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Pedophilia

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Pedophilia or pædophilia (see spelling differences) is the paraphilia of being sexually attracted primarily or exclusively to prepubescent or early pubertal children. Pedophilia is described as a mental disorder by standard diagnosis manuals, including the DSM IV and ICD-10. A person with this attraction is called a pedophile or paedophile.[1]

In contrast to the generally accepted medical definition, the term pedophile is also used colloquially to denote an adult who is sexually attracted to children or sexually attracted to adolescents below the local age of consent,[2] as well as those who have sexually abused a child. Child sexual abuse is an illegal activity in most jurisdictions.


Definitions

The word comes from the Greek paidophilia (παιδοφιλία): pais (παις, "child") and philia (φιλία, "love, friendship"). Paidophilia was coined by Greek poets either as a substitute for "paiderastia" (pederasty),[3] or vice versa.[4]

The term paedophilia erotica was coined in 1886 by the Vienna psychiatrist Richard von Krafft-Ebing in his writing Psychopathia Sexualis.[5] He gave the following characteristics:

  • the sexual interest is toward children, either prepubescent or at the beginning of puberty
  • the sexual interest is the primary one, that is, exclusively or mainly toward children
  • the sexual interest remains over time

As this definition would include many adolescents and prepubescents, some experts who theorise that minor-attraction is more common among youth, specify that the interest must be toward children at least five years younger than the subject.

Adults sexually attracted to children were placed into three categories by Krafft-Ebing:

  • a.) pedophile
  • b.) surrogate (that is, the child is regarded as a surrogate object for a preferred, non-available adult object)
  • c.) sadistic

Other researchers used their own terms for the Krafft-Ebing categories:

  • a.) preferential/structured/fixed (i. e. pedophile) type,
  • b.) situational/opportunistic/regressed/incest (i. e. surrogate) type
  • c.) sadistic (no change)

This three-type model as well as the fundamental mental and behavioural differences of the three types were empirically evidenced, among others, by Kinsey; Howells 1981;[6] Abel, Mittleman & Becker 1985;[7] Knight et al. 1985;[8] Brongersma 1990;[9] McConaghy 1993;[10] Ward et al. 1995;[11] Hoffmann 1996;[12] Seikowski 1999.[13]

The term pedophile is commonly used to describe all child sexual offenders, even those who do not meet the clinical diagnosis standards. This use is seen as problematic by some people,[14][15][16] Nevertheless, some researchers, such as Howard E. Barbaree,[17] have endorsed the use of actions as a sole criterion for the diagnosis of pedophilia as a means of taxonomic simplification, rebuking the American Psychiatric Association's standards as "unsatisfactory". Child sexual abuse, whether perpetrated by a clinically diagnosed pedophile or a situational offender, is illegal in most jurisdictions.

Some individuals,[18][19] such as Dr. Fred S. Berlin,[20][21] assert sexual attraction to children to be a sexual orientation in itself. Berlin asserts, "I think it can be both a disorder and an orientation."[22] Dan Markussen, spokesman for Danish Pedophile Association, argues that "sexual orientation is defined as a lifelong attraction, which pedophilia obviously is."[22]

Diagnosis

The International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (F65.4) defines pedophilia as "a sexual preference for children, boys or girls or both, usually of prepubertal or early pubertal age."[23]

The APA's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 4th edition, Text Revision gives the following as its "Diagnostic criteria for 302.2 Pedophilia":[24]

  • Over a period of at least 6 months, recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger).
  • The fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors cause clinically significant distress 'or' impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning.
  • The person is at least age 16 years and at least 5 years older than the child or children in Criterion A.

The APA diagnostic criteria do not require actual sexual activity with a child. The diagnosis can therefore be made based on the presence of fantasies or sexual urges alone, provided the subject meets the remaining criteria. "For individuals in late adolescence with Pedophilia, no precise age difference is specified, and clinical judgment must be used." (p. 527 DSM [25]

Extent of occurrence

The extent to which pedophilia occurs is not known with any certainty. Some studies have concluded that at least a quarter of all adult men may have some feelings of sexual arousal in connection with children [26] One study found that professionals failed to report approximately 40% of the child sexual abuse cases they encountered[27]

Occurrence in child sex offenders

A perpetrator of child sexual abuse is commonly assumed to be a pedophile, and referred to as such; however, there may be other motivations for the crime[17] (such as stress, marital problems, or the unavailability of an adult partner),[28] much as adult rape can have non-sexual reasons. Thus, child sexual abuse alone may or may not be an indicator that its perpetrator is a pedophile.

As noted by Abel, Mittleman, and Becker[29] (1985) and Ward et al. (1995), there are generally large distinctions between the two types of offenders' characteristics. Situational offenders tend to offend at times of stress; have a later onset of offending; have fewer, often familial victims; and have a general preference for adult partners. Pedophilic offenders, however, often start offending at an early age; often have a large number of victims who are frequently extrafamilial; are more inwardly driven to offend; and have values or beliefs that strongly support an offense lifestyle.

Attempts have been made to use "profiling" to identify pedophiles, however, these methods have come under sharp criticism for making claims that are not supported by the evidence.[30]

Treatment

A number of proposed treatment techniques for pedophilia have been developed. Many regard pedophilia as highly resistant to psychological interference and have dismissed as ineffective most "reparative strategies."[31] Others, such as Dr. Fred Berlin, believe pedophilia can "indeed be successfully treated," if only the medical community would give it more attention.[20] The reported success rate of modern "reparative" treatment on pedophiles is very low.[31]

Medical therapies

Anti-androgenic medications such as Depo Provera may be used to lower testosterone levels, and are often used in conjunction with the non-medical approaches above. (This is commonly referred to as "chemical castration.") Gonadotropin-releasing hormone analogues, which last longer and have less side effects, are also effective in reducing libido and may be used.[32]

Other programs induce an association of illegal behavior with pain by means of the more controversial aversion therapy, in which the pedophile is given an electric shock while fantasizing.[33] A study by the Council on Scientific Affairs found that the success rate of aversion therapy was parallel to that of homosexual reparative therapy; that is to say, extremely low.[34] This method is rarely used on pedophiles who have not offended.

Convicted sex offenders, including many pedophiles, have been treated by the psychosurgical procedure commonly known as lobotomization. Psychosurgery has long been controversial, particularly the historical use of surgical intervention on homosexuals given that homosexuality is no longer considered a mental illness by the psychiatric community (see for instance Rieber et al. 1976;[35] Sigusch 1977;[36] Rieber & Sigusch 1979;[37] Schorsch & Schmidt 1979)[38] Lobotomization is generally no longer practiced and is prohibited in a number of countries.

Thalamotomy is an alternative surgical treatment of sex offenders in practice since the problems with leucotomy have been commonly known (see Greist 1990;[39] Diering & Bell 1991;[40] Hay & Sachdev 1992;[41] Rappaport 1992;[42] de la Porte 1993;[43] Poynton 1993;[44] Bridges et al. 1994;[45] Cummings et al. 1995)[46] and is increasingly advertised as an "effective therapy" for sex offenders (as well as for some children suffering from symptoms of child sexual abuse, since the 1980s (see for instance Andy 1970;[47] Bradford 1988a;[48] Wyre & Swift 1991;[49] Abel et al. 1992;[50] Bridges et al. 1994;[45] Cummings et al. 1995).[46] As Levey and Curfman have noted, however, given the availability of psychopharmacological treatment options, psychosurgical interventions are not likely to be employed given their extreme side effects and irreversible nature. See the same article for an in depth review of treatment options and diagnostic criteria. Additionally Reid 2002 writes that neurosurgery for sex offenders is "essentially unavailable" in the United States and that data on its use is sparse.[51]

Klaus M. Beier of the Institute of Sexology and Sexual Medicine at Charité, a large university hospital in Berlin, Germany, reported success in a preliminary study using role-play therapy and medicine. According to researchers, the pedophiles were better able to control their urges once they understood the child's view.[52][53]

  • Ephebophilia, also known as hebephilia, is the condition of being sexually attracted primarily or exclusively to adolescents. These terms are used in contrast with pedophilia; however, in jurisdictions where the legal age of consent is higher (like USA and Britain), pedophilia is sometimes used more broadly in a non-medical sense to describe both ephebophilia and attraction to younger children; in effect, any person younger than the legal age of consent. Ephebophilia does not have broad academic acceptance as constituting a paraphilia.
  • Pederasty has historically been given sharply different meanings, sometimes referring to male homosexual interactions in general, sometimes to anal sex in general, and sometimes specifically to sex between men and boys. In academic usage the word has still a fourth meaning, referring specifically to the age-structured homosexual interactions practiced in classical Greece between older men and adolescent boys, and by extension to age-structured homosexual interactions in other cultures.
  • Nepiophilia, also called infantophilia, is the attraction to toddlers and infants (usually ages 0–3). Some researchers have suggested a distinction between pedophilia and nepiophilia, especially for same-sex pedophilia (see for example Bernard 1975, 1982; Lautmann 1994), as it is unusual for pedophiles to prefer toddlers. According to Howells 1981;[54] Bernard 1982;[55][56] McConaghy 1993;[57] Lautmann 1994,[58] male-oriented pedophilia more prevalently blends in with ephebophilia, while female-oriented pedophilia more prevalently blends in with nepiophilia.
  • Gerontophilia is the condition of being sexually attracted to the elderly.

Pedophile activism

Anti-pedophile activism

Local activism

Some local groups have taken to marching in opposition to the locations of various child sex offenders who they and tabloid newspapers such as The News of the World label as Pedophiles.[59] Members of the Edinburgh based Society Against Pedophiles are reported to have traveled the city streets in a blacked out van, whilst using night-vision goggles to monitor the offenders.[60][61] The group shut down in April of 2007 following clashes with suspected sex offenders.[62] In the Netherlands the pedophile activist group Vereniging MARTIJN has received protests from the far right Nationale Alliante.[63]

Internet activism

Against real or potential offenders

Perverted Justice is a prolific anti-pedophile organisation that aims to expose and convict adults who solicit minors in order to commit child sexual abuse on the Internet. They often collaborate with law enforcement and television crews. Some freely hosted blogs claim to expose real or potential child sex offenders.

Pedobaiting.com hosts anti-pedophile forums aimed to lead pedophiles on to make the pedophile think that the "baiter" is an underage child. Eventually the baiter admits that they are not underage but that they have come to humiliate the person. The darker side to pedobaiting comes when blackmail is added into the process in which the baiter threatens to report the pedophile's IP Address to child protection websites. The pedophile then usually cooperates and will sometimes even be blackmailed into giving money to the baiter, which can be illegal itself.[citation needed]

Another initiative; Predator Hunter, headed by Wendell Kreuth, aims to track down and expose the pornography-related activities of alleged 'sexual predators'. In 2002, Kreuth disclosed details of his activities in an interview with Minnesota Public Radio[64]

Against pedophile activists

CorporateSexOffenders.com was created by some administrators behind Perverted-Justice.com with a mission statement to target corporations and the pedophiles they allow to use their services [65]

One website makes it clear that they do not support violence against pedophiles, but nevertheless do not want to see them expressing pro-pedophile viewpoints on the Internet.[66]

One activist group views pedophilia as a "deviant mental illness". They state their mission is to monitor and report illegal activities, their mission statement does not endorse vigilantism. [67]

Criticism

Criticism often centers on the methods used by activists, such as the 'outing' of individuals who solicit minors for sex online - since in some cases it is claimed they get the identities wrong and target unrelated individuals.[68].

Pro-pedophile activism

This encompasses pro-pedophilia organizations and activists that argue for certain changes of criminal laws and cultural response concerning pedophiles. The obverse movement is anti-pedophile activism.

Goals of pro-pedophile activism include:

The movement consists of a number of self-identifying pedophiles and other pro-pedophile activists located in countries including the Netherlands and Canada, sometimes allied to grassroots organisations such as North American Man/Boy Love Association (now virtually defunct) and the Dutch group Vereniging MARTIJN. However, much of today's activism takes place on the Internet. For example, Ipce (formerly "International Pedophile and Child Emancipation"[69]) is a leading activist site that hosts copies of scholarly and other articles.

Increasing public focus and disapproval of intergenerational sex and pedophilia has motivated more stringent legislation and stricter criminal penalties regarding child pornography and child sexual abuse. Classification of pedophile activism as a valid political or civil rights activist movement is itself also unpopular. In an interview with KCTV5[70], Phill Kline, Kansas Attorney General, characterized the goal of certain pedophile activists to change age-of-consent laws as "twisted."

Perspectives of pedophile activists

Study by Mary de Young

In 1989, sociologist Mary de Young reviewed the literature published by pedophile organizations for public dissemination. She found that pedophile organizations she studied used the following strategies to promote public acceptance of pedophilia or the legalization of adult-child sex:

  • Adoption of value-neutral terminology. According to Herdt, an anthropologist who has studied sex between adults and children in other cultures, pedophile advocates need to replace "dull and reductionistic" terms like pedophilia and abuse when discussing sex between "a person who has not achieved adulthood and one who has". Moreover, words like "child" or "childhood", which have psychologically developmental meaning, should be "resisted at all costs".[71] See also Promoting 'objective' research.
  • Redefining the term child sexual abuse. Another recurring theme among those seeking to gain social acceptance for pedophilia is the need to redefine or restrict the usage of the term "child sexual abuse", recommending a child's "willing encounter with positive reactions" be called "adult-child sex" instead of "abuse" (Rind et al. 1998). For example, Gerald Jones (1990), an Affiliated Scholar at the Institute for the Study of Women and Men in Society at the University of Southern California, suggested that "intergenerational intimacy" should not be considered synonymous with child sexual abuse. According to Jones, the "crucial difference has to do with mutuality and control" (p. 278). Jones suggested, "Intergenerational attraction on the part of some adults could constitute a lifestyle 'orientation', rather than a pathological maladjustment" (p. 288).
  • Promoting the idea that children can consent to sex with adults. The reconceptualization of children as willing sexual participants along with the decriminalization of consensual sexual relations is perhaps the key change sought by pedophile advocates. To counter developmental arguments that children cannot give informed consent, for example, David L. Riegel (2000) stated in his book Understanding Loved Boys and Boylovers, "Anyone who holds to the idea that a young boy cannot give or withhold informed consent has never taken such a boy shopping for new sneakers" (p. 38). Many pedophile activists, amongst them Tom O'Carroll, Frans Gieles and Lindsay Ashford, actively campaign against the idea that children are unable to consent to sex.
  • Questioning the assumption of harm. The most common stance against child-adult sex is the assumption that it causes psychological harm to the minor. This claim is taken as true at face value, and any criticism about it is taken as a defence of pedophile activity. This remains to be one of the biggest barriers against pedophile activism, and advocates of pedophilia have attempted to change these barriers in a variety of ways. For example, pedophile activists have argued that there is little or no harm from child-adult sex. Some support their arguments by citing various studies that have argued that the negative outcomes attributed to adult-child sexual relations can usually be better explained by other factors, such as a poor family environment or incest.[72]
    • Riegel (2000) asserted: "The acts themselves harm no one, the emotional and psychological harm comes from the 'after the fact' interference, counseling, therapy, etc., that attempt to artificially create a 'victim' and a 'perpetrator' where neither exists" (p. 21).
    • Similar arguments are made by SafeHaven Foundation, an organization for "responsible boylovers". On their website, they wrote, "The child abuse industry ... takes a boy who has enjoyed pleasurable and completely consensual sexual experiences with another boy or man, and traumatizes him in an attempt to convince him that what he did was 'wrong'". In addition, SafeHaven argues that, "many of the supposed traumas elicited by psychotherapy turn out to be nothing more than the result of the False Memory Syndrome" (SafeHaven Foundation, 2001).
    • In Pedophilia: The Radical Case, Tom O'Carroll writes: "The disparity in size and power between parent and child creates a potential for abuse. But, on the basis that parent–child relationships are generally positive we accept that inequality is simply in the nature of the thing. I would like to see paedophilic relationships looked at in a similar light."[73]
    • Edward Brongersma, in Boy-Lovers and Their Influence on Boys, where he reports the result of interviews with participants in adult–child relationships writes, "within a relationship, sex is usually only a secondary element",[74] and he referred to supporting studies by Hass, 1979; Righton, 1981; Berkel, 1978; Ingram, 1977; Pieterse, 1982, and Sandfort, 1982.
  • Promoting 'objective' research. Pedophile advocates, such as Edward Brongersma, have argued that investigators of child sexual abuse have biased views (Brongersma, 1990), also calling for a less "emotional" approach to the subject (e.g., Geraci, 1994, p. 17; Jones, 1990). Brongersma and Jones have cited Theo Sandfort's (1987) research on boys' relationships with pedophiles,[75] published in the peer-reviewed Journal of Sex Research, as an example of what they consider "objective" research (e.g., Brongersma, 1990, p. 168; Jones, 1990, p. 286). However, critics suggest that the study was "politically motivated to 'reform' legislation" (Mrazek, 1990, p. 318). Robert Bauserman (1990, see also Rind et al. controversy), in turn, has argued that Mrazek's criticisms are "vaporously distorted, irrelevant, or just plain false".[76]

Other significant views

Views not mentioned by DeYoung, but often opined by activists include:

  • Promoting understanding of the difference between paedophilia and sexual activity. Some activists wish to explain the difference between Paedophilia and adults' sexual activity with children.
  • Promoting the testimonies of people who claim no harm from sex as a minor. Various people, mainly adults, who have been sexually involved with adults as a minor claim to have enjoyed or suffered no ill effects from such contacts. Some activist websites collect and publish that anecdotal material.[78][79]
  • Referring to experiences of situations where adult-child sex interactions are not illegal, both historical and ethnical. Pedophile activists often point to situations where adult-child sex interactions are not illegal (though not necessarily common) and no negative effects are observed. Most refer to ancient Greece, while some employ ethnological studies. Very few also refer to post-antiquity historical situations in the Western world where such conditions existed.[80]
  • Invoking ideas of continuity between pedophile and other minority activists. Some activists argue that pedophile activism, feminism, gay activism, and anti-racism all relate to the experiences of suppressed and misunderstood groups. Writers such as Camile Paglia have asserted that gay rights (from which much of pedophile activism diverged) should never have rejected the pederastic themes which some activists claim were the 'giveaways' required to make homosexual culture acceptable.[81]
  • Pointing to juvenile sexual activity in the animal kingdom and invoking evolutionary arguments. Other species are sometimes used as examples of beneficial or normalized sexual contact between grown animals and infants or adolescents. One popular case is that of Humans' closest relative, the Bonobo, where infant-initiated sexual touching is part of everyday life, and intercourse is sometimes performed by the young.[82] Elsewhere, it is argued that it makes evolutionary sense for prepubescent humans to be given an induction to effective sexual intimacy before the age of fertility, upon which they may have been required to reproduce in a primitive society.[83]

Terminology and symbols used by the movement

Terminology used by the movement

  • Child-lover, Boy-lover, Girl-lover. These are terms of self-identifications used by pedophiles.[84][85]
  • Pedosexual. Some members of the movement use the term pedosexual, positing that pedophilia should be seen as a distinct sexual orientation as with homosexuality and heterosexuality. It has also been used simply as a synonym for pedophile.[86]

Symbols used by the movement

File:GLogo.png
GLogo - Symbol of Girllove
  • A blue spiral-shaped triangle symbol, or "BLogo", symbolizes a boy (small triangle) surrounded by an older male (larger triangle).[87] It was designed by an anonymous artist with the pseudonym "Kalos".[88]
  • A similar logo, a heart within a heart, or "GLogo" was later developed by some pedophiles attracted to girls to symbolize a "bond of love"[89] between adults and girls.

Ethics proposed by the movement

Some pedophile activists have proposed ethical frameworks for sexual interaction with children. [90] [91] Such frameworks stress the consent of the child, their ability to withdraw from the relationship, and having open, rather than secret relationships, as key factors. [90] [91]

Some of the people involved in these efforts believe that such ethical guidelines can only work in jurisdictions where adult–child sex is legal and therefore do not address the ethical issues of having an illegal relationship with a minor. Instead, illegal activity is discouraged, such as in the Boylove Code of Ethics[92] which states that a pedophile should "do everything possible to protect his young friend from any harm, including exposure or embarrassment from arrest". MARTIJN's statement is unequivocal: "MARTIJN Association advises everyone to observe the law."[91]

Not all groups associated with the movement support these ethical boundaries. For example, the group Krumme 13 ("Crooked 13")[93] counseled convicted child-molesters to continue their activities once released. According to German AG Pädo[94] and IOCE,[95][96] two other pedophile activist groups, Krumme 13's jailed leader was not trusted in the pedophile community, and the group was detrimental to the pedophile movement.

Activities

File:K13-Aufkleber.jpg
Krumme 13 logo

Members of the movement claim that the primary activity of the movement is peer-support for pedophiles.[citation needed] They attempt to provide support to others who would otherwise be reluctant to discuss their attractions for fear of being ostracized or persecuted. To this end, some organizations provide online counselling and suicide prevention services.[97] Radical organizations, like the Krumme 13, have been accused of encouraging pedophiles to break laws regarding the legal Age of Consent.[98] Other organizations strongly encourage others to maintain constant vigilance in not breaking laws and maintaining a good standing in the public eye.[99][100][101]

Much online pedophile activism takes place on message boards, the most prominent ones being based in Montreal, Canada.[102] Some pedophile activists now have blogs.[103] Many of these blogs, especially those at blogger (owned by Google) have been removed for alleged Terms of Service violations.[citation needed]

MARTIJN, as well as publishing a magazine called OK (Dutch magazine)OK and providing support for pedophiles, is also involved in overt activism, distributing flyers and pamphlets at public gatherings and gay pride marches.[104]

Activist Jack McClellan runs a website where he emphasizes "non-sexual consensual touching" in order to avoid sex crime laws.[103]

Robin Sharpe, a Canadian pedophile, successfully challenged some aspects of child pornography laws in the Canadian Supreme Court in 2002, arguing that his fictional writings were not illegal because they had artistic merit.[105]

Various groups also promote 'holidays' intended to spread understanding and acceptance of pedophilia. International Boylove Day occurs on the first Saturday after the summer solstice and some people also celebrate on the first Saturday after the winter solstice.[106] Alice Day is celebrated by female-attracted pedophiles, on April 25.[107] This is the day Lewis Carroll met Alice Liddell, the girl for whom he wrote Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, on April 25, 1856.

Scientific claims

Members of the movement have referred to a few scientific studies which document the percentage of the population that responds to pedophilic stimuli, including papers such as Hall et al [108], in which 26.25% of male volunteers exhibited equal or greater sexual arousal to pedophilic audio stimuli, and 33% for pedophilic imagery.[109]

Many pedophile activists argue there is a distiction between pedophiles and child molesters; Fagan, Wise, Schmidt and Berlin, in their 2002 paper on pedophilia write:

Pedophilia is a diagnosis applicable to only a portion of individuals who sexually abuse children. Information has been drawn from published research about pedophilia and child sexual abuse in general to present the current state of knowledge. Despite a sizeable body of published, peer-reviewed articles about topics such as child sexual abuse, child molestation, and sexual offenders, data and our knowledge base about pedophilia have significant limitations.[110]

However, based on the DSM criteria for Pedophilia as a mental illness, nearly all child molesters meet the criteria for Pedophilia.

The movement's scientific aims and claims

Re-categorization of data

Many pedophile activists attempt to refute scientific research that finds sexual contact between adults and children as predominantly harmful by stating that there is a variety of different categories for adult-child sex interactions that are commonly not acknowledged by mainstream scientific research. They claim that studies showing harm from adult-child sexual contact might have shown that some types of contact are harmless, if only the studies had carefully categorized the contacts into more narrow categories, such as 'consensual' contact versus 'non-consensual' contact. For examples of this lack of proper differentiation theory, see[74][111][112][113][114][115][116]

"Socially Representative" sampling and change in ethos

Some activists claim that 'sexual abuse' studies, by their very definition and aims, self-select the categories of interaction that involve negative experiences, even in those cases where medical or legal samples have been avoided, and a sample more representative of the general population has been used.[citation needed] Some also claim that there is political pressure[117] on scientists not to produce results that are contrary to the political consensus, leading to fundamental biases in research techniques (such as the confusion of correlation and causality).[118] Other criticisms such as the use of confusing terminology, confusion of morality and ideology with science, and the generalisation of clinical and criminal samples to society as a whole, are put very similarly to critiques such as those listed on the MHAMic research website.[119]

The movement's use of scientific papers

Many in the movement use scientific papers in their arguments, disputing some claims of psychological harm from child sexual abuse and using other papers to argue for changes in policy or public opinion. The researchers Fagan, Wise, Schmidt and Berlin, in their 2002 paper on pedophilia, concluded that most child sex abuse cases involve adults not motivated by sexual attraction to the child (pedophilia per se), and who are therefore not pedophiles in the medical sense.[120]

The public often perceives papers cited by pedophile groups as "pro-pedophilia" papers, regardless of the author's claim to objectivity.[121]

Papers supporting some activist opinions

Ben Spiecker and Jan Steutel, in a paper entitled Paedophilia, Sexual Desire and Perversity argued that consent is possible in some older prepubescent children. However, they also concluded that, "Paedophile sex is a form of exploitation because it endangers the long-term welfare of the child. Consequently, paedophilia involves desires towards behaviour that is morally wrong, but only in some forms of paedophilia are these desires perverse.[122]

In one such study, Intergenerational Sexual Contact: A Continuum Model of Participants and Experiences (reproduced on ipce's website), Joan Nelson writes, "De Young (1982) reports that 20% of her "victims" appeared to be "virtually indifferent to their molestation" Instead, they tended to be traumatized by the reaction of adults to its discovery.[123]"

Theo Sandfort's 1980 study in which 25 boys aged 10 - 16 and involved in pederasty were interviewed, concluded that, "Except on the basis of violation of moral standards, there was nothing in what these boys said that would justify punishment. …[The law] should be so drawn up that the kind of sexual contacts which these 25 boys experienced would fall outside of their application.[124]}}"

Rind et al. controversy

Main article: Rind et al. (1998)

Bruce Rind, Philip Tromovitch and Robert Bauserman conducted a controversial meta-analysis of studies using college students which found a weak correlation between sex abuse in childhood and the later instability of the child's adult psyche. It notes that a significant percentage reported their reactions to sex abuse as positive in the short term. It concludes that for research purposes some cases of child sex abuse would be better labeled "adult-child sex". The article states in the addendum that 'Results of the present review do not support these assumed properties; CSA does not cause intense harm on a pervasive basis regardless of gender in the college population' (Rind et al., 1998, p. 46), but warns 'The current findings are relevant to moral and legal positions only to the extent that these positions are based on the presumption of psychological harm' (p. 47).

The paper faced multiple academic disputations, including sample bias, non-standardization of variables, statistical errors, and researchers' personal bias.[125][126][127][128][129] The article's authors have published replies to these claims.[130]

In addition to academic criticism, the article received massive criticism from conservative activists and groups, including radio personality Laura Schlessinger. She and others called the article an attempt to normalize pedophilia. Congressman Tom DeLay and others sought a formal congressional action against the APA for the article. In 1999 Congress unanimously passed a bill stating that "children are a precious gift and responsibility given to parents by God" and that the study was "severely flawed", although it did not cite any specific errors.[131]

Controversy and public reaction to the movement

Nearly all national governments conform to United Nations protocols for age-of-consent legislation and the criminalization of child pornography. From 2000 to 2004, over 130 nations signed a United Nations accord to criminalize child pornography. The U.N. convention on legal age for marriage has been in force since 1964.[132]

Criticism of the political movement

The DSM-IV criteria for Pedophilia as a mental illness implies that most child molesters who are highly disturbed and socially impaired by their attractions are pedophiles.

Law enforcement officials and psychologists have asserted that the movement's online support groups help pedophiles to justify engaging in adult-child sexual contact. They claim that adults arrested for child molestation frequently cite the positions of the movement as justification for their actions (Finkelhor, 1984).[133][134][135] Some psychologists consider various positions of the movement to be the “cognitive distortions” characteristic of sexual abusers.[136]

For example, in August 2006, The New York Times published the results of a four-month investigation of online pedophile communications and activities.[137] The newspaper described how “pedophiles view themselves as the vanguard of a nascent movement seeking legalization of child pornography and the loosening of age-of-consent laws.” And while "pedophiles often maintain that the discussion sites are little more than support groups,” the newspaper asserted that, “[r]epeatedly in these conversations, pedophiles said the discussions had helped them accept their attractions and had even allowed them to have sex with a child without guilt."

As described below, two debates surround the movement: whether there is such a thing as harmless child-adult sexual contact, and whether the advocating of such views spills over into encouraging such contact.

Skepticism that the movement does not support child abuse

Many child abuse prevention advocates, law enforcement officials, and journalists note that various child molestation convicts were also members of the movement. Those involved with the movement have responded by claiming that this was either not true, the acts were victimless "crimes" (before intervention), or that the movement could have even helped them avoid crossing the line into abuse by giving them a more positive identity than society does.[138][139][140] Some claim that dwelling on these arrests attempts to smear the movement through guilt-by-association. Nonetheless, mainstream observers remain skeptical that ardent advocates of adult-child romance and sex stay within the law – citing these arrests as evidence.[141]

Concerning the recent sex scandals involving Catholic priests in the US, some pedophile activists say that these scandals only or prominently involved minor partners that during the times of sexual interactions were adolescent and thus, these scandals have nothing to do with pedophile activism.[142][143][144]

Child abuse cases in relation to members of NAMBLA

Many of these incidents giving grounds to skepticism involve members of NAMBLA, the organization most widely known to the U.S. public. Some claim that these activities are limited to members of this organization and are not representative of the larger movement.[citation needed] Dutch psychologist and pedophile activist Frits Bernard has argued that NAMBLA at least started out as an ephebophile, not a pedophile activism organization as identifiable by its original political and social reform program, and that its program remained like that at least until 1982 when Bernard made his statement.[145]

Incidents include:

  • Rev. Paul Shanley, a priest accused of abusing children as young as six years old over a period of three decades, allegedly participated in early movement workshops and advocacy, according to contemporaneous accounts of the events obtained by the Boston Globe.[146][147] Pedophile activists have sought to cast doubt on Shanley's conviction.[148]
  • Charles Jaynes was convicted of murdering a 10-year-old boy then having intercourse with his body in 1997;[149] the parents of the boy filed a $200 million wrongful death suit against NAMBLA, Curley v. NAMBLA, claiming that while being heterosexual, "immediately prior" to the murder, "Charles Jaynes accessed NAMBLA's Web site at the Boston Public Library'".[150] By 2005, $1 million and five years had been spent to prove this claim.[151] The ACLU protested against associating NAMBLA with this case and represented them, asking the case to be dismissed.[152][153]
  • John David Smith, a San Francisco man convicted of sexually assaulting an 11-year-old boy he was babysitting, met an undercover investigator through his activities as a NAMBLA member. According to the investigator, Smith used his contacts with NAMBLA to trade child pornography and arrange sex with children.[141][154]
  • Johnathan Tampico was convicted of child molestation in 1989 and paroled in 1992 on condition of not possessing child pornography. After breaking his parole, he was found after a broadcast of America's Most Wanted. He was arrested and convicted on child pornography charges. In his sentencing, the court found that Tampico was a member of NAMBLA, that NAMBLA supported a foster home in Thailand that sexually exploited children, and that Tampico and others traveled to Thailand in order to have unlimited access to young boys at the foster home, as evidenced by a number of Polaroid pictures, provided by Thai officials, depicting Tampico with young Thai boys sitting on his lap.[155][156]
  • James C. Parker, a New York man who, according to court records, told the police that he was a member of NAMBLA, was arrested in 2000 and convicted in 2001 of committing sodomy with an underage boy.[157]

Criminal cases in relation to other pedophile activists

  • Tom O'Carroll, author of Pedophilia: a Radical Case and a founder of the Paedophile Information Exchange, admitted to two counts of distributing indecent images in September 2006, and in December 20, 2006, he was jailed for 2 1/2 years at London’s Middlesex Crown Court.[158] Whilst he admits to the illegal activity itself, O'Carroll defends his actions on an ethical basis.[159]
  • The late Edward Brongersma, a Dutch lawyer, politician and journalist was sent to jail in 1950, for 10 months after having sexual contacts with a male of around 17 years old. Upon his release, he successfully campaigned for a reduction in the legal age, which was first lowered to 16 and then to 12.

See also

Notes and references

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