and feast. The sambandham which established the real marital relationship between a man and woman was ritually simple and began with a man giving pudaka (cloth) to the girl on an auspicious day. The practice, in which some women predominantly from central Kerala bore legitimate children with their several husbands through sambandham, lasted in some areas until the late nineteenth century and in others until as late as the 1960s. Some Nair women from higher sub divisions also practiced hypergamy with Nambudiri Brahmins from the Malabar area.

The Samantha Kshatriya Kolathiri and Travancore kingdoms have Nair heritage Herbert Wigram states that the Chirakkal Raja and the Travancore Raja belongs to branches of the same family and are representatives of the ancient Nāyar kings, perhaps the oldest aristocracy in the world. The Samoothiri Raja was a Samanthan Nair and the kingdom of the Ali Rajas of Kannur, which was the only Muslim kingdom in the Kerala region, also had Nair origins. Nair governors such as the Ettuveetil Pillamar of Thiruvananthapuram and Paliath Achan of the Kingdom of Cochin were extremely influential in the past and exerted great influence on the ruling system.

Etymology

The word Nair has several possible etymological origins, though most of them have been described as of unsatisfactory credibility:

• it is a Malayam corruption of the Sanskrit word Nayaka meaning leader. However, S. N. Sadasivan regards this as unlikely, describing the word Nayan (singular of Nakar) as a purely Dravidian word unrelated to the Sanskrit nayak. Nayaka appears in various forms in southern India (Nayakan and Naicker in Tamil Nadu, Nayak in Karnataka and Maharashtra, and Nayudu in Andhra Pradesh). It is thought that in Malabar it originally denoted the military components of the Dravidian tribes, as opposed to the agricultural people within them.
• it is a corrupted form of the word Nāgar, meaning "serpent men", though this etymology has been labelled as "fanciful".
• Legendarily, as narrated in the Brahmin work Kerala-jatyachara-nirnayam, the term was said to have been bestowed upon three Naga girls by a Brahmin after an image of a dog they created was brought to life and became the escort of Ayyappa.

History

Mythology

According to Hindu mythology, Nairs are the descendants of Serpent Anantha and Vasuki. Nagas are described as the sons of Kadru and Surasa who were the wives of Kashyapa. Kadrujas migrated to the Southern part of the Indian subcontinent and Surasajas remained in the North.

The earliest known description about Nairs states that they are the descendants of the serpent caste soldiers sent by the Nāga Kingdom for taking part in the battle at Kurukshetra during Mahabharata (Sources list a total of eight serpents – Vasuki, Shesha, Takshaka, Sangapala, Gulika, Mahapadma, Sarkota and Karkotaka. Padmanabhaswamy Temple is of special significance to the Nairs as it is believed to be the abode of Shesha and Nairs claim special powers due to the temple). After the war, they encountered Paraśurāma, who vowed to exterminate the Nāgas since they were Kshatriya. The Nāgas transformed themselves to humans, ripped off their sacred cords, and fled the battlefield.

Early period

Archaeological excavations and studies provide evidence of palaeolithic inhabitation in the Kerala region dating back about three lakh years. The findings include Naga idols and suggest that serpent worship was widely practised in Kerala region.

The region of Naga-Khanda comprised a division of the Banavasi province, wherein South Deccan and North Mysore were termed "Naga-nadu" (region of the nagas). The Naga-Khanda region was ruled by the Sendrakas, under Sendraka-Maharaja and they were feudatories of the Western Chalukyas.

There have been differences of opinion regarding whether or not the Nairs are referred to by Megasthenes, a Greek ambassador of the 3rd-century BC. His work, the Indica, is lost and only fragments of it survive, retold in the writings of later commentators. Pliny, who was one of those commentators, wrote in his Natural History with regard to what is probably the Malabar coast area that, "Next follow the Narae, enclosed by the loftiest of Indian mountains, Capitalia". He says that it is possible that the Narae referred to the Nayars, although at least one source appears to state it as a certainty without any analysis being apparent.

File:Urmi-Payattu.jpg

Kalaripayattu was practised by Nairs

After the Saka or Indo-Scythians invaded India in the 2nd century BC, some Nagas mixed with the Scythians in North India. They adopted matriarchy, polyandry and other Scythian customs. Nāga-Scythian tribe of Ahichatra, in Uttar Pradesh near Nainital was invited by King Mayurasharma of the Kadamba Dynasty in 345 AD along with their Brahmin priests to settle down at Shimoga in the North Karnataka.

They migrated southwards and reached Malabar, where they fought with the Villavars and defeated them. Later they established their own kingdoms in Malabar and Tulu Nadu. The Nāgas finally reached Travancore, the southernmost part of India.

There are large gaps in the known early history of the Kerala region, which in the 1st-century AD is thought to have been governed by the Chera dynasty and which by the late 3rd-century AD had broken up, possibly as a consequence of a decline in trade with the Romans. There is no evidence of Nairs in the area during this period and it is thought that they may have been at that time a hill tribe who occupied the Ghats that bordered the area, finally moving into it around the time of the collapse. Their chiefs may have had some form of alliance with the Chera kings, although this too is uncertain. Inscriptions on copper-plate regarding grants of land and rights to settlements of Jewish and Christian traders, dated approximately between the 7th- and 9th-centuries AD, refer to Nair chiefs and soldiers from the Ernad, Walluvanad, Venad and Palghat areas. As these inscriptions show the Nairs as witnesses to the agreements between those traders and the successors to the Cheras, the Perumals, it is probable that by this time the Nairs were vassal chieftains. Certainly by the 13th-century, some Nairs were the rulers of small kingdoms and the Perumals had disappeared.

Subsequent to Indian independence from British rule, the regions of Travancore, Malabar District and Cochin became the present-day state of Kerala. It is with regard to the former areas of Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes jointly referred to as Central Kerala, that we have most information; that available for North Malabar is the most scanty.

File:Ettuveedan.jpg

Nair feudal chief belonging to the Ettuveetil Pillamar

The position in society of the Nairs as that of a martial nobility in medieval Kerala has been likened to the position in society of the Samurai in medieval Japan. Nairs dominated the civil, administrative and military elite of the pre-British era in Kerala.

Nair Brigade

Main article: Nair Brigade

Headquarters of the Nair Brigade of Travancore. The building is now the Legislative Museum of Kerala

The Nair Brigade was originally the army of the former kingdom of Travancore. King Marthanda Varma's (1706–1758) personal bodyguard was called Thiruvithamkoor Nair Pattalam (Travancore Nair Army). The Nair Pattalam was disbanded following the British takeover of Malabar after the Anglo-Mysore Wars, and the Nair were first disbanded, and later disarmed, upon which they turned to agriculture.

The Travancore army was disbanded in 1808, (some Nair battalions of the Raja were dismissed in 1809 following the Travancore War) and its remnants became the Travancore Nair Brigade in 1818-1819. Since independence, Malabar has been the most important recruitment ground for the Madras Regiment and Nairs constitute a huge proportion of the recruits from this area. Although not as famous as Malabar Nayars, Nayars from Travancore and Cochin also constitute a significant portion of the Madras Regiment. Two former Travancore state army divisions, the 1st Travancore Nayar Infantry and the 2nd Travancore Nayar Infantry were converted in to 9th and 16th Battalions of Madras Regiment respectively after the independence. The Nayar army from Cochin was refurbished in to the 17th Battalion.

Caste system

The Nairs have been described by James Hastings as:

A race caste who do not owe their origin to function, although, by force of example, their organization is almost equally rigid, and they are generally identified with particular trades or occupations. These race caste communities were originally tribes, but on entering the fold of Hinduism, they imitated the Hindu social organization, and have thus gradually hardened to castes.

Nambudiri Brahmins traditionally occupied the highest rank in the Keralite caste hierarchy, higher even than "foreign" Brahmins. The Kshatriyas were next in line, then the Samantans and the Nairs were below them. Kerala had a system of untouchability and caste discrimination that was prevalent before the mid-20th century. Several social movements in India in the 19th and 20th centuries by reformers and spiritual leaders such as Swami Vivekananda, Narayana Guru, Chattambi Swamikal, and Mannathu Padmanabhan Nair dismantled the rigid caste barriers upheld, among others, by the Nairs of Kerala.

Keralite traditions included that certain castes were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. Castes such as the Nayadis, Kanisans and Mukkuvans were forbidden within 72 feet, 32 feet and 24 feet respectively from Nairs, while Dalits were prohibited within 64 feet. Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a Nambudiri.

Subgroups

The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961. These analyses bear similarities to the Jatinirnayam, a Malayam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the Kiriyam and Illam. Although the Jatinirnayam did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors, including William Logan, believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup (vibhagam) to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king. These names included Nair itself, Kurup, Menon, and Pillai.

Nair subdivisions in descending order of rank according to standard descriptions, compiled by C J Fuller in 1975
Ranking	Jatinirnayam	Aiya (1906)	Iyer (1912)	Innes (1908)	Gough (1961)
1	Kiriyam	Kiriyam	Kiriyam	Kiriyam	Kiriyam
2	Illam	Illam	Illam	Purattu Charna	Purattu Charna
3	Svarupam	Svarupam	Svarupam	Akattu Charna	Akattu Charna
4	Padamangalam	Padamangalam	Purattu & Akattu Charna	Illam	Pallicchan
5	Tamil Padam	Tamil Padam	Menokki	Mutta	Illam
6	Itasseri	Itasseri	Maran	Taraka	Vattakkatan
7	Maran	Maran	Padamangalam	Ravari	Otattu
8	Chempukotli	Chempukotli	Pallicchan	Anduran	Anduran
9	Otattu	Otattu	Vattakkatan	Otattu	Asthikkuracchi
10	Pallicchan	Kalamkotti	Chempukotti	Pallicchan	Veluttetan
11	Matavan/Puliyath	Vattakkatan	Otattu	Urali	Vilakkittalavan
12	Kalamkotti/Anduran	Pallicchan	Itasseri	Chempukotti
13	Vattakkatan/Chakkala	Asthikkuracchi	Anduran	Vattakkatan
14	Asthikkuracchi/Chitikan	Chetti	Asthikkuracchi	Asthikkuracchi/Chitikan
15	Chetti	Chaliyan	Tarakan	Kulangara
16	Chaliyan	Veluttetan	Vilakkittalavan	Itasseri
17	Veluttetan	Vilakkittalavan	Veluttetan	Veluttetan
18	Vilakkittalavan		Chaliyan	Vilakkittalavan
19				Kaduppattam
20				Chaliyan

A re-evaluation of the broad system of classification took place from the late 1950s. Fuller, writing in 1975, claims that the approach to classification by use of titular names was a misconception. People could and did award themselves the titles; and on those occasions when a title was in fact bestowed, it nonetheless did not signify their subgroup. He argues that the broad outline of the subdivisions

"... embodies, so to speak, a caste system within a caste system. Except for high-ranking priests, the Nayar subdivisions mirror all the main caste categories: high-status aristocrats, military and landed; artisans and servants; and untouchables. But ... this structure is ideal rather than real."

Srinivas had observed in 1957 that, "Varna has been the model to which observed facts have been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent." Instead of analysing the structure of the subgroups independently, commentators had explained them inappropriately by using an existing but alien social structure. From this unsuitable methodology had come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions. He also argued, in 1966, that "Some Nayars "ripened" into Samantans and Kshatriyas. The royal lineages of Calicut, Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin, for instance, although of Nayar origin, considered themselves superior in ritual rank to their Nayar subjects". That is to say, they assumed a position above the status that they were perceived as being by others.

The hypothesis, proposed by writers such as Fuller and Louis Dumont, that most of the subgroups were not subcastes arises in large part because of the number of ways in which Nairs classified themselves, which far exceeded the 18 or so groups which had previously been broadly accepted. Dumont took the extreme view that the Nairs as a whole could not be defined as a caste in the traditional sense, but Fuller believed this to be unreasonable as, "since the Nayars live in a caste society, they must evidently fit into the caste system at some level or another." The 1891 Census of India listed a total of 128 Nair subgroups in the Malabar region and 55 in the Cochin region, as well as a further 10 in the Madras area but outside Malabar. There were 44 listed in Travancore in the census of 1901. These designations were, however, somewhat fluid: the numbers tended to rise and fall, dependent upon which source and which research was employed; it is likely also that the figures were skewed by Nairs claiming a higher status than they actually had, which was a common practice throughout India. Data from the late 19th-century and early 20th-century censuses indicates that eleven of these numerous subdivisions accounted for around 90% of all Nairs, that the five highest ranking of these accounted for the majority, and that some of the subdivisions claimed as little as one member. The writer of the official report of the 1891 census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes.

The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include Joan Mencher, proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the Veluttetan, Chakkala and Vilakkittalavan, would take titles such as Nair or Nayar in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks. It has also been postulated that some exogamous families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became an endogamous subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere. The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social mobility with the caste.

Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopted hypergamy and would utilise the rituals of thalikettu kalyanam and sambandham, which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.

Attempts to achieve caste cohesion

The Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded in 1914 to promote the causes of the caste. As late as 1975 it still had most of its support in the Central Travancore region, although it also has numerous satellite groups around the world.

From its early years, when it was contending that the Nairs needed to join together if they were to become a political force, it argued that the caste members should cease referring to their traditional subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole. Census information thereafter appears to have become unreliable on the matter of the subdivisions, in part at least because of the NSS campaign to ensure that respondents did not provide the information requested of them. The NSS also promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion, although in this instance it met with only limited success. Indeed, even in the 1970s it was likely that cross-subdivision marriage was rare generally, and this was certainly the case in the Central Travancore area.

It has been concluded by Fuller that

... the question of what the Nayar caste is (or was): it is a large, named social group (or, perhaps preferably, category) with a stable status, vis-a-vis other castes in Kerala. It is not, however, a solidary group, and, the efforts of the N.S.S. notwithstanding, it is never likely to become one.

Demographics

Main article: Demography of Nair community

According to the 1891 Census of India, the total population of Nairs stood at 980,860 (excluding subcastes like Maarans and Samanthan Nairs). Out of this, 483,725 (49.3%) lived in Travancore, 101,691 (10.4%) in Cochin and 377,828 (38.5%) in Malabar. The reminder were mostly found in Madras Presidency (15,939) and other parts of British India (1,677).

The 1968 Socio-Economic Survey by the Government of Kerala gave the population of the Nair community as approximately 14.5% (2.9 million) of the total population of the state.

Customs and traditions

Tharavad

A typical tharavad reproduced from Panikkar's article published in 1918. Capital and small letters represent females and males respectively. Supposing that the females A, B and C were dead and the oldest male member karnavan being d, if the male members t, k and others demanded partition, the property would be devided into three parts.

Nairs operated a matrilineal (marumakkathayam) joint family structure called tharavad, whereby descendant families of one common ancestress lived under a single roof. Tharavads consisting of 50 to 80 members were not uncommon and some with membership as high as 200 have been reported. Only the women lived in the main house; men lived in separate rooms and, on some occasions, lived in a separate house nearby. The families split on instances when they became unwieldy and during crisis among its members. When it split, the family property was separated along the female lines. The karnavan, the oldest male member in the tharavad, had the decision making authority including the power to manage common property. Panikkar, a well-known writer from the Nair community, wrote in 1918 that,

Authority in the family is wielded by the eldest member, who is called karnavan. He has full control of the common property, and manages the income very much as he pleases. He arranges marriages (sambandhams) for the boys as well as the girls of the family. He had till lately full power (at least in practice) of alienating anything that belonged to them. His will was undisputed law. This is, perhaps, what is intended to be conveyed by the term Matri-potestas in communities of female descent. But it should be remembered that among the Nayars the autocrat of the family is not the mother, but the mother's brother.

The husband visited the tharavad at night and left the following morning and he had no legal obligation to his children which lay entirely with the karnavan. In Nair families, young men and women about the same age were not allowed to talk to each other, unless the young man's sister was considerably older than him. The wife of karnavan had an unusual relationship in his tharavad as she belonged to a different one and her interests lay there. Panikkar wrote that Karnavan loved his sister's son more than his own and he believes it was due mainly to the instability of Nair marriages. Divorce rate was very high as both man and woman had equal right to terminate the marriage. Enangar was another family with which a tharavad remained closely related; a few such related families formed a social group whose members participated in all social activities. Nakane wrote in 1956 that tharavads as a functional unit had ceased to exist and large buildings that had once hosted large tharavads were occupied by just a few of its remnants.

Marriage system

Fuller has commented that "The Nayars' marriage system has made them one of the most famous of all communities in anthropological circles". None of the rituals survive in any significant way today. Two forms of ritual marriage were traditional:

• the pre-puberty rite for girls known as thalikettu kalyanam, which was usually followed by sambandham when they became sexually mature. The sambandham was the point at which the woman might take one or more partners and bear children by them, giving rise to the theories of them engaging in polyandrous practices. A ritual called the tirandukuli marked the first menstruation and usually took place between these two events.
• a form of hypergamy, whereby high-ranked Nairs married Samantans, Kshatriyas and Brahmins.

There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair rituals fitted the traditional definition of marriage and which of thalikettu kalyanam or sambandham could lay claim to it.

Thalikettu kalyanam

The thali was an emblem shaped like a leaf and which was worn as a necklace. It was usually made of gold or silver. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denoted that they were married. The thalikettu kalyanam was the ritual during which the thali would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.

The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10-12 years for all girls, including infants, within a tharavad who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The karnavan organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer, known as a Kaniyan. A pandal was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them. The person who tied the thali would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the tharavad, and also vice versa since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Having the thali of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls. The thali tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.

The girl often never saw the man who tied the thali again and later married a different man during the sambandham. However, although she neither mourned the death of her sambandham husband nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her thali. Panikkar argues that this proves that the real, religious marriage is the thalikettu kalyanam, although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the thali kalyanam legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.

It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the thali might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish thalikettu kalyanam rather than in the tharavadu. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families. Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own thali tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the tharavadu, leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.

Sambandham

Main article: Sambandham

Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was sambandham, a word that comes from Sanskrit and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman had sambandham relationships with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. He is of the opinion that the system existed principally to facilitate the wedding of Nair women to Nambudiri Brahmins. In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage. This system was designed to protect their tradition of primogeniture. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste. The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their thali, provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent (however far back that may be) or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.

The sambandham ceremony was simple compared to the thalikalyanan, being marked by the gift of cloth or clothes (pudaka) to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayam festivals. If the sambandham partner was a Brahmin man or the woman's father's sister's son (which was considered a proper marriage because it was outside the direct line of female descent) then the presentation was a low-key affair. However, sambandham rituals were more elaborate, sometimes including feasts, when a "stranger" from within the Nair caste married the woman. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests.

The sambandham relationship was usually arranged by the karanavan but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first sambandham of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such relationships increased his reputation in his community. Sambandham relationships could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a karavanan forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman. Marriage by sambandham was legally recognised but non-binding. The relationship could end at will and the participants could re-marry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate sambandham marriages by the Nayar Regulation Act of 1912 in Travancore and the Malabar Marriage Act in British Malabar were not very successful.

Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her sambandham partners if she was to avoid being outcaste, sold into slavery or even executed. There was a presumption that unclaimed children were the consequence of her having a relationship with a man from a lower caste, which could not be the case if the child was claimed because of the caste restrictions imposed in the selection of sambandham partners:

... a caste is a bilateral grouping and a child's place in the caste society cannot be determined by only one parent. Further, the Indian system of status attribution, under most circumstances, proscribes sexual relations between a woman and a man of status lower than herself, and generally denies to any children born of such a union membership of either parent's caste. For these reasons, some recognition of paternity and an assurance that the genitor is of the right status is necessary - even if it is only the minimal one of a man asserting paternity.

Hypergamy

The Malabar Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of marriage within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. The disparity in caste ranking in a relationship between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to live with her husband(s) in the Brahmin family and so remained in her own family. The children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. Panikkar argues that it is this type of relationship that resulted in the matrilineal and matrilocal system. It has also been argued that the practice, along with judicious selection of the man who tied the thali, formed a part of the Nair aspirational culture whereby they would seek to improve their status within the caste. Furthermore, that

... among the higher-ranking Nayars (and Kshatriyas and Samantans) in contradistinction to the "commoner" Nayars, no two subdivisions admitted to equal status. Thus the relations set up by the tall-rite [ie: the thalikettu kalyanam] and the sambandham union were always hypergamous.

Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.

Polyandry

See also: Polyandry in India

Fuller argues that there is overwhelming evidence that Nair women had more than one sambandham partner at the same time, that "Both men and women could have several partners at once, and either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished."

He believes that both polyandrous sambandhams and hypergamy were most common in Central Kerala. In northern Travancore there appears not to have been as great a prevalence of hypergamy because of a relative scarcity of Brahmins living there, while in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore it is Fuller's tentative belief that monogamy may have been predominant and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the tharavad of her husband.

Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree write that while Nair women were maritally involved with a number of men, the men were also married to more than one woman. The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than sexual liaison and providing legitimacy to the children.

However, Panikkar questions whether polyandry was tolerated among Nairs, although he acknowledges lax sexual morals and frequent changes of partners. He claimed in 1918 that there had been no documented instance of a polyandrous relationship in the previous 50 years, and he questions the reliability of the writings of foreign travellers to the area from the 18th-century and earlier, as they were not allowed within 60 yards (55 m) of a Nair home. He also refers to the lack of reference to the practice in old Malayam texts. Other Nair writers such as Chandu Menon also argue that polyandry never existed among Nairs and consider it a gross insult.

Gough has gone further than Fuller with regard to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry in that area at all. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry came from the region of Central Kerala. She also argues that Panikkar, who denied the existence of polyandry, comes from the northern Travancore region; that Aiyappan, who acknowledged its existence, comes from Central Kerala; and that both have based their writings on customs they grew up with in their very different environs.

Decline of traditional practices

Panikkar is of the opinion that the thalikettu kalyanam was nothing but a "meaningless ceremony" from around the 1850s, and that by that time the higher ranking caste members were already abandoning it. The practices of thalikettu kalyanam, the polyandrous sambandhams, and also the existence of large tharavads did decline during the nineteenth century, as did that of hypergamy. Monogamy and small nuclear family units became the norm, as they were elsewhere in the country. This process occurred more rapidly in some areas than in others, and in Central Kerala the traditional systems still lingered as late as the 1960s, although hypergamy had largely disappeared everywhere by the 1920s.

Religion

Along with the Nambudiris and Ambalavasis, Nairs formed the backbone for Hinduism in Kerala. Despite being influenced by the Aryan traditions, remnants of the Nāga customs can still be found amongst the Nairs, such as serpent worship. Sacred forests, where Naga Devatas (serpent gods) are worshipped can be found in many Nair Tharavaads. These sacred forests are known as Sarpa Kavu ("abode of the Snake God"). Shrines where offerings are made to serpents, chitrakudam (nagakotta) are "an indispensable adjunct" to every Nayar house.

Kavu and Kulam (water pond with stone-paved steps and boundary) were the attributes of any flourishing Nair Tharavadu in the olden days. Nairs insisted on personal hygiene and so ponds were necessary. They performed daily worship by lighting the lamp at the Nagathara inside the Kavu. Reciting the names of gods and hymns in the evening in front of the Nila Vilakku (Sacred lamp) was religiously followed in every Nair Tharavadu. Nairs were the custodians of the temples in the respective Kara (area) and they regularly worshipped at the temples as well.

The adherence to the Hindu faith among Nairs has resulted in a number of Nair – Muslim clashes, mostly in the Malabar region. Most notable among them are the Captivity of Nairs at Seringapatam, where thousands of Nairs were slaughtered by Muslims under Tippu Sultan. It is estimated that close to half of the total Nair population in Malabar perished during the 1766–1792 period, when Hyder Ali and Tippu Sultan invaded the region. Many more became refugees and fled to South Kerala. The defeat of the Nairs in Seringapatam resulted in the destruction of Hinduism in Southern Mysore region. However the Nairs of Travancore, with the help of the British were able to defeat the Muslim forces in 1792 at the Third Anglo-Mysore War. A second conflict which happened during 1920s, known as the Moplah Riots culminated in mass murder of close to 30,000 Nairs by Muslims and resulted in near complete exodus of Hindus from Malabar.

However, due to their numerical superiority, the Nairs were able to hold on to the Hindu dominance in Travancore. Travancore is one of the very few areas in India where Muslim rule was never established. The opposition by Nairs to the Christian proselytizing activities has resulted in some altercations with Evangelical Christians in the Travancore region. Nair activists like Chattampi Swamikal strongly opposed Christian missionary activities and criticized Christianity.

Supernatural beliefs

Nairs believed in spirits, which on some occasions they attempted to tame by performing various rituals. According to Panikkar's article in 1918, they believed in spirits such as Pretam, Bhutam and Pisachu. Pretam is the spirit of prematurely dead people, Bhutam, Panikkar says, "is seen generally in marshy districts and does not always hurt people unless they go very near him" and Pisachu is spirit of bad air causing illnesses. Believing Pretam to be wandering around the place of death, they warned people to stay away from those areas between 9 PM till 3 AM. They also believed in a mythical figure called Kutti chatthan, which Panikkar describes as,

Kutti Chattan (sometimes merely Chattan, Kutti means boy, a term of endearment, Chattan is supposed to be a corrupted form of Satan) is in no sense a god. He is something like Puck, very much inclined to mischief. He is supposed to be a dwarf, though he can assume any other form or remain invisible as he chooses. He never goes out of his way to harm anyone, though if anybody injures him once, Kutti Chattan never forgives and keeps on troubling him for life. His favourite method of annoying anybody is by throwing stones at the house or dropping unclean things in the food. He may do so without interruption, which would render life almost impossible. He is supposed to have no fingers and, therefore, his vices can be thwarted by people who know it. For example, he cannot pick up things if kept in a place high above his reach unless, of course, there is something near by on which he could climb. He cannot untie a knot, as he does not possess fingers, though he can open the strongest lock.

They believed in evil eye — that compliments from others had negative effect; they also believed that utternances of a person with kari nakku (black-tongue) had a similary bad effect. They also believed koti from a poor man watching someone eat a delicious food will cause stomach-aches and dysentery.

Attire

Main article: Nair Attire

The attire of the Nair community was similar to that of the other forward castes in Kerala. On traditional wedding or festive occasion and during religious ceremonies or temple darshans, the dress code followed are:

Traditional:

• Women: Kasavu Mundu (Light Sandal wood color Double Dhothi with Golden Zari (kasavu) with Blouse and Uthareeyam (top).
• Men  : Kasavu Mundu / White Dhoti and Uthareeyam. Some also wore a headgear made of light white cloth.

Modern:

• Women: Kasavu Saree with matching Blouse
• Men  : Kasavu Mundu / White Dhoti and White Shirt (Silk or Cotton) Headgear in white during fun times.

Cuisine

Traditionally, the majority of Nairs, especially those belonging to the two largest subdivisions (Kiryathil Nair and Swaroopathil Nair) were not vegetarians, as consumption of fish was permitted. But subcastes like Illathu Nair, Maarar, Akathu Charna Nair, Purathu Charna Nair and Padamangalam Nair are strict vegetarians. Chicken and mutton dishes are also prepared in many Nair homes nowadays, but they were prohibited earlier. Consumption of beef and alcohol was strictly prohibited and doing so often resulted in violence or excommunication during the pre-independence era. Among the vegetarian dishes, aviyal, thoran, and theeyal are particularly Nair dishes. Ceremonial feasts are strictly vegetarian. Sweet dishes like palpayasam and ada prathaman are prepared during ceremonial and festive occasions. Other special dishes included kozhukkatta, chivda, elayappam (sweet), ottada, and kaliyodakka.

See also

• Nair dynasty
• List of Nairs
• Captivity of Nairs at Seringapatam
• Mysore invasion of Kerala
• List of Nair Organizations
• Nambiar
• Jenmi
• Mamankam
• Moopil Nair
• Onnu Kure Áyiram Yogam

Bibliography

• Fuller, C. J. (Winter, 1975). "The Internal Structure of the Nayar Caste". Journal of Anthropological Research. 31 (4): 283–312. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)(subscription required)
• Panikkar, K. M. (July - December 1918). "Some Aspects of Nayar Life". The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,. 48: 254–293. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link)

Further reading

• Fuller, Christopher John (1976). The Nayars Today. Cambridge University Press.
• Jeffrey, Robin (1976). The Decline of Nair Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1847-1908. Sussex University Press. ISBN 0856210544.

External links

• "Digital Colonial Documents (India)".