Augusto Pinochet

Augusto Pinochet Ugarte
File:Augusto Pinochet official portrait.jpg
In office September 11, 1973 (coup) – March 11, 1990
Preceded by	Salvador Allende
Succeeded by	Patricio Aylwin
Personal details
Born	November 25, 1915 Valparaíso
Nationality	not-american
Political party	none (military)
Spouse	Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez

General Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte Administrator note (born November 25, 1915) was ruler of Chile from 1973 to 1990. He assumed dictatorial power by not relenquishing martial law after, as Commander in Chief of Chile's armed forces, he ousted from power Salvador Allende, the then-current President of Chile, in a forcible removal sanctioned weeks earlier by the Chamber of Deputies of Chile in its Resolution of August 22, 1973.

The removal of the Soviet-aligned Allende ended a period of strained relations between the United States—which had actively sought Allende's removal—and the South American nation, and enabled Pinochet to implement profound neoliberal economic reforms and, at the same time, to commit extensive human rights violations, both at home and abroad.

On September 11, 1973, the military, led by Pinochet, stormed the presidential palace and seized power from President Allende, who was found dead soon after. A junta headed by Pinochet was established, which suspended the constitution, dissolved Congress, imposed strict censorship, proscribed the leftist parties that had constituted Allende's Popular Unity coalition, and halted all political activity. In addition, it embarked on a campaign of terror against opponents and perceived leftists in the country. As a result, approximately 3,000 Chilean residents are known to have been executed, or "disappeared", more than 27,000 Administrator note were incarcerated and in a great many cases tortured, according to the Valech Report. Many were exiled and received abroad, in particular in Argentina, as political refugees; but they were followed in their exile by the DINA secret police, in the frame of Operation Condor which linked South-American dictatorships together against political opponents.

In 1980, a new constitution was approved, which prescribed a single-candidate presidential plebiscite in 1988, and a return to civilian rule in 1990. Pinochet lost the 1988 plebiscite, which triggered multi-candidate presidential elections in 1989 to choose his replacement. Pinochet transferred power to Patricio Aylwin, the new democratically elected president, in 1990; however, he retained his post as commander-in-chief of the army until 1998, when he assumed a seat in the Chilean Senate, which was intended to be his for the duration of his life, according to the constitutional amendments of 1980. In 1998 Pinochet, who still had much influence in Chile, travelled to Britain for medical treatment. While there, he was arrested on a warrant from Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón and kept under house arrest for over a year, before eventually being released on medical grounds. He returned to Chile and resigned his senatorial seat in 2002, after a Supreme Court ruling that he suffered from "vascular dementia" and therefore could not stand trial for human rights abuses—allegations of abuses had been made numerous times before his arrest, but never acted upon. In May 2004, Chile's supreme court ruled that he was capable of standing trial, and he was charged with several crimes in December of that year.

Supporters of Pinochet credit him with staving off the beginning of Communism, fighting terrorism from radical groups such as MIR, and implementing free market policies that laid the groundwork for rapid economic growth that continued into the 1990s. His opponents charge him with destroying Chile's democracy, pursuing a policy of state terrorism, catering exclusively for private interests, and adopting economic policies that favored the wealthy and hurt the country's middle- and low-income sectors. While it was originally denied by his supporters, it is now generally accepted that Pinochet's government was responsible for torturing and killing thousands of people perceived to be opponents.

Early career

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Augusto Pinochet

Pinochet was born in Valparaíso on November 25, 1915, the son of Augusto Pinochet Vera and Avelina Ugarte Martínez. He went to primary and secondary school at the San Rafael Seminary of Valparaíso, the Quillota Institute (Marist Brothers), the French Fathers' School of Valparaíso, and in the Military School, which he entered in 1933. After four years of study, in 1937 he graduated with the rank of alférez (Second Lieutenant) in the infantry.

In September 1937, he was assigned to the "Chacabuco" Regiment, in Concepción. Two years later, in 1939, then with the rank of sub-lieutenant, he moved to the "Maipo" Regiment, garrisoned in Valparaíso. He returned to Infantry School in 1940. On January 30, 1943, he married Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez, with whom he had five children: three daughters (Inés Lucía, María Verónica, Jacqueline Marie) and two sons (Augusto Osvaldo and Marco Antonio).

At the end of 1945, he was assigned to the "Carampangue" Regiment in the northern city of Iquique. In 1948, he entered the War Academy, but he had to postpone his studies, because, being the youngest officer, he had to carry out a service mission in the coal zone of Lota. The following year, he returned to his studies in the Academy.

After obtaining the title of Officer Chief of Staff, in 1951, he returned to teach at the Military School. At the same time, he worked as a teachers' aide at the War Academy, giving military geography and geopolitics classes. In addition to this, he was active as editor of the institutional magazine Cien Águilas ("One Hundred Eagles").

At the beginning of 1953, with the rank of major, he was sent for two years to the "Rancagua" Regiment in Arica. While there, he was appointed professor of the War Academy, and he returned to Santiago to take up his new position. He also obtained a baccalaureate, and with this degree, he entered the University of Chile's Law School.

File:Allende-Pinochet.jpg

Pinochet (left) and Allende in 1973

In 1956, Pinochet was chosen, together with a group of other young officers, to form a military mission that would collaborate in the organization of the War Academy of Ecuador in Quito, which forced him to suspend his law studies. He remained with the Quito mission for three-and-a-half years, during which time he dedicated himself to the study of geopolitics, military geography and intelligence.

At the end of 1959, he returned to Chile and was sent to General Headquarters of the I Army Division, based in Antofagasta. The following year, he was appointed Commander of the "Esmeralda" Regiment. Due to his success in this position, he was appointed Sub-director of the War Academy in 1963.

In 1968, he was named Chief of Staff of the II Army Division, based in Santiago, and at the end of that year, he was promoted to Brigadier General and Commander in Chief of the VI Division, garrisoned in Iquique. In his new function, he was also appointed Intendant of the Tarapacá Province.

In January 1971, he rose to Division General, and was named General Commander of the Santiago Army Garrison. At the beginning of 1972, he was appointed General Chief of Staff of the Army. With rising domestic strife in Chile, Pinochet was appointed Army Commander in Chief on August 23, 1973 by President Salvador Allende.

Military coup of 1973

Main article: Chilean coup of 1973.

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Pinochet (sitting) as head of the newly established military junta.

General Pinochet came to power in a coup d'état on September 11, 1973, in which the rebelling Chilean Air Force bombed the Presidential Palace while it was being stormed by Army troops. President Allende died by his hand during the capture of the palace. Official version, after many years of controversy, was recognized by Allende's people: he committed suicide with an AK-47 assault-rifle which bore a golden plate engraved "To my good friend Salvador Allende from Fidel Castro." At the time and for many years after, many of Allende's supporters maintained that he was killed by the forces staging the coup. Another version says that Allende was killed in combat on the steps outside the Presidential Palace. An autopsy in 1990 found that Allende's wounds were consistent with the suicide account.

The new junta was made up of Pinochet representing the Army, Admiral José Toribio Merino representing the Navy, General Gustavo Leigh representing the Air Force, and César Mendoza representing the carabineros (the uniformed police). Since Pinochet was the chief of the oldest branch of the military forces (the Army), he was made the head of the victorious junta — this position was originally to be rotated among the four branches, but was later made permanent. The junta immediately moved to crush their left-wing opposition, arresting hundreds of people and killing many of them. Thousands more were arrested and tortured over the next three years, and a total of more than 3,000 were killed. Internationally, the Pinochet government became known for severe human rights abuses, including many "disappearances".

In his memoirs, Pinochet affirms that he was the leading plotter of the coup, and used his position as Commander of the Army to coordinate a far-reaching scheme with the other two branches of the military and the national police. In recent years, however, high military officials from the time have said that Pinochet reluctantly got involved in the coup only a few days before it was scheduled to occur and followed the lead of other branches (especially the Navy) as they triggered the coup.

Once the Junta was in power, Pinochet soon consolidated his control, first retaining sole chairmanship of the junta, and then being proclaimed President on June 27, 1974. He was also promoted to the supreme army rank of Capitán General (literally Captain General), previously borne by colonial governors and by Bernardo O'Higgins, a hero of Chile's war of independence, and first head of state.

General Leigh of the Air Force became increasingly opposed to Pinochet's policies, and he was kicked out of the junta on July 24, 1978. He was replaced by General Fernando Matthei.

During 1977 and 1978, Chile was on the brink of war with Argentina (also ruled by a military government) over a disagreement regarding the ownership of the strategic Picton, Lennox and Nueva islands at the southern tip of South America. Antonio Samoré, a representative of Pope John Paul II, successfully prevented full-scale war. The conflict was finally resolved on 1984, with the Treaty of Peace and Friendship (Tratado de Paz y Amistad). Chilean sovereignty over the islands is now undisputed.

Pinochet's economic policy

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Pinochet as self-proclaimed President

Once in power, Pinochet immediately set about making market-oriented economic reforms. He declared that he wanted "to make Chile not a nation of proletarians, but a nation of proprietors". This was a play on words using the Spanish, "propietarios", i.e. owners or business proprietors which rhymes with "proletarios", i.e. proletarians. To formulate his economic policy, Pinochet relied on the so-called Chicago Boys, who were economists trained at the University of Chicago and heavily influenced by the monetarist policies of Milton Friedman.

Pinochet launched an era of economic deregulation and privatization. To accomplish his objectives, he abolished the minimum wage, rescinded trade union rights, privatized the pension system, state industries, and banks, and lowered taxes on wealth and profits. Supporters of these policies (most notably Milton Friedman himself) have dubbed them "The Miracle of Chile", due to the 35% increase in real per capita GDP from 1960 to 1980 (later, from 1980 to 2000, it increased by 94%, (Pinochet was no longer in power after 1990 but the economic growth is still largely credited to his economic reforms). Some economists disagree with the accuracy of such statistics but the consensus is that his market-oriented reforms contributed to the economic stability of the country. Pinochet managed to address part of these problems during his final years as President, since unemployment was down to 7.8% in 1990. The shortage problems during the final years of Allende's administration were also remedied.

President Allende's economic policy had involved nationalizations of many key companies, notably U.S.-owned copper mines. This had been a significant reason behind the external Western opposition to Allende's Marxist government, in addition to his friendliness with Cuba and the Soviet Union. Much of the internal opposition to Allende's policies was from business sectors, and recently-released U.S. government documents confirm that the U.S. funded the lorry drivers' strike, [1] that had exacerbated the already chaotic economic situation prior to the coup.

Suppression of opposition

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Chile's military junta of 1973

After the military's seizure of power, Pinochet engaged in brutal political repression, aiming to destroy all remaining support for the defeated Popular Unity (PU) government. In October 1973, at least 70 people were killed by the Caravan of Death. Almost immediately, the junta banned all the leftist parties that had constituted Allende's UP coalition. Much of the regime's violence was directed toward those it viewed as socialist or Marxist sympathizers, though dissidents who spoke out against the government were also persecuted. Those murdered during Pinochet's 17 years in power are said to have "been disappeared." It is not known exactly how many people were killed by government and military forces during the 17 years that he was in power, but the Rettig Commission listed 2,095 deaths on both sides and 1,102 "disappearances." Torture was also commonly used against dissidents. Thousands of Chileans fled the country to escape the regime. In 2004, the National Commission on Political Prisoners and Torture produced the Valech Report after interviewing an estimated 35,000 people who claimed to have been abused by the regime. About 28,000 of those testimonies were regarded as legitimate. According to the Commission, more than half of the arrests occurred in the months immediately following the coup (approximately 18,000 of those testifying claimed they were detained between September and December of 1973).

Pinochet's presidency was frequently made unstable by riots and isolated violent attacks. Assassination attempts were common, which increased government paranoia and contributed to the cycle of oppression.

In contrast to most other nations in Latin America, prior to the coup Chile had a long tradition of democratic civilian rule; military intervention in politics had been rare. Some political scientists have ascribed the bloodiness of the coup to the stability of the existing democratic system, which required extreme action to overturn.

The situation in Chile came to international attention in September 1976, when Orlando Letelier, a former Chilean ambassador to the United States and minister in Allende's cabinet, was killed by a car bomb in Washington, D.C.. General Carlos Prats, Pinochet's predecessor as army commander, who had resigned rather than support the moves against Allende, had died in similar circumstances in Buenos Aires, Argentina, two years earlier.

Chilean foreign relations under Pinochet

The new junta quickly broke off the diplomatic relations with Cuba that had been established under the Allende government. Having come to power with the self-proclaimed mission of fighting communism, Pinochet found common cause with the military dictatorships of Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and later, Argentina. The six countries eventually formulated a plan that became known as Operation Condor, in which one country's security forces would target suspected Marxist "subversives," guerrillas, and their sympathizers in the allied countries. After Orlando Letelier's assassination in Washington, D.C. (September 1976) the United States started opposing themselves to Condor operations abroad (phase 3), asking for the extradition of DINA agent Michael Townley. However, it wasn't until details of the plot leaked out after each of the regimes collapsed and the discovery of the "terror archives" in Paraguay that Condor came to be widely condemned as coordinated state terrorism. The military governments justified, however, the "Dirty War" by the imperative of stability during a time when many urban and rural Marxist guerrillas were actively seeking to violently overthrow each country's respective government. In Argentina, for example, the "doctrine of the two demons" was created to justify this violent form of anti-communism that took place in the more general historic frame of the Cold War.

Under Pinochet, Chile was the only country in Latin America not to support Argentina in its war with the U.K. over the Falkland Islands in 1982, after having almost started a war over a confrontation on some strategic islands.

Pinochet's government received tacit approval and material support from the United States of America. The exact nature and extent of this support is disputed. (See U.S. role in 1973 Coup, U.S. intervention in Chile and Operation Condor for more details.)

End of the Pinochet regime

In May 1983, the opposition and labor movements began to organize demonstrations and strikes against the regime, provoking violent responses from government officials. In 1986, security forces discovered 80 tons of weapons smuggled into the country by the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR), the armed branch of the outlawed Communist Party. The shipment of Carrizal Bajo included T-4 plastic explosives, RPG-7 and M72 LAW rocket launchers as well as more than three thousand M-16 rifles. The operation was overseen by Cuban intelligence, and also involved East Germany and the Soviet Union.

In September, weapons from the same source were used in an unsuccessful assassination attempt against Pinochet by the FPMR. Pinochet suffered only minor injuries, but five of his military bodyguards were killed.

The beheading of Communists José Manuel Parada, Manuel Guerrero, and Santiago Nattino by the uniformed police (carabineros) led to the resignation of junta member General Mendoza on 1985.

According to the transitional provisions of the 1980 Constitution, approved by 75% of voters in what has been said to be "a highly irregular and undemocratic plebiscite."^[2], a plebiscite was scheduled for October 5, 1988, to vote on a new eight-year presidential term for Pinochet. The Constitutional Tribunal ruled that the plebiscite should be carried out as stipulated by the Law of Elections. That included an "Electoral Space" during which all positions, in this case two, Sí (yes), and No, would have two free slots of equal and uninterrupted TV time, simultaneously broadcast by all TV channels, with no political advertising outside those spots. The allotment was scheduled in two off-prime time slots: one before the afternoon news and the other before the late-night news, from 22:45 to 23:15 each night (the evening news was from 20:30 to 21:30, and prime time from 21:30 to 22:30). The opposition No campaign, headed by Ricardo Lagos, produced colorful, upbeat programs, telling the Chilean people to vote against the extension of the presidential term. Lagos, in an interview, called on Pinochet to account for all the "disappeared" persons. The Sí campaign did not argue for the advantages of extension, but was instead negative, claiming that voting "no" was equivalent to voting for a return to the chaos of the UP government.

In the plebiscite, 55% of the votes rejected the extension of the presidential term, against 42% for "Sí", and again according to the provisions of the constitution, open presidential elections were held the next year, at the same time as congressional elections that would have taken place in either case. Pinochet left the presidency on March 11, 1990.

Due to the transitional provisions of the constitution, Pinochet remained as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, until March 1998. He was then sworn in as a senator-for-life, a privilege first granted to former presidents with at least six years in office by the 1980 constitution. His senatorship and consequent immunity from prosecution protected him, and legal challenges began only after Pinochet had been arrested in Britain.

Arrest

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Pinochet is visited by Margaret Thatcher during his house arrest in London, in 1998

While traveling abroad, Pinochet was arrested in October 1998 in London, England, under an international arrest warrant issued by judge Baltasar Garzón of Spain, and he was placed under house arrest: initially in the clinic where he had just undergone back surgery, and later in a luxurious rented house. The charges included 94 counts of torture of Spanish citizens, and one count of conspiracy to commit torture. The government of Chile opposed his arrest, extradition to Spain, and trial.

There was a hard-fought 16-month legal battle in the House of Lords, the highest court of Great Britain. Pinochet claimed immunity from prosecution as a former head of state. This was rejected, but the Lords decided that only crimes alleged to have been committed after the incorporation of the International Convention against Torture into British law in 1988 could be considered. This invalidated most, but not all, of the charges against him; the outcome was that extradition could proceed.

There were then questions about Pinochet's allegedly fragile health. After medical tests, the Home Secretary Jack Straw ruled, despite the protests of legal and medical experts from several countries, that he should not be extradited, and on 2 March 2000, he returned to Chile.

Significance of the arrest

Despite his release on grounds of ill-health, the unprecedented detention of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, a senator and former head of state of Chile, in a foreign country, for crimes against humanity committed in his own country while he was head of state, without a warrant or request for extradition from his own country, marks a watershed in international law, one of the most important events since the Nuremberg trials of Nazi war criminals.

Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón's case was largely founded on the principle of universal jurisdiction—that certain crimes are so egregious that they constitute crimes against humanity and can therefore be prosecuted in any court in the world. The British House of Lords ruled that Pinochet had no right to immunity from prosecution as a former head of state, and could be put on trial. (See The Ripple Effect of the Pinochet Case.)

Prosecution in Chile

On August 8 2000, the Supreme Court of Justice voted 14 to 6 to strip Pinochet of his parliamentary immunity, and he was prosecuted. However, the cases were dismissed by the same Court, for medical reasons (vascular dementia), in July 2002. Shortly after the verdict, Pinochet resigned from the Senate and lived quietly. He rarely made public appearances and was notably absent from the events marking the 30th anniversary of the coup on September 11, 2003. Almost two years after his resignation, on May 28, 2004, the Court of Appeals voted 14 to 9 to revoke Pinochet's dementia status and, consequently, his immunity from prosecution. In arguing their case, the prosecution presented a recent television interview Pinochet had made to a Miami-based television network. The judges found that the interview raised doubts about the mental incapacity of Pinochet.

On August 26, 2004, in a 9 to 8 vote, the Supreme Court confirmed the decision that Pinochet should lose his senatorial immunity from prosecution. On December 2, 2004, the Santiago Appeals Court stripped Pinochet of immunity from prosecution over the 1974 assassination of General Carlos Prats, his predecessor as Army Commander-in-Chief, who was killed by a car bomb during exile in Argentina. On December 13, 2004, Judge Juan Guzmán placed Pinochet under house arrest and indicted him over the disappearance of nine opposition activists and the killing of one of them during his regime. On March 24, 2005, the Supreme Court reversed the Santiago Appeals Court ruling in the Carlos Prats case, and affirmed Pinochet's immunity in that particular case. In another case involving the killing of 119 dissidents, the Supreme Court decided to strip Pinochet of his immunity in a ruling issued on September 14, 2005.[3] The following day he was acquitted of the human rights case due to his ill health. Late in November of 2005, he was deemed fit to stand trial by the Chilean Supreme Court and was indicted on human rights, for the disappearance of six dissidents arrested by Chile's security services in late 1974, and again placed under house arrest, on the eve of his 90th birthday. (See Operation Colombo.)

Foreign bank accounts

A year long U.S. Senate investigatory committee released a report about Riggs Bank on July 15, 2004, which had solicited Pinochet and controlled between USD $4 million and $8 million of his assets. According to the report, Riggs participated in money laundering for Pinochet, setting up offshore shell corporations (referring to Pinochet as only "a former public official"), and hiding his accounts from regulatory agencies. The report said the violations were "symptomatic of uneven and, at times, ineffective enforcement by all federal bank regulators, of bank compliance with their anti-money laundering obligations." Five days later, a Chilean court formally opened an investigation into Pinochet's finances for the first time, on allegations of fraud, misappropriation of funds, and bribery. Then, a few hours later, the state prosecutor, Chile's State Defense Council (Consejo de Defensa del Estado), presented a second request for the same judge to investigate Pinochet's assets, but without directly accusing him of crimes. On October 1, 2004, Chile's Internal Revenue Service ("Servicio de Impuestos Internos") filed a lawsuit against Pinochet, accusing him of fraud and tax evasion, for the amount of USD $3.6 million in investment accounts at Riggs between 1996 and 2002. Pinochet could face fines totaling 300 percent of the amount owed, and prison time, if convicted. Aside from the legal ramifications, this evidence of financial impropiety has severely embarrassed Pinochet. According to the State Defense Council, his hidden assets could never have been acquired solely on the basis of his salary as President, Chief of the Armed Forces, and Life Senator. Late in November of 2005, he was deemed fit to stand trial by the Chilean Supreme Court and was indicted and put under house arrest on tax fraud and passport forgery, but was released on bail; however he remained under house arrest, due to unrelated human rights charges.

Legacy

Chileans remain deeply divided on his legacy. Some see him as a brutal dictator who ended democracy and led a regime characterized by torture and favoritism towards the rich, while others believe that he saved the country from communism and led the transformation of the Chilean economy into Latin America's most stable and fastest growing economy.

After a downturn at the end of the 1960s, Chile's economy entered a period of growth when Allende was elected. However, by the time the coup took place in 1973, the economy was in disarray. This was not entirely due to natural causes: in 1999 the US government released heavily censored versions of more than 1,100 previously classified documents from the CIA, defence and state department archives which detail efforts to provoke violent protests and economic chaos in Chile as part of US efforts to destabilise Allende's regime [4]

Things initially grew worse during beginning of Pinochet's rule. Unemployment, 4.4% in 1973, increased to 19.9% in 1976, and peaked at 30.4% in 1983. [5]By end of Pinochet's rule, Chile was experiencing high economic growth. An analysis of Pinochet's reforms show that at beginning of Pinochet's rule, Chile attracted massive foreign investment but that very little was invested in production. The price of Chile's exports fell and wages were reduced. Income distribution became more regressive, and both relative and actual poverty increased. Homelessness and malnutrition became more widespread, and there was a sharp increase in the infant mortality rate. Many small businesses went bankrupt whilst the economy, including newly-privatised industries, came to be dominated by monopolies with connections to the junta and by foreign corporations. Inflation peaked in 1976, but was then slashed, and the economy started to grow again towards the end of the 1970s. Although unemployment remained high, poverty started to fall. However, a second recession hit Chile in 1982, and the economy did not start to grow again until 1986. Unemployment also started to decline, and had fallen to 7.8% when Pinochet left power in 1990.

Any doubts about the human rights abuses carried out by the Pinochet regime have been stilled by several detailed reports and the emergence of evidence. In January 2005, the Chilean Army accepted institutional responsibility for past abuses. Other institutions also accept that abuses took place, but blame them on individuals, rather than official policy. Lucía Pinochet Hiriart, Augusto Pinochet's eldest daughter, said the use of torture during his 1973–90 regime was "barbaric and without justification", after seeing the Valech Report.

Notes

Template:Anb Pronunciation (IPA): /aw'gusto/ or a'gusto/, /pino'ʧεt/ or /pino'ʧε/. (i.e. "Pih-noh-CHET" is correct rather than the common mispronunciation "Pih-noh-SHAY").
Template:Anb Many human rights organizations say more than 200,000 were arrested and tortured. The Valech Report (published in November 2004) tells of some 28,000 arrests in which the majority of those detained were tortured.

Cites

^ Hudson, Rex A., ed. "Chile: A Country Study." GPO for the Library of Congress. 1995. March 20, 2005 <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cltoc.html>

See also

• History of Chile
• U.S. intervention in Chile
• 1970 Chilean presidential election
• Operation Condor
• Missing, film based on the life of U.S. journalist Charles Horman, who disappeared in the aftermath of the Pinochet coup.

External links

• Chamber of Deputies of Chile's Resolution of August 22, 1973 "Declaration of the Breakdown of Chile’s Democracy"; de-facto impeachment resolution, approved 81 to 47 votes, imploring the military forces of the nation to remove President Allende for myriad violations (enumerated within the resolution): "...it is their duty to put an immediate end to all situations herein referred to that breach the Constitution and the laws of the land..." (economiaysociedad.com) (In English, German, Spanish, French, Polish)
• Alternate source of the Resolution of August 22, 1973 (In English, German, Spanish, French, Polish)
• "Never Again: An essay about the breakdown of democracy in Chile" by José Piñera (examination of events leading up to, and implications regarding, the Resolution of August 22, 1973. (In English, Italian, Spanish) Mirror site
• Chile, The Crime of Resistance by Suzanne Labin, ISBN:0900380322
• Pinochet's Chile (Washington Post)
• Timeline of Pinochet Prosecution (Amnesty International)
• Augusto Pinochet Ugarte Foundation (In Spanish)
• Pinochet Real – For Supporters of General Pinochet (In Spanish)
• "The crimes of Augusto Pinochet" (several case studies)
• BBC coverage (special report)
• Article: "Doubts Remain over Pinochet's Fate: Chile's 'antiquated penal code' could be his undoing"
• Reconcile Chile
• A Tale of Two Chileans: Pinochet and Allende
• Fidel, Pinochet & Me by David Horowitz
• Article: "Persistent Persecution of Pinochet" (The New American)
• Valech report on political imprisonment and torture, November 2004 (in Spanish)
• BBC News report: "Banks accused over Pinochet cash"
• Amnesty International
• Remember Chile Inside
• Remember Chile Begins
• George Washington University article
• Pinochet and Me by Allende's US translator Marc Cooper, ISBN:1859843603