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:::::{{u|Supreme Deliciousness}}, speaking as an administrator trying to keep an eye on this discussion, that is POV-pushing, which is disruptive. [[User:Valereee|—valereee]] ([[User talk:Valereee|talk]]) 20:16, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
:::::{{u|Supreme Deliciousness}}, speaking as an administrator trying to keep an eye on this discussion, that is POV-pushing, which is disruptive. [[User:Valereee|—valereee]] ([[User talk:Valereee|talk]]) 20:16, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
:::::::{{u|Valereee}}, Really? So its not pov-pushing presenting a highly controversial and disputed nationalist claim with zero historical evidence as a real location in Syria and presenting this as an indisputable fact? Valereee, if I'm not mistaken you said before you didn't have any knowledge in the subject, so you can not possibly know what is pov and what is not pov. --[[User:Supreme Deliciousness|Supreme Deliciousness]] ([[User talk:Supreme Deliciousness|talk]]) 08:14, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
:::::::{{u|Valereee}}, Really? So its not pov-pushing presenting a highly controversial and disputed nationalist claim with zero historical evidence as a real location in Syria and presenting this as an indisputable fact? Valereee, if I'm not mistaken you said before you didn't have any knowledge in the subject, so you can not possibly know what is pov and what is not pov. --[[User:Supreme Deliciousness|Supreme Deliciousness]] ([[User talk:Supreme Deliciousness|talk]]) 08:14, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::::::::{{u|Supreme Deliciousness}}, I don't need to have knowledge of the subject in order to recognize {{xt|Can you really not see how simplistic it is to assert 'Syrian Kurdistan' is a 'place', 'region', or 'area' while ignoring the implications?}} is POV-pushing. [[User:Valereee|—valereee]] ([[User talk:Valereee|talk]]) 14:56, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::::::{{u|Levivich}} Thanks for taking the effort and time to get these quotes from Tejel. As you implied, Tejel represented the Kurdish POV in this "Syrian Kurdistan" concept, which is what we/I have been talking about all the time, i.e., the concept of "Syrian Kurdistan" is a Kurdish irredentist/nationalist imagination (regardless of their political ambition within vs. w/o Syria) pushed forward especially during the Syria civil war power vacuum and the rise of PYD and its military militia (YPG/SDF). As Tejel and many others (McDowall, Balanche, etc.) say rightly, there are Kurdish pockets in Syria, where in a cluster of villages Kurds represent the majority, but never at the level of a province, for example. This is a big difference b/w Kurdish areas in Syria (or "Kurdish enclaves in Northern Syria" as Tejel calls them) and Kurdistan. The main flagrant different is that Kurds are not the majority outside separate clusters of villages, as you said before: Afrin, Kobani, northeastern part of upper Jazira (al-Hasakah Governorate). The second big difference is that most of the Kurdish population here immigrated from Turkey (as discussed elsewhere on this Talk page), according to ''French mandate'' statistics and reports, not Syrian, not Baathist, not Arab nationalist, not ISIS, etc. as two users here have falsely claimed before. The third and most important difference, is that there is no historical account that says these enclaves used to be part of a Kurdistan. I echo the concerns of [[user:Fiveby]], that although the term might sound normal, innocent, etc., however, it is charged with political meanings and ambitions that are widespread on Kurdish propaganda websites and repeating this here as if it is neutral would be misleading and wrong, to say the least. Besides some books that use the term and mostly present the Kurdish POV, it's hard to find other third party sources that use the term (e.g., news outlets, states, international organizations, international political figure, etc.). To summarize, it's fine to have the term but we should make it clear that it is mostly used from a Kurdish nationalist POV (which is somewhat implied in the current lead) , and retroactively in most cases. To be followed. Cheers, [[User:عمرو بن كلثوم|Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم]] ([[User talk:عمرو بن كلثوم|talk]]) 01:58, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::::::{{u|Levivich}} Thanks for taking the effort and time to get these quotes from Tejel. As you implied, Tejel represented the Kurdish POV in this "Syrian Kurdistan" concept, which is what we/I have been talking about all the time, i.e., the concept of "Syrian Kurdistan" is a Kurdish irredentist/nationalist imagination (regardless of their political ambition within vs. w/o Syria) pushed forward especially during the Syria civil war power vacuum and the rise of PYD and its military militia (YPG/SDF). As Tejel and many others (McDowall, Balanche, etc.) say rightly, there are Kurdish pockets in Syria, where in a cluster of villages Kurds represent the majority, but never at the level of a province, for example. This is a big difference b/w Kurdish areas in Syria (or "Kurdish enclaves in Northern Syria" as Tejel calls them) and Kurdistan. The main flagrant different is that Kurds are not the majority outside separate clusters of villages, as you said before: Afrin, Kobani, northeastern part of upper Jazira (al-Hasakah Governorate). The second big difference is that most of the Kurdish population here immigrated from Turkey (as discussed elsewhere on this Talk page), according to ''French mandate'' statistics and reports, not Syrian, not Baathist, not Arab nationalist, not ISIS, etc. as two users here have falsely claimed before. The third and most important difference, is that there is no historical account that says these enclaves used to be part of a Kurdistan. I echo the concerns of [[user:Fiveby]], that although the term might sound normal, innocent, etc., however, it is charged with political meanings and ambitions that are widespread on Kurdish propaganda websites and repeating this here as if it is neutral would be misleading and wrong, to say the least. Besides some books that use the term and mostly present the Kurdish POV, it's hard to find other third party sources that use the term (e.g., news outlets, states, international organizations, international political figure, etc.). To summarize, it's fine to have the term but we should make it clear that it is mostly used from a Kurdish nationalist POV (which is somewhat implied in the current lead) , and retroactively in most cases. To be followed. Cheers, [[User:عمرو بن كلثوم|Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم]] ([[User talk:عمرو بن كلثوم|talk]]) 01:58, 13 December 2020 (UTC)



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Demographics 2

The 'Demographic background' section of this article ought not depart so much from the 'Demographics' section of Kurds in Syria. That it does seems to be the work of one editor, who has failed over the years to have their particular interpretation, complete with cherrypicked references, accepted at Talk:Kurds in Syria, and has since shoehorned it into articles that see less traffic e.g. Al-Hasakah_Governorate#Demographics and Arab_Belt#Background. And now they've got it in here. For me, this is the most glaring example of the problems with this article; an entire section devoted to pushing the Assadist/Neo-Ottomanist propaganda line that Kurds are not native to Syria and do not belong there. Konli17 (talk) 14:38, 21 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

What text is not following the source?--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 14:59, 21 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
It's difficult to assume good faith with such an egregious misreading of the points I made.Konli17 (talk) 15:41, 21 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Konli, which one of the references is from "Assadist/Neo-Ottomanism| propaganda"? I'd like to see specific examples. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 17:57, 21 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
And again, it's difficult to assume good faith with such an egregious misreading of the points I made. Konli17 (talk) 19:47, 21 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Konli17 It can be hard to assume good faith in certain situations; I would urge you to continue trying. Many of the threads above are impossible to wade through, containing little but snide comments about other editors, shading into blatant personal attacks. I'm willing to try to help move this conversation on into something more productive, but that will only be possible if we keep the discussion focussed on the content, and away from observations about who added it or what their motivations were.
I am entirely neutral on this matter, and know very little indeed about the subject matter. I will be happy to help mediate this discussion, if I can, but that will only work if people are prepared to say things like 'This sentence is problematic because Source X is unreliable', or whatever. If you think there is a problem with the Demographic background section, please spell out what it is very clearly - what are the problems with the content, what are the problems with the sourcing. I don't mean who they were added by or what their interpretation of them was - just keep it focussed on the content. You will need to speak to me like I am an idiot, assume no prior knowledge on my part. Explain the problem. GirthSummit (blether) 16:25, 22 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
OK, thanks for giving this a shot. There's no problem with most of the sources, the problem is the overall interpretation given to them, and the manner in which some are highlighted and others downplayed, which I contend has little to do with their perceived reliability. Exaggerating the Kurdish north-south migration of the 1920s (estimated to have added 10% to the Kurdish population of al-Jazira Province by one source, much less than has sometimes been implied) is a familiar trope, used by the Syrian regime to justify the Arab Belt land seizures from Syrian Kurds and denial of citizenship to them, and by the Turkish regime to justify its current ethnic cleansing. The major Syrian Kurdish areas to the west are ignored. Kurdish migration to Jazira, small as it was, is presented as Kurdification; Christian migration is presented as neutral. There's an interesting story to tell about how, why, and when these parts of Syria came to be settled by Kurdish people, and how the last major migration in the early 20th century still informs citizenship laws and attitudes today, but giving the impression that the majority of Syrian Kurds are descended from recent migrants ignores the many references available at Kurds_in_Syria#Demographics that say otherwise. 80% of Syrian Kurds live in Syrian Kurdistan, and I've long argued that any demographics section in this article ought to follow the one at the Kurds in Syria article closely. Konli17 (talk) 16:53, 22 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Konli17, I agree in general terms that we ought not to have two articles which have conflicting information in them, but at present I don't know which of the two articles does it better. Would it possible for you to break this down into particular paragraphs, sentences or assertions in the article as it currently stands that you have problems with, so we can discuss specifics? GirthSummit (blether) 17:06, 22 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I can, but for you to get the thrust of my argument I'd like you first to scan the relevant sections in both articles. Some of the information here is at Kurds_in_Syria#Demographics, but there it isn't WP:UNDUE; it takes up as much room as its relevance dictates. But the opposite isn't the case, most of the information there is missing here. On this article, the section is longer and at the same time more concentrated, both geographically (just the east of Syrian Kurdistan) and in time (covering mostly the 1920s and 1930s, with the occasional foray as far as the 1950s), ignoring the rest of Syrian Kurdistan and the rest of the history. Konli17 (talk) 17:26, 22 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I've scanned them (no more than that), but without knowing the specifics of what I'm looking for I'm pretty much in the dark. GirthSummit (blether) 17:42, 22 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

OK, well that's the most important point regarding this section; it has a geographical and chronological focus that's inexplicable when assuming good faith, and only becomes more difficult to explain given its length relative to the corresponding section at Kurds in Syria. Other problems include:

  • Giving undue weight to some sources that are contradicted by others e.g "Until the beginning of the 20th century, parts of al-Hasakah Governorate (then called Jazira province) were "no man's land" primarily reserved for the grazing land of nomadic and semi-sedentary tribes.", "The number of Kurds settled in the Jazira province during the 1920s was estimated at 20,000[61] to 25,000 people,[62] out of 100,000 inhabitants", "Consequently, the border areas in al-Hasakah Governorate started to have a Kurdish majority".
  • Pointy language e.g. "French mandate authorities gave the new Kurdish refugees considerable rights", "French Mandate authorities encouraged their immigration" and "French official reports show the existence of at most 45 Kurdish villages".
  • Original research e.g. "the population of northeastern Syria has seen several unnatural, big jumps (as shown in the table) fueled by the arrival of Kurds from Turkey".
  • Biased language in Wikipedia's voice e.g. "These successive Kurdish immigrations from Turkey have led the governing Ba'ath Party to think about Arabization policies in northern Syria, settling 4000 farmer families from areas inundated by the Tabqa Dam in Raqqa Governorate in al-Hasakah Governorate" to describe the Arab Belt.

Konli17 (talk) 21:00, 22 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Girth Summit, are you happy with this summary? Konli17 (talk) 01:33, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Konli17, sorry - I got side tracked with some other threads in this discussion, which seems to be growing arms and legs rapidly. I'll try and get this read shortly. GirthSummit (blether) 06:30, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Konli17 Hi - OK, I've taken a look at this.
  • On the first point (undue weight) - can you expand on what (and why) you think is undue weight?
  • On the second point, I see what you're getting at, but I'm not sure that I agree with all your bolding. 'Considerable' is a value judgement, and ought to be attributed since this is contentious. 'Encouraged' seems less problematic - either they encouraged it, or they didn't, what does the source say? 'At most' I agree is problematic - it is WP:EDITORIALISING in an attempt to downplay the size of the number. It ought to give a number, or a range, neutrally.
  • On the third point, I agree with you quite strongly - 'unnatural' seems like a very strange word to use in Wikipedia's voice in this context. Can you give a sense of what the source says, and whether there is a better way to word this (or do you think it should be removed entirely)?
  • On the fourth point, I agree that it's poorly worded, but I'm not sure whether it's biased or just bad writing. Can you expand on your concerns?
Thanks for your patience. GirthSummit (blether) 19:47, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
The undue weight wasn't the first point, although it was the first bulleted. The first point, whose importance for me outweighs the rest, is dealt with in the paragraph preceding the bulleted points; the (since we're assuming good faith) inexplicable spatial and temporal focus of the section. For me, this problem dwarfs the others. Konli17 (talk) 20:10, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
That is a very good point if i understand you correctly Konli17, going down the path of who lived where and when should not be accepted in this article. Maybe if things settle down it would be a good idea to figure out how to do that? fiveby(zero) 23:19, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Fiveby: I think what Konli is saying is that at present this article is focused on just the former al-Jazira province and tries very hard to demonstrate that because that province was thinly populated and largely nomadic when records began there can only have been Arabs living there, which is a claim put about by the Arab Nationalist Ba'ath Party regime from the 1960s in order to delegitimize the entire Kurdish population of Syria as foreign interlopers. Konli suggests that the other territories of Syrian Kurdistan need at least the same or greater prominence to those of the Jazira region. (i.e., the "island" on the left bank of the Euphrates and the right bank of the Tigris, especially as we know that there has been larger, long-standing and more populous permanent Kurdish settlements in the areas of Kobane and Jarabulus, not to mention the "Kurd Mountains" enclave.
Yes, that's a fair summary, but the temporal focus is also important. Konli17 (talk) 15:12, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

@Girth Summit: This is the source for the number of villages "at most 45" and the word "encouragement". Jordi Tejel, an author pro-Kurdish editors like to cite often. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 20:48, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

  • Or a source one could describe as "often deliberately ignored and deliberately misconstrued by anti-Kurdish editors". For example, the example that torpedoes the whole denialist position that Kurds were post Mandate immgrants in Syria: "The left bank of the Euphrates around Kobane and some strips of land on the right bank had been settled by the Kurds at the beginning of the seventeenth century, following forced migrations as a result of the Sultans’ decisions. Kurdish population of Jazira increased with the arrival of Kurdish refugees from Turkey and Iraq during the 1920s–1930s. Before 1927, there were only 47 Kurdish villages in this region, whereas by 1939, the number of villages with Kurdish majority reached 700–800." Tejel, Jordi (2020), Cimino, Matthieu (ed.), "The Complex and Dynamic Relationship of Syria's Kurds with Syrian Borders: Continuities and Changes", Syria: Borders, Boundaries, and the State, Mobility & Politics, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 243–267, doi:10.1007/978-3-030-44877-6_11, ISBN 978-3-030-44877-6 Further (unsourced and prima facie wrong) denial of these facts and of the existence of a Kurdish population in Syrian Kurdistan should be met with immediate administrative sanction. So too should any editor that continues to claim, against all evidence, that the areas of Syrian Kurdistan were not largely Kurdish at the time of the imposition of the Syria–Turkey border, since this too is utterly refuted by the statement of Tejel (among many others') that Kurdish populations placed under the French Mandate occupied three narrow zones isolated from each other along the Turkish frontier: the Upper Jazira, Jarabulus, and Kurd Dagh. These three Kurdish enclaves constituted nevertheless a natural extension of Kurdish territory into Turkey and Iraq. In other words, Syrian Kurdistan was from the outset demographically similar to the Kurdish territory in Turkey and Iraq, a fact long denied on this talkpage. This denial must not be allowed to continue further. GPinkerton (talk) 21:39, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Proposed edit

For the following text:

Events in Iraqi Kurdistan and the discovery of oil in Syrian Kurdistan in the 1960s coincided with a marked worsening for the Kurdish population.[1] In August 1961, the government decreed an extraordinary census of al-Jazira Province, which was undertaken in November, by which time the uprising for Kurdish autonomy in Iraq had begun.[1] As part of this census, 120,000 Kurds in the province were stripped of Syrian nationality and civil rights, on the pretext that they were foreigners – the August decree stated that Kurds were "illegally infiltrating" from Turkish Kurdistan into Syria, aiming to "destroy its Arab character". The following year, the Syrian government adopted the Arab Belt (al-Hizam al-Arabi) policy in order and "save Arabism" and defeat the "Kurdish threat" by expelling all the Kurdish inhabitants from the area of the Syria–Turkey border, dispersing and resettling them, and replacing them with Arabs.[1] Oil had been discovered at Qaratchok, and the desire the control the Kurdish region's resources was connected with the policy.[1] The Kurdish situation worsened again when, in March 1963, Ba'ath Party of Michel Aflaq took power in Damascus.[2] In November the party published Study of the Jezireh Provnce in its National, Social, and Political Aspects, a pamphlet written by the al-Jazira Province's chief of police, Mohamed Talab Hilal.[2] An Arab nationalist, Hilal claimed to use "anthropological" reasoning to "prove scientifically" Kurds "do not constitute a nation".[2] His view was that "the Kurdish people are a people without history or civilization or language or even definite ethnic origin of their own. Their only characteristics are those shaped by force, destructive power and violence, characteristics which are, by the way, inherent in all mountain populations".[2] It was also his opinion that "The Kurds live from civilization and history of other nations. They have taken no part in these civilizations or in the history of these nations."[2] Hilal produced a twelvefold strategy to achieve the Arabization of the al-Jazira Province. The steps were:[3]

  • (1) batr (dispossession) – eviction and resettlement of Kurds
  • (2) tajhil (obscurantist) – deprivation of all education for Kurds, including in Arabic
  • (3) tajwii (famine) – removal of Kurds from employment
  • (4) extradition – expulsion of refugees from Turkish Kurdistan into Turkish custody
  • (5) encouragement of intra-Kurdish factionalism in order to divide and rule
  • (6) hizam (Arab cordon) – Arab settlement of former Kurdish lands, much as proposed in 1962
  • (7) iskan (colonization) – "pure and nationalist Arabs" to be settled in Syrian Kurdistan so Kurds might be "watched until their dispersion"
  • (8) military involvement by "divisions stationed in the zone of the cordon" would guaranty "that the dispersion of the Kurds and the settlement of Arabs would take place according to plans drawn up by the government"
  • (9) "socialization" – "collective farms", (mazarii jama'iyya), to be established in the Kurds' stead by Arab settlers equipped with "armament and training"
  • (10) prohibition of "anybody ignorant of the Arabic language exercising the right to vote or stand for office"
  • (11) Kurdish ulemas were to be expelled to the south and replaced with Arabs
  • (12) "a vast anti-Kurdish campaign amongst the Arabs" to be undertaken by the state

Though the 120,000 Kurds of al-Jazira Province deemed non-Syrians were unable to vote or marry or receive education or healthcare, they were nevertheless eligible to be conscripted for military service, and could be sent to fight on the Golan Heights; they were particular victims of the Arab Belt policy, which continued to set the Kurdish agenda of the Syrian government and many of whose provisions were implemented in the following years.[4] The strategy called for the eviction of 140,000 Kurdish peasants and their replacement with Arabs; possibly even extending the expulsions to the Kurds of the Kurd Mountains was under consideration in 1966.[4] In the decade following 1965, around 30,000 Kurds left al-Jazira Province to find work or escape persecution elsewhere in Syria or in Lebanon.[4] In 1967, the land of the Kurds in al-Jazira Province was nationalized under the Plan to establish model state farms in the Jezireh Province, a euphemism for the Arab Belt concept, and those who had been ordered out refused to leave but the events of the Six-Day War temporarily prevented its implementation from being completed.[5] The construction and flooding of the Tabqa Dam displaced Arabs who were then resettled in Kurdish al-Jazira. 40 "model villages" were constructed in 1975 and populated with 7,000 armed Arab peasant families; these settlements stretched from Amuda to Derik, a town whose Kurdish name was replaced with the Arabic al-Malikiyah at that time.[6] Proceeding slowly to avoid international criticism, the Syrian government suppressed Kurdish culture and harassed Kurdish people, and Kurdish literature and music was confiscated.[7] Members of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria were given lengthy prison sentences for "anti-Arabist" crimes.[8] In official government documents, mention of Kurds (along with all other non-Arabs) is omitted, and while there were Kurdish members of the legislative People's Council of Syria, official identity was exclusively Arab.[9]

In 1976, the policy of the Arab Belt , never fully realized, were abandoned, with Hafez al-Assad preferring "to leave things as they are", remitting the official harassment and ceasing to build new settlements.[10] Existing Arab colonies and settlers remained in place, and while Kurdish music was again heard, the position of Kurds in Syria remained dependent to developments in relations between Syria and Iraq.[10] The descendants of the 120,000 continued to be denied passports and documents and were still nevertheless the subject to conscription into the 21st century.[11]

References

  1. ^ a b c d Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. p. 199. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. The Kurds were suspected of being "in league" with the Kurds of Iraq, who had just launched the September 1961 insurrection aimed at securing autonomous status within an Iraqi framework. On August 23, 1961, the government promulgated a decree (no. 93) authorizing a special population census in Jezireh Province. It claimed that Kurds from Turkish Kurdistan were "illegally infiltrating" the Jezireh in order to "destroy its Arab character". The census was carried out in November of that year; when its results were released, some 120,000 Jezireh Kurds were discounted as foreigners and unjustly stripped of their rights as Syrian nationals. In 1962, to combat the "Kurdish threat" and "save Arabism" in the region, the government inaugurated the so-called "Arab Cordon plan" (Al Hizam al-arabi), which envisaged the entire Kurdish population living along the border with Turkey. They were to be gradually replaced by Arabs and would be resettled, and preferably dispersed, in the south. The discovery of oil at Qaratchok, right in the middle of Kurdish Jezireh, no doubt had something to do with the government's policy.
  2. ^ a b c d e Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. p. 199. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. In March 1963, Michel Aflaq's Baath Party came to power. Its socialism was soon shown to be mainly of the national variety. The Kurds' position worsened. In November 1963, in Damascus, the Baath published a Study of the Jezireh Provnce in its National, Social, and Political Aspects, written by the region's chief of police, Mohamed Talab Hilal. ... Hilal had set out to "prove scientifically", on the basis of various "anthropological" considerations, that the Kurds, "do not constitute a nation". His conclusion was that "the Kurdish people are a people without history or civilization or language or even definite ethnic origin of their own. Their only characteristics are those shaped by force, destructive power and violence, characteristics which are, by the way, inherent in all mountain populations." Furthermore: "The Kurds live from civilization and history of other nations. They have taken no part in these civilizations or in the history of these nations."
  3. ^ Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 199–200. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. A zealous nationalist, Hilal proposed a twelve-point plan, which would first be put into operation against the Jezireh Kurds: (1) a batr or "dispossession" policy, involving the transfer and dispersion of the Kurdish people; (2) a tajhil or "obscurantist" policy of depriving Kurds of any education whatsoever, even in Arabic; (3) a tajwii or "famine" policy, depriving those affected of any employment possibilities; (4) an "extradition" policy, which meant turning the survivors of the uprisings in northern Kurdistan over to the Turkish government; (5) a "divide and rule" policy, setting Kurd against Kurd; (6) a hizam or cordon policy similar to the one proposed in 1962; (7) an iskan or "colonization" policy, involving the implementation of "pure and nationalist Arabs" in the Kurdish regions so that the Kurds could be "watched until their dispersion"; (8) a military policy, based on "divisions stationed in the zone of the cordon" who would be charged with "ensuring that the dispersion of the Kurds and the settlement of Arabs would take place according to plans drawn up by the government"; (9) a "socialization" policy, under which "collective forms", mazarii jama'iyya, would be set up for the Arabs implanted in the regions. These new settlers would also be provided with "armament and training"; (10) a ban of "anybody ignorant of the Arabic language exercising the right to vote or stand for office"; (11) sending the Kurdish ulemas to the south and "bringing in Arab ulemas to replace them"; (12) finally, "launching a vast anti-Kurdish campaign amongst the Arabs".
  4. ^ a b c Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. Many of the measures listed above were put into practice. The 120,000 Kurds classified as non-Syrian by the "census" suffered particularly heavily. Although they were treated as foreigners and suspects in their own country, they were nonetheless liable for military service and were called up to fight on in the Golan Heights. However, they were deprived of any other form of legitimate status. They could not legally marry, enter a hospital or register their children for schooling.
  5. ^ Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. The euphemistically renamed "Plan to establish model state farms in the Jezireh Province", the so-called "Arab Cordon" plan, was not dropped in the years that followed. Under the cover of "socialism" and agrarian reform, it envisaged the expulsion of the 140,000 strong peasantry, who would be replaced with Arabs. In 1966, there were even thoughts of applying it seriously, and perhaps extending it to the Kurd-Dagh. But those Kurdish peasants who had been ordered to leave refused to go. In 1967 the peasants in the Cordon zone were informed that their lands had been nationalized. The government even sent in a few teams to build "model farms" until the war against Israel forced it momentarily to drop its plans.
  6. ^ Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. The little town of Derik lost its Kurdish name and was officially restyled Al-Malikiyyeh. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  7. ^ Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. The plan was carried out gradually, so as not to attract too much attention from the outside world. The Kurds were subjected to regular administrative harassment, police raids, firings and confiscation orders. Kurdish literary works were seized, as were records of Kurdish folk music played in public places.
  8. ^ Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. Syrian KDP leaders were imprisoned for years, charged with "anti-Arabist actions".
  9. ^ Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. True the Assembly retained a certain number of Kurdish deputies, but they could not stand as such since the official fiction decreed that all Syrian citizens are Arabs. In all the official publications of the Syrian Arab Republic, the Kurds - and every other non-Arab group - are never mentioned. Since the Republic is Arab, the Kurds must be as well.
  10. ^ a b Nazdar, Mustafa (1993) [1978]. "The Kurds in Syria". In Chaliand, Gérard (ed.). Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. pp. 200–201. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. However in 1976, President Assad officially renounced any further implementation of the plan to transfer the population, and decided "to leave things as they are". The Kurdish peasants would not be harassed any more, and no further Arab villages would be built on their lands. But the villages which had already been built would stay, as would the newcomers transplanted from the Euphrates Valley. The radio began to broadcast Kurdish music and the Kurds in the country felt much safer. They wondered, however, if this was the beginning of a new policy vis-a-vis the Kurds of Syria or if it was just as government maneuver predicated on the rivalry between Damascus and the Iraqi Government.
  11. ^ O'Shea, Maria T. (2004). Trapped Between the Map and Reality: Geography and Perceptions of Kurdistan. New York and London: Routledge. p. 176. ISBN 978-0-415-94766-4. In 1961, 120,000 Kurds in the Jazireh region of Syria were declared foreigners by government decree, and they and their children are still denied passports or identity cards, although military service is still an obligation.

Naturally the references will not be objected to this time, since others here have already cited this particular book as authoritative, so no-one should have qualms about referencing. GPinkerton (talk) 01:23, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Excellent work. This text would also be a good addition to the Arab Belt article, which is need of some work. Konli17 (talk) 01:35, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
What then distinguishes this article from Kurds in Syria? What content is appropriate for that article, and what content appropriate for this? fiveby(zero) 02:02, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Fiveby: Kurds are significant minority all over Syria, in Aleppo, Damascus, etc. This is specifically about the three Kurdish majority areas of Syria bordering Iraqi Kurdistan and Turkish Kurdistan, a specific artefact of the careless imposition of temporary borders in the early 1920s that have since become entrenched. This area is usually included in maps of "Greater Kurdistan" or of Kurdish-populated regions generally, but includes populations and history that is also non-Kurd (Arabs, Armenians, Turks, Assyrians, etc.). GPinkerton (talk) 06:00, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Oppose. This is scandalous attempt to convert Wikipedia into a Kurdish propaganda blog and completely adopting the Kurdish nationalist rhetoric. This text is cherry-picking and completely ignores all the demographic changes that have been happening since the establishment of the French mandate and it's welcoming strategy to immigrants from Turkey (Kurds and Christian) but benefited mostly Kurds in terms of numbers. According to French geographer Etienne de Vaumas, the population of Jazira Province increased six folds from 40,000 in 1929 to 234,000 in 1954. Furthermore, David McDowall states the following[1]: Arab nationalists had good reason to be paranoid about internal and external enemies. Nowhere was the Syrian Arab cause less assured than in the north where so many non-Arab communities lived, particularly in al-Hasaka governorate. The population had grown rapidly, and it was the growth since 1945 that gave cause for Arab concern. In its own words, the government believed that 'At the beginning of 1945, the Kurds began to infiltrate into al-Hasakeh governorate. They came singly and in groups from neighbouring countries, especially Turkey, crossing illegally along the border from Ras al'Ain to al-Malikiyya. Gradually and illegally, they settled down in the region along the border in major population centres such as Dirbasiyya, Amuda and Malikiyya. Many of these Kurds were able to register themselves illegally in the Syrian civil registers. They were also able to obtain Syrian identity cards through a variety of means, with the help of their relatives and members if their tribes. They did so with the intent of settling down and acquiring property, especially after the issue of the agricultural reform law, so as to benefit from land redistribution.' Official figures available in 1961 showed that in a mere seven year period, between 1954 and 1961, the population of al-Hasakah governorate had increased from 240,000 to 305,000, an increase of 27 per cent which could not possibly be explained merely by natural increase. The government was sufficiently worried by the apparent influx that it carried out a sample census in June 1962 which indicated the real population was probably closer to 340,000. Although these figures may have been exaggerated, they were credible given the actual circumstances. From being lawless and virtually empty prior to 1914, the Jazira had proved to be astonishingly fertile once order was imposed by the French mandate and farming undertaken by the largely Kurdish population.... A strong suspicion that many migrants were entering Syria was inevitable. In Turkey the rapid mechanisation of farming had created huge unemployment and massive labour migration from the 1950s onwards. The fertile but not yet cultivated lands of northern Jazira must have been a strong enticement and the affected frontier was too long feasibly to police it. The government in Damascus felt it had good grounds to fear that many of those entering al-Hasaka governorate were neither Syrian nor Arab, and that presented a security problem. Indeed, in the view of the British embassy: 'It seems doubtful if the Damascus government could easily control the area if Kurdish dissidence from within Syria's borders, or an irruption by Kurdish tribesmen from without, should disturb the uneasy tranquility' Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 03:35, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Furthermore, this problematic, POV-screaming edit suggested by Pinkerton is designed to draw our attention away from the most important thing we are discussing right now, which is the name of the page/territory, and whether that is universal or not. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 04:14, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
  • Are you suggesting something in this quotation somehow contradicts the facts stated by the source above? Because it does not. Indeed, thanks for being prepared to quote a source that agrees with all the others that the area was largely Kurdish even before the First World War! GPinkerton (talk) 04:17, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
This is another one of your comments that confirm that you don't read before jumping to conclusions. The quote clearly says: From being lawless and virtually empty prior to 1914,. This is before/beginning of WWI. The large Kurdish population during the French mandate. This is another evidence of the origin of this Kurdish population. As Jordi Tejel said: [2] Kurdish political parties have never set out to challenge Syrian national borders. In the 1920s, Kurdish activists turned their eyes toward Turkish Kurdistan, their region of origin. I hope this is clear enough where the Jazira Kurdish population came from!!! Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 06:11, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
It is clear from Tejel that the exiled Kurdish nationalists in Syria originated in Turkey, because that is what Tejel says. He most certainly does not refer to all Kurds in Syria being immigrants, that's just woeful misinterpretation combined with quotemining. Look, Tejel also says, and you should have no trouble with the source since you are misquoting the same chapter as I am quoting here: The left bank of the Euphrates around Kobane and some strips of land on the right bank had been settled by the Kurds at the beginning of the seventeenth century, following forced migrations as a result of the Sultans’ decisions. Kurdish population of Jazira increased with the arrival of Kurdish refugees from Turkey and Iraq during the 1920s–1930s. What part of Kurds living in Syria in the 17th century on both banks of the Euphrates do you have difficulty understanding? Al-Jazira is the left bank. If the numbers of Kurds increased in the 1920s, it cannot have been nothing beforehand. Indeed, the French mandate was established only in 1920, but the French army was fighting resident Kurdish tribesmen in Kurd Dagh and al-Jazira in the autumn of 1919. It was not until 1925 that the Kurdish refugees from Turkey were allowed, let alone encouraged, settle in al-Jazira, where Tejel says, the local population of Jazira, which included both Kurdish and Arab nomads, was deemed insufficiently large and ‘unprepared’ to assume a potential increase in arable lands. The Kurds cannot be written out of the history of Syrian Kurdistan like that. GPinkerton (talk) 06:53, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Further support for the facts cited above includes:

  • Allsopp, Harriet (2019). The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. p. 33. doi:10.5040/9781788315944.0010. ISBN 978-1-78831-483-1. … punitive exclusion of groups and individuals from benefits accruing from state employment, health care and even citizenship, created underclasses not linked to either social or labour relations. Within Kurdish society, an estimated 120,000 Kurds were denaturalized by the Syrian government as a result of the 1962 Hasakah census. These Kurds were registered individually as 'ajnabi al-Hasakah or "a foreigner of Hasakah province", while those who were left unregistered were known collectively as the maktumiin. By 2011 their combined number was estimated by some to be more than 300,000. A unique underclass of Kurds was formed that crossed formal class and tribal structures. Until the beginning of the civil protests in Syria in 2011, these Kurds were denied even the conditional rights to representation, services and property that other Kurds in Syria could claim as Syrian Arab citizens.

GPinkerton (talk) 04:35, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

What you say above It is clear from Tejel that the exiled Kurdish nationalists in Syria originated in Turkey, because that is what Tejel says. He most certainly does not refer to all Kurds in Syria being immigrants, that's just woeful misinterpretation combined with quotemining. is WP:OR and a pathetic attempt at rewording what Tejel clearly says to twist facts to suit your POV-pushing narrative. We have evidence from de Vaumas, Gibert and Fevret, McDowall and Tejel indicating that the origins of Jazira's Kurds are from Turkey and that this immigration has happened after WWI and into the late 1950's. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 18:21, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
This desperate attempt at an opinion of yours is just too tendentious to credit that this is not just nationalist trolling. It would only be creditable if you wilfully ignore Tejel's quite unambiguous statement that: The left bank of the Euphrates around Kobane and some strips of land on the right bank had been settled by the Kurds at the beginning of the seventeenth century, following forced migrations as a result of the Sultans’ decisions. Kurdish population of Jazira increased with the arrival of Kurdish refugees from Turkey and Iraq during the 1920s–1930s. The idea that Jazira's Kurds are all immigrants from Turkey is simply a Ba'ath Party lie which is clearly refuted by anyone that reads any of the sources without bigotry. The POV-pushing comes from the denialsits here, not from the reliable sources, which clearly stste the opposite of all your have claimed. It is obvious you are unable to discuss this further, and can present no sources to support your view. GPinkerton (talk) 18:41, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
You just keep repeating yourself, and mostly your personal attacks, adding nothing new and nothing concrete. Did you see all the names I provided above. Did you even read my comment? Did you read any of the content there? Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 20:00, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I don't need to supply anything more. You have lost what was never even an argument, and your denials have achieved nothing. Neither will they. Desist. GPinkerton (talk) 01:22, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

References

  1. ^ McDowall, David. Modern History of the Kurds, I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2004. pp. 473-474.
  2. ^ (Tejel J. (2020) The Complex and Dynamic Relationship of Syria’s Kurds with Syrian Borders: Continuities and Changes. In: Cimino M. (eds) Syria: Borders, Boundaries, and the State. Mobility & Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham.)

Yet more proof, if proof were needed

I've noticed editors' difficulties with this topic are centred around a misunderstanding of English. In English, according the unimpeachable Oxford English Dictionary's 3rd edition, from 2018, Kurdistan is defined as the following:

Kurdistan, n. (Kurdish Kurdistan, lit. 'land of the Kurds'), the name of any of various (current or historical) regions inhabited by Kurdish people, now chiefly located in parts of Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and Syria. The place name is attested in English contexts from at least the 16th cent. (initially as Curdistan).

Now let us turn to some other claims, such as that Syrian Kurdistan was "invented by the PYD". This can be shown to be a fable by consulting the maps produced by interested parties long before the PYD was born. So hopefully we can all agree to put this nonsense aside and abandon claims about the PYD and the Civil War which through pure chronological logic cannot possibly be true. Along which all the rest of the evidence presented, and nothing but spurious misrepresentation of the very same sources, this should really be enough to quell any non-tendentious editing for good. GPinkerton (talk) 09:47, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

And 'Syrian Kurdistan' has other meanings, implied and explicit, notably Kurdish nationalism#Syria. From your added content, you are writing an article not about that portion of Kurdistan in Syria, but through bludgeoning and equivocal use of sources an article about a multi-ethnic region from the perspective of one ethnic group. The ambiguous title and scope of the article allows a selection of content from Kurdistan, Kurds in Syria, Kurdish Nationalism, Rojava, Syrian civil war, etc. to form the article implied by this title: a Kurdish only nation of Northern Syria. fiveby(zero) 15:31, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Fiveby: I'm curious - what about the title implies either of those things? What about "Syrian Kurdistan" implies either Kurdish only or nation? There's not a suggestion of anything of the kind anywhere from my perspective. What about the title is ambiguous? It's simply a territory like American Samoa or Welsh Bicknor. Is Samoa only for Americans? GPinkerton (talk) 18:08, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton are you purposefully obtuse? If not you can look at the index from Tejel here under "Syrian Kurdistan, terminology" and view those pages, or Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria#Polity names and translations. fiveby(zero) 19:13, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Per the Kurdish language lesson from Pinkerton above: "Kurdistan" means "Land of Kurds". Where does that leave the original, native population of northeastern Syria per this British map? Intruders on the land of Kurds? Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 18:26, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
The lesson was given by GP citing the Oxford English Dictionary. And Kurds ARE the native population of North East Syria. Just check Kurds in Syria. After the Ottoman turmoils there came more Kurds and also Christians, both were welcomed by the French. But the Kurds are the native population of North East Syria. You just need to look at also the map of Mark Sykes of the Kurdish tribes. You knew that map as we have discussed this before. Paradise Chronicle (talk) 18:44, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Yes, I did look, and they are all north of the border (i.e., in Turkey). As for Arab pinar (what Kurds call kobani), that's right ON the border, so "around" might mean anything; east or north would be in Turkey. West is The Euphrates, across which is Jarabulus, a predominantly Arab area. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 19:06, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Ok, that's it, I give up reasoning with you. There are enough sources and maps that show there lived Kurds in the area and that there exists a Syrian Kurdistan. An admin has to rule here.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 20:06, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Let's consult a source which Amr should again have no trouble accepting as repudiating his claims, since he has cited it already as though is did the opposite. See:

The settlement of the Djézireh. - An aerial and ground reconnaissance, carried out in May 1925 by A. Poidebard who also benefited from the documentation gathered by the Service de Renseignement de Hassetché, allows to get a precise idea of ​​the human occupation in Djézireh on the eve of pacification [i.e. on the eve of French occupation in late 1919]. In the North, apart from the Muslim Circassians (Tchatchans tribe) established in 1876 near Ras el Aïn (villages of Saf eh and Tell Rouman), the area of ​​villages or fixed camps forming villages stretched from Arreda (east of Ras el Aïn) to the vicinity of the Tigris out of 130 km long and 15 to 20 km wide. It was stuck along the railroad, that is to say the border, and inhabited by Kurds whose tribes occupied territories perpendicular to this border and straddling them. They cultivated the northern part of Djézireh and pushed their herds in winter to Djebel Sindjar and Djebel Abd el Aziz. Jebel Sindjar was held by the Yazidis, a population of Kurdish dialect and a strange religion. Their villages were in the mountain in the south of which they nomadized in winter, ... The pattern of the occupation was therefore relatively simple: Kurds along the border, Arabs on the riversides, semi-nomads and nomads everywhere.

De Vaumas, Étienne (1956). "Le peuplement de la Djézireh". Annales de Géographie. 65 (347): 70–72. Le peuplement de la Djézireh. — Une reconnaissance aérienne et au sol, menée en mai 1925 par A. Poidebard qui a bénéficié en outre de la documentation rassemblée par le Service de Renseignement de Hassetché, permet de se faire une idée précise de l'occupation humaine en Djézireh à la veille de la pacification. Au Nord, à part des Circassiens musulmans (tribu des Tchatchans) établis en 1876 près de Ras el Aïn (villages de Saf eh et de Tell Rouman) , la zone des villages ou des campements fixes formant villages s'étendait d'Arreda (à l'Est de Ras el Aïn) jusqu'aux environs du Tigre sur 130 km de longueur et 15 à 20 km de largeur. Elle était plaquée le long du chemin de fer, c'est-à-dire de la frontière, et habitée par des Kurdes dont les tribus occupaient des territoires perpendiculaires sur cette frontière et à cheval sur elles. Ils cultivaient la partie septentrionale de la Djézireh et poussaient leurs troupeaux en hiver jusqu'au Djebel Sindjar et au Djebel Abd el Aziz. Le Djebel Sindjar était tenu par les Yézidis, population de dialecte kurde et à l'étrange religion. Leurs villages étaient dans la montagne au Sud de laquelle ils nomadisaient l'hiver, payant le Khaoua (impôt de fraternité) aux Chammar. Les vallées du Khabour et du Jagh Jagh, de même que les environs du lac de Khatouniyé et de la source ďel Hol, étaient aux mains des Arabes semi-sédentaires qui utilisaient pour leurs troupeaux les grands espaces nus qui séparaient les vallées. Les grands nomades enfin (les Chammar des Zors) avaient pour terrain de parcours toute la zone située entre Tigre et Sindjar à l'Est, Euphrate et Khabour à l'Ouest, se déplaçant d'une ligne Anah-Bagdad au Sud jusqu'aux approches de la voie ferrée au Nord. Le schéma de l'occupation était donc relativement simple : Kurdes le long de la frontière, Arabes sur le bord des rivières, semi-nomades et nomades partout. The area of ​​villages or fixed camps forming villages ... inhabited by Kurds ... They cultivated the northern part of Djézireh ... Djebel Sindjar and Djebel Abd el Aziz .... This is quite unambiguous and states that Kurds inhabited the areas straddling the border in 1919 before the border was established, which has already been proven beyond doubt long before. GPinkerton (talk) 21:04, 25 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

The WP:OR sentence YOU ADDED to the text above [i.e. on the eve of French occupation in late 1919]. explains it all. You are deliberately mischaracterizing the source, which explicitly mentions 1925 as the date of the survey, and you tried to make it 1919. A lot happened between the two dates, and after. Sir John Simpson says the following: The number of Kurds settled in the Jazira province during the 1920's was estimated at 20,000 people.[1] (side note, other sources mention 25,000 as the number of Kurdish refugees flowing into Syria). Jazira's population in 1929 was estimated at 40,000[2], meaning this Kurdish immigration doubled the existing population, and the flow even intensified after that. You also stopped short from quoting the next two paragraphs, especially the quote from the French geographer R. Montagne about the Kurds descending from the mountains:[3]

We are seeing an increase in village establishment that are either constructed by the Kurds descending from the mountains to cultivate or as a sign of increasing settlement of Arab groups with the help of their Armenian and Yezidi farmers.

More info. on this Kurdish descendance form the Anatolian mountains is given in Rondot 1936.[4] Le massif montagneux de l'Arménie et du Kurdistan tombe assez brusquement au sud, au delà de Mardine, Nissibin, et Djéziret ibn Omar, vers les steppes de la Djézireh , domaine du nomade arabe. C'est la frontière de deux mondes : tandis que les Arabes, grands nomades dont l'existence est liée à celle du chameau, ne sauraient pénétrer dans la montagne rocailleuse, les Kurdes considèrent avec envie la bordure du steppe, relativement bien arrosé et plus facile à cultiver que la montagne, où ils pourraient pousser leurs moutons et installer quelques cultures. Dès que la sécurité le permet, c'est- à-dire dès que le gouvernement - ou le sédentaire arme- est asses fort pour imposer au Bédouin le respect des cultures, le Kurde descend dans la plaine. Mais la sécurité ne règne pas longtemps, les récoltes ne sont pas toujours bonnes, le climat débilite le montagnard; la plaine "manges" les Kurdes, et il y a flux et reflux. Google translation: The mountain range of Armenia and Kurdistan falls rather sharply to the south, beyond Mardine, Nissibin, and Djéziret ibn Omar, towards the steppes of Djézireh, domain of the Arab nomad. It is the border of two worlds: while the Arabs, great nomads whose existence is linked to that of the camel, could not enter the rocky mountain, the Kurds envy the edge of the steppe, relatively well watered and more easy to cultivate than the mountain, where they could push their sheep and install some crops. As soon as security permits, that is to say as soon as the government - or the sedentary armed - is strong enough to impose respect for cultures on the Bedouin, the Kurd descends into the plain. But security does not reign for long, the harvests are not always good, the climate debilitates the mountain dweller; the plain "eats" the Kurds, and there is ebb and flow. I guess this is PLAIN and ADEQUATE evidence about the origin of Jazira' Kurds (or at least the vast majority of them). May be you are happy with this going on for ever to divert us from the MAIN ISSUE, which is the name, but unfortunately I have to pass on the opportunity to entertain you here any further. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 01:06, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

References

  1. ^ Simpson, John Hope (1939). The Refugee Problem: Report of a Survey (First ed.). London: Oxford University Press. p. 458. ASIN B0006AOLOA.
  2. ^ https://www.persee.fr/doc/geo_0003-4010_1956_num_65_347_14375
  3. ^ De Vaumas Étienne. Population actuelle de la Djézireh. In: Annales de Géographie, t. 65, n°347, 1956. pp. 72-74; doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/geo.1956.14375.
  4. ^ https://www.jstor.org/stable/41585290?seq=1
You're showing your ignorance again. You haven't provided a single source for your absurd POV that Kurds living in Syrian Kurdistan in the 17th century magically disappeared the minute the French appeared only to reappear later. Why aren't you capable of reading sources? Plenty of evidence has already been adduced that Kurdish migration to Jazira before 1925 was minimal and that the Kurdish population was already predominant. But I don't know why you bother continuing to reply in reality-based encyclopaedia. This fantasy project of yours will not gain traction here. This project is built on the use of reliable sources, not the strenuousness of your denialism. Your source says nothing a about majority of Kurds anywhere, and as I have quoted from the relevant section (which you wrongly deny) which states that the opposite of what your claim. It will not be necessary for you to comment further. Your views have already been repeated enough times, and each time with less evidence. Your quotation of this document is specious misinterpretation, which is either wilful or incompetent, and I am not inclined to listen further to your griping. The extract you have quoted nails the final nail in the coffin of your ideology. If the Kurds have long been living at the edge of the steppe, they can hardly have only just arrived there within the past five years. Chrono-logical fallacy. Again. GPinkerton (talk) 01:40, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton, this comment is uncivil. Had you held back on the personal commentary about another editor, it would have been half as long, easier to read, and much more helpful. I've already asked you to stop this, please do so. GirthSummit (blether) 06:58, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Girth Summit Well, the whole dispute is not about what civil or uncivil is. It is about if a Syrian Kurdistan exists and well, we provide source after source and we would like to have an actual ruling. The denier faction is currently denying it with simple WP:OR and a misrepresentation of sources against well over 50 academic sources explicitly mentioning a Syrian Kurdistan. Is refusing to edit according to academic sources also worth a comment? I repeat my willingness to provide an additional 50 academic sources for the claim that Syrian Kurdistan exists.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 07:15, 26 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Paradise Chronicle, I am not here to adjudicate on which side of this dispute is correct - that is not the role of the administrator. I have started watching this discussion because I am concerned that over a period of time, civility (one of our five pillars) has gone out of the window. I intend to do what I can to encourage civil discussion, and to encourage the use of our dispute resolution processes; if people believe that there is bad faith editing going on, along the lines of WP:CRUSH and WP:TE, then by all means follow the normal channels; I am no sort of barrier to that, but nor am I going to act as the adjudicator on such matters in a subject I know so little about. GirthSummit (blether) 19:21, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Girth Summit: You don't need any special knowledge to look at the sources and see one interpretation of them is tendentious and ideological, and one only. You can easily comment on the source quoted above, and see how an editor would have to contort it dishonestly to reach any conclusion at variance with what I have said. GPinkerton (talk) 21:34, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
For background, a basic summary of the history of Syrian Kurdistan can be found, for example, in a review of the 2015 work The Kurds: A Modern History by Michael M. Gunter. The review summarizes Gunter's whole chapter on the Kurds of Syria as follows, including a mention of this very ideological talking point, namely, that Kurds do not belong in what is now Syria:

Under the French mandate after World War I, Syria became an important center for Kurdish political and cultural activism until its independence in 1946. In addition to the Kurds in major urban centers and Kurdish enclaves in northern Syria, Kurdish refugees also arrived from Turkey. A Kurdish nationalist organization, Khoybun, operated in Syria and Lebanon and spearheaded the Ararat Re-bellion (1928-31) against Turkey. Exiled Kurdish nationalists from Turkey played a major role in Syria and Lebanon. The Jaladet, Sureya and Kamuran brothers from the princely Bedirkhan family, for example, led a Kurdish cultural movement. The end of the French mandate and the eventual rise of the Baath regime in Syria created a serious backlash for the Kurds. Gunter indicates that the Baath regime came to view Kurds as a foreign threat to the Arab nation, and it repressed them after the early 1960s. Kurds in Syria, as a result, came to be less known in the West, as compared to their compatriots in Iraq, Turkey and Iran. Some Kurds were stripped of their citizenship in 1962 on the grounds that they supposedly all came from Turkey. Moreover, the state tried to Arabize the Kurdish territories in northern Syria. Gunter adds that the fractured Kurdish political-party system is another reason for the invisibility of the Syrian Kurds until the early 2000s.
Akturk, Ahmet Serdar (assistant professor of history, Georgia Southern University) (2016). "Review: The Kurds: A Modern History, by Michael M. Gunter. Markus Wiener Publishers, 2015. 256 pages. $26.95, paperback". Middle East Policy. 23 (3): 152–156. doi:10.1111/mepo.12225. ISSN 1475-4967.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

We can therefore see that there is no merit to the bigoted claim that Syrian Kurdistan does not exist, and we can see both why this claim exists and who pushes it and why, and how it is antithetical to the purposes of Wikipedia to continue to allow such partisan claims. GPinkerton (talk) 22:08, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Dear Girth Summit, concerning civility. Amr Ibn is the only one who accuses others of vandalism in the edit summaries in this article.

See here, here herehere. At least in the last few weeks.
here I am supposedly "sabotaging" the page,
here I am "hijacking" the page, we can find numerous more, like calling the from ISIS (the best known terrorist organization in the world) liberated areas occupied by the "Kurds". What I write is mainly sourced well, specially in such a disputed article. I'd never edit-war a non-notable PhD source back into the article like Amr Ibn did. And sorry, to deny a whole cultural region which is often mentioned I academic sources and edit war academic sources out of the article is now also not very civil. Then Amr ibn also accuses Konli as a previously blocked editor, and refers to a block that was caused through Amr Ibn after a complaint where Amr Ibn reverted once more than Konli17, while both weren't breaking any rules at the time. I adverted the blocking Admin EdJohnston of it, but to no avail.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 23:41, 27 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Paradise Chronicle, once again, I recognise that there has been a history of incivility on this talk page, and that it has not been one-sided. It was allowed to continue for too long. I am trying to stop it, but that does not extend to going back and blocking accounts retrospectively. GirthSummit (blether) 08:02, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
As with GS, I'm here to stop the ongoing incivility, which I agree has come from multiple editors. I am not going to get involved in the content disputes; that would make me involved, and I'd not be able to help with the behavior issues. And the point is, I don't need to understand the content dispute in order to understand and help deal with the behavior issues going forward.
I strongly recommend you all stop with the walls of text. Very few editors will read anything more than a few sentences long, so learn to write short. Draft, then edit down mercilessly to only what you really need to say. It takes longer to write short, but it's a valuable skill for persuading other editors. —valereee (talk) 13:14, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Girth Summit: Can we acknowledge now that the "Kurds are from Turkey" stuff had no place in Wikipedia besides objective treatment as a nationalist propaganda exercise no different to the Turkish nationalist claim that Kurds are just "Mountain Turks"? Please affirm that this is a correct and reasonable interpretation of all the sources I've quoted until this point? GPinkerton (talk) 13:16, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton, as I explained just above, if GS became involved in the content dispute, they'd no longer be able to help here in an administrative capacity. We need WP:UNINVOLVED admins here to help with ongoing behavior issues. Neither GS nor I are going to get involved in the content dispute. —valereee (talk) 14:27, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Valereee: Well someone needs to, because the ongoing behavioural issue is tendentious use and abuse of sources and a WP:AGENDA with a blithely carefree approach to uncritically repeating 20th-century propaganda claims as though appropriate for deciding content. Incivility is just a by-product of stonewalling; the content dispute is the behavioural issue. GPinkerton (talk) 15:57, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
24 hour block for abuse of sources and a WP:AGENDA with a blithely carefree approach to uncritically repeating 20th-century propaganda claims —valereee (talk) 16:24, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Proposed edit nov28

I suggest the following material be copied in to expand the lead:

Syrian Kurdistan is one of the Lesser Kurdistans that comprise Greater Kurdistan and is also known as Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojava Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun sets').[1]: 356  As such, Syrian Kurdistan is one of the four territories into which Kurdistan is divided by the boundaries of sovereign states, alongside Iranian Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojhilatê Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun rises') and the neighbouring Turkish Kurdistan (Bakurê Kurdistanê, 'Northern Kurdistan') and Iraqi Kurdistan (Başûrê Kurdistanê, 'Southern Kurdistan').[1]: 356 

The territory consists of three discontinuous areas on the northern border of Syria, in the Aleppo and al-Hasakah Governorates of Syria.[2]: 251–252 [1]: 358–361 [3]: 196  In the extreme east of Syrian Upper Mesopotamia (Arabic: الجزيرة, romanizedal-Jazira, lit.'the island'), al-Hasakah Governorate (historically al-Jazira Province) is adjacent to Iraq's Sinjar District, part of Iraqi Kurdistan, and has been Kurdish-majority "since official records began".[1]: 358–361  Ayn al-Arab District in the Aleppo Governorate is centred on Kobanî (Arabic: عَيْن الْعَرَب, romanizedʿAyn al-ʿArab), which like the nearby town of Jarabulus is on the border with Turkey's Şanlıurfa Province, part of Turkish Kurdistan.[1]: 358–361 [2]: 251–252  The Afrin District, also in the Aleppo Governorate, includes the town of Afrin (Kurdish: Efrîn) and the Kurd Mountains (Turkish: Kurd Dagh) at the north-eastern corner of Syria's border with Turkey's Hatay Province.[1]: 358–361 [2]: 251–252 

Al-Hasakah, the seat of the governorate of the same name, stands at the confluence of the Jaghjagh River and the Khabur, two tributaries of the Euphrates, while Ras al-Ayn lies upstream of the Khabur at the point where the Syria–Turkey border intersects the river. Jarabulus, in the Jarabulus Subdistrict, stands on the border with Turkey where the Euphrates enters Syrian territory, while Kobanî, likewise on the border, stands between the Euphrates valley and the Balikh River. The Kurd Mountains, outside the Euphrates–Tigris Basin, constitute a detached extension of the Anatolian Plateau on the edge of the Anatolian Plate.[1]: 358–361 

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g O’Leary, Brendan (January 2018). "The Kurds, the Four Wolves, and the Great Powers – Review: The Kurds of Syria by Harriet Allsopp. London: Tauris, 2015. The Kurds of Iraq: Nationalism and Identity in Iraqi Kurdistan by Mahir A. Aziz. (2nd ed.) London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Out of Nowhere: The Kurds of Syria in Peace and War by Michael M. Gunter. London: Hurst, 2014. The Kurds: A Modern History by Michael M. Gunter. Princeton, NJ: Wiener, 2016. Alien Rule by Michael Hechter. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Political Violence and Kurds in Turkey by Mehmet Orhan. London: Routledge, 2015. Kurds and the State in Iran: The Making of Kurdish Identity by Abbas Vali. London: Tauris, 2014". The Journal of Politics. 80 (1): 353–366. doi:10.1086/695343. ISSN 0022-3816. Historically they have been concentrated in three discontiguous places in northern Syria, namely,
    i) The northeastern corner of Syria, … is to the west of Mosul. … This area has been Kurdish majority since official records began in the last century. The encompassing Syrian governorate is called al-Hasaka (formerly Jazira) … Kurdish and Christian coexistence has generally been long-standing here.
    ii) The Kobanê (Ain al-Arab to Arabs) district is in the northeast of the Aleppo governorate, in northcentral Syria …
    iii) The most northerly and western part of Syria, a mountainous outcrop of the Anatolian plateau, the Efrîn (Afrīn in Arabic) district, … Ethnographically the Kurds here are indistinguishable from the Kurds of Turkey and unquestionably in their homeland. …
  2. ^ a b c Tejel, Jordi (2020), Cimino, Matthieu (ed.), "The Complex and Dynamic Relationship of Syria's Kurds with Syrian Borders: Continuities and Changes", Syria: Borders, Boundaries, and the State, Mobility & Politics, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 243–267, doi:10.1007/978-3-030-44877-6_11, ISBN 978-3-030-44877-6, retrieved 2020-11-21, Kurdish populations placed under the French Mandate occupied three narrow zones isolated from each other along the Turkish frontier: the Upper Jazira, Jarabulus, and Kurd Dagh. These three Kurdish enclaves constituted nevertheless a natural extension of Kurdish territory into Turkey and Iraq.
  3. ^ Chaliand, Gérard, ed. (1993) [1978]. Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan [A People Without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan]. Translated by Pallis, Michael. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-85649-194-5. Are these three regions – Kurd-Dagh, Ain-Arab, and Northern Jezireh – part of Kurdistan? Do they form a Syrian Kurdistan, or are they merely region of Syria which happen to be populated with Kurds? The important thing is that 10% of Syria's population are Kurds who live in their own way in well-defined areas in the north of the country. Syrian Kurdistan has thus become a broken up territory and we would do better to talk about the Kurdish regions of Syria. What matters is that these people are being denied their legitimate right to have their own national and cultural identity.

GPinkerton (talk) 15:37, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Oppose: we have an open rfc for exactly this. The word CONTESTED is the key here. This proposed edit gives all the weight to one side. I would be okay with it if the other side gets the same prominent place, and in the first paragraph as well.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 16:13, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Oppose: cherry picked sources that further pushes the debunked "Syrian kurdistan" fraud. Completely agree with Attar-Aram syria here, its very one sided. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 16:47, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
blocked for one hour for cherry picked sources that further pushes the debunked "Syrian kurdistan" fraud —valereee (talk) 17:25, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Oppose: the lead needs to be balanced, presenting sources on both sides. We have many sources and statistics describing the population of the different discontigious areas under the scope of this article, and they are very different from what is suggested above. We also have Abdullah Ocalan who denies the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan but that is left out. On top of that, this text presents the name as the "official name" while so many other sources use names such as "Kurdish-inhabited region in Syria" or "Kurdish enclaves in Syria". Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 20:39, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Strong support the lead is probably one the best and extensively sourced on wikipedia. I've never seen a better sourced one at least. What Abdullah Öcalan mentioned can be added, too, but probably not in the lead. I don't know, if you really believe he is a reliable source. If so we could source multiple sections with his books on Syrian Kurdistan. But this not even the pro-Kurdish editors would attempt. And don't misinterpret the text Amr Ibn, it is clearly mentioned in the lead that Syrian Kurdistan is a part of a sovereign state.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 23:27, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Paradise Chronicle, please stop this: But this not even the pro-Kurdish editors would attempt. And don't misinterpret the text Amr Ibn as it talks about editors, not edits. —valereee (talk) 01:42, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Suggestions

  1. Read I.C. Vanly here(pseudonymous, see his article) for what 'Syrian Kurdistan' meant in 1992. This is misused as a citation in the article, try and read for understanding, not as a means to push a POV.
  2. Think about the difference between "are Kurd-Dagh, Ain-Arab, and Northern Jezireh Syrian Kurdistan?" and "Afrin, Jazira, and Kobanî are Syrian Kurdistan"
  3. Use modern sources, don't use older ones to push a POV.
  4. Describe Syrian Kurdistan without trying to define a boundary. Where, when, and how predominately Kurdish an area should be in the Kurds in Syria article.
  5. Editing here while really arguing Turkish occupation of northern Syria should earn a page ban.

fiveby(zero) 16:38, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

blocked 1 hour for not as a means to push a POV, don't use older ones to push a POV —valereee (talk) 17:16, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

User:Konli17 is blocked for sockpuppetry

His comments should be not used for consensus. Shadow4dark (talk) 17:58, 28 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Compromise time?

I hope that now, the editors, from both camps, have come to the conclusion that a compromise should be reached. Those who refuse the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan, based on historic arguments , are not Nazis!(yes, this is not a historic cultural region, and no source till now has been able to prove otherwise i.e. these regions were considered part of Kurdistan by lets say Western travellers of the 18th and 19th centuries, or Ottoman historians.. etc). Those editors who wish to see an unqualified usage of the term Syrian Kurdistan are also not zealot nationalists. I would say that both camps deserve a voice. So, please vote on this formula, and please keep in mind that no one party will overcome the other! This is not how things go here. I suggest retaining the second (with reservations concerning that Kurds have been the majority since official records began, which is not what the French records show) and third paragraphs GP wrote in a section earlier, and I changed the first one (and it will be sourced using the same sources I used in the rfc):

Syrian Kurdistan, also known as Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojava Kurdistanê‎, lit. 'Kurdistan where the sun sets'), is an area of three Kurdish-inhabited regions in Northern Syria. The concept of a Syrian Kurdistan gained prominence during the Syrian Civil War, as, before the war, Syrian Kurdish political factions usually chose to remain within a Syrian national framework. On the other hand, the Syrian government, and most Sunni Arabs of Syria, are opposed to the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan.

Please give me your thoughts, and don’t focus on me. Try to accommodate your "opponents" instead of aiming at total victory, which neither parties will attain. Sad that Im talking about fights and victories, but this is what this page turned to. Ofcourse, compromise isnt the way to go when it comes to delivering an accurate information, but in this case it is, as the truth lies in the middle.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 17:40, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

  • It would help if you sources existed for these claims. Per WP:FALSEBALANCE, Wikipedia policy does not state or imply that every minority view or extraordinary claim needs to be presented along with commonly accepted mainstream scholarship as if they were of equal validity. There are many such beliefs in the world, some popular and some little-known: claims that the Earth is flat, that the Knights Templar possessed the Holy Grail, that the Apollo moon landings were a hoax, and similar ones. GPinkerton (talk) 17:46, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
The sources are in the rfc Talk:Syrian_Kurdistan#Support_A. I will add them if this formula finds consensus, otherwise, I wont do the effort. P.S, the view of the rest of Syria is not minority, and the mainstream scholarship do not deny that the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan is not universally accepted. Anyway, these discussion have expired. We conducted them earlier, a lot. I’m looking here for a middle way, and I hope that what happened earlier have shown that its only the middle way that will work.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 17:50, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Even the whole of Syria is a tiny minority compared with the reliable sources of the English-speaking world. There is no reason to privilege some conjectural Syrian attitude to geography; this is the English language Wikipedia and takes a global perspective. GPinkerton (talk) 18:28, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
When it come to geography, most English academic sources will call those regions northern Syria, not Kurdistan. I will argue no further, as I meant to have some sort of compromise, which I see will not happen here.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 18:34, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Attar-Aram Syria, what do you think about the current first line "Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayê Kurdistanê‎), often shortened to Rojava, is regarded by some Kurds and some regional experts as the part of Kurdistan in Syria." why does it need to be changed? --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:45, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Compromise is why it should be changed, but maybe I made a mistake, as no editor is willing to let go and everyone wants to force their version on everyone.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 19:49, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Attar-Aram syria, your version says that the name of kurdish-inhabited areas in Syria is "Syrian Kurdistan". We all now very well that is not the areas real name. And it can not be presented as such. It can be presented as a kurdish belief only. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:54, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Attar-Aram syria, per MOS:FIRST, the first sentence should define the subject of the article. It explicitly advises against using phrases like 'refers to', because we need to define the subject rather than the subject's name. Given that WP:INVOLVED explicitly allows me to suggest possible wording, I would suggest that this might be better phrased along the lines of 'Syrian Kurdistan, also known as Western Kurdistan... ...is an area of Kurdish-inhabited regions in Northern Syria.' Note please that I am not advocating for the specifics of that definition - it's the semantics I'm aiming at. The subject of the article is not a noun phrase, it's a geographic region (whether or not it is contested).
I have no comment on the rest of your proposal at present. GirthSummit (blether) 17:57, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks Girth Summit. I edited my paragraph and inserted your wording.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 17:59, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
  • I further object based on the fact that two out of three sentences are both irrelevant and untrue. The concept of a Syrian Kurdistan gained prominence during the Syrian Civil War is incorrect, as many sources has already been adduced for the region's prominence in the 1920s, when Syrian Kurdistan was established by the Mandatory borders. GPinkerton (talk) 18:25, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
So no compromise. Lets see if a consensus will emerge when the other editors comment.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 18:26, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I'd further suggest that, if the content in the body of the article is contested, that should be agreed upon before discussing the lead (which merely summarises that content). We're doing this in the wrong order. GirthSummit (blether) 18:35, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Yes, I agree. We need to decide the scope of this article, and Fiveby summarized the issues with the scope.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 18:37, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Is there something you'd like to add to the article body? GPinkerton (talk) 18:44, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
On the proposed edit: Which notable Kurdish faction involved in the Syrian Civil War (like PYD) has advocated for the creation of Syrian Kurdistan that was not part of a Syrian national Framework? The PYD has declared numerous times that the area it governed is a part of Syria. To this I agree though:Syrian Kurdistan, also known as Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojava Kurdistanê‎, lit. 'Kurdistan where the sun sets'), is an area of three Kurdish-inhabited regions in Northern Syria.
Nothing about the "Syrian national framework" is really relevant here, and neither is the politics. This is just geography. Syrian Kurdistan does need advocates for its creation, it was created a century ago by the establishment of the border. The PYD has nothing to do with anything, and in any case the Kurds are reliably said to prefer "western" and not "Syrian" as the name. GPinkerton (talk) 18:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Then also as the threads name is compromise time: Can we agree to edit ourselves and replace/exchange the two three words we don't like instead of just reverting edits of several hundreds/thousands bytes? I mean that we just revert for a word or two, edits of more than 100 bytes is not really helpful, specially in a contested and protected article like this one.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 18:45, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
PC: Im using Appolodion's words when it comes to the Syrian framework. Kurdistan as a term does not merely have a cultural meaning, but a political one as well. Therefore, calling for a Kurdistan will indicate aspirations of independence, a Kurdish nation...etc The term itself, the land of the Kurds, indicates that other ethnicities are guests there, or migrants. Hence, the wording: Syrian framework. Ofcourse, everything can be agreed on, as long as both point of views are represented. You agreed to the first part, which satesfy one party, so what about the other?--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 18:49, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
What Applodion[ https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Syrian_Kurdistan&type=revision&diff=988424466&oldid=988173771&diffmode=source wrote] about the Syrian Framework was not in the lead and also mentioned that the idea of independence stemmed from before the Syrian Civil War if you refer to this version. I don't know which notable Kurdish party during the Syrian Civil War advocated for the creation of such a political entity. Of course, Kurdish was allowed to be taught in schools and used as an official regional language but this is about Governance (in Syria) and not about a creation of an independent Syrian Kurdistan. How about: Syrian Kurdistan, also known as Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojava Kurdistanê‎, lit. 'Kurdistan where the sun sets'), is an area of (three) Kurdish-inhabited regions in Northern Syria. The Syrian government, and most Sunni Arabs of Syria, are opposed to the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan.
The authoritative dictionary definition I have quoted above mentions no such definition and we should be using reliable sources, so there's no need to worry about that idea, especially as "Kurdistan" has been used in English for 500 years. GPinkerton (talk) 18:53, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Not about an area in Syria.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:43, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I have already demonstrated to contrary. GPinkerton (talk) 19:45, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I haven't seen it. Can you show me it? --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:50, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
In the Oxford English Dictionary's 3rd edition, from 2018, Kurdistan is defined as the following:

Kurdistan, n. (Kurdish Kurdistan, lit. 'land of the Kurds'), the name of any of various (current or historical) regions inhabited by Kurdish people, now chiefly located in parts of Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and Syria. The place name is attested in English contexts from at least the 16th cent. (initially as Curdistan).

GPinkerton (talk) 19:55, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Notice the following: "the name of any of various (current or historical) regions" "now chiefly located in" this doesnt proof that areas in Syria has been part of Kurdistan for 500 years.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 20:01, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Who cares? We know already the Kurds have lived there for centuries. What does it matter? The name Syrian Kurdistan is only relevant after the area became part of modern Syria 100 years ago. It's been part of Kurdistan far longer. GPinkerton (talk) 20:03, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I care. The Oxford source did not confirm what you claimed. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 20:10, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Yes it does, and it has refuted your claims. GPinkerton (talk) 20:11, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
"It's been part of Kurdistan far longer". Here where sourcing fails. No contemporary account, from before the establishment of Syria, of a traveller, a historian..etc mentions this. No account says: I travelled to Ras al-ayn, in Kurdistan. No account says: the Shammar graze their herds in Kurdistan near Jaghjagh, or that Jarablus is in Kurdistan. If that will be available, where those Syrian regions are specifically mentioned, then things will change here, at least for me.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 20:15, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
See: argumentum ex silentio. What is the relevance of this? What sources say this is part of Syria in those days? It's usually described as just "Kurdistan" and "Upper Mesopotamia", north Jazira, etc. GPinkerton (talk) 20:39, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I asked for a source for your assertion that "It's been part of Kurdistan far longer". You used this as an argument, so you need to prove it. Where were these regions described as Kurdistan before the establishment of Syria, as you claimed?--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 20:48, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I gave you a source and I have proven it. We know the Kurds have lived in the now-Syrian Jazira for centuries, we know they were elsewhere in the Khabour and Jagh Jagh and Euphrates valleys in the 17th century in what is now Syria, and we know that since the 16th century the name of any of various (current or historical) regions inhabited by Kurdish people is Kurdistan. GPinkerton (talk) 20:56, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Actually you didnt give me. What you are doing is original research, a synth. You are making your own conclusions here. If no source mentions these regions as part of Kurdistan, which is a historic region many ancient travelers and historians described, then you cant say these regions are Kurdistan. Kurds live in many places, and not all of them are Kurdistan.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 20:59, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
It is an acknowledged fact that reliable sources treat the area as Syrian Kurdistan. You say: Kurdistan, which is a historic region many ancient travelers and historians described and the Oxford English Dictionary agrees, saying this region is: now chiefly located in parts of Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and Syria. So there is no need to continue disputing this fact. GPinkerton (talk) 21:04, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
"It's been part of Kurdistan far longer". This is a claim unsourced, which you made based on original research. If you wish not to continue, Im happy to do so, but when making any historic claims, then please make sure to source them properly.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 21:09, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I can only repeat that what you are saying is incorrect and I have provided ample sources for this. GPinkerton (talk) 21:32, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
"It's been part of Kurdistan far longer". The only sources that can support this are those that mentions it directly.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 21:38, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Leaving aside that incorrect claim, you have not explained what relevance you imagine that is. In order of Kurdistan to be divided between the four modern states, it is necessarily the case that the part of Kurdistan now called Syrian Kurdistan must have existed beforehand. It did not simply spring up out of the ground the day the French arrived, so unless you're arguing that's what happened there's really no reason to continue discussion on this point. We know there were plenty of Kurdish majority regions in Syria long before WWI, and we know Kurds have referred to Kurdistan since the 17th century as extending from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf, so there is really no point in continuing to quibble on this issue. GPinkerton (talk) 22:10, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Imagine? Restrain yourself and dont go into that road again. I am not imagining anything. When you claim something, provide evidence for it that is not your own logical conlusions that may not be logical for someone else. Not every place Kurds migrate to or inhabit becomes a Kurdistan. Just stick to source and do not use any original research.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 22:33, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
The source says historical Kurdistan is part in Syria. Nothing further needs discussion. There is no OR besides arguing with the dictionary. GPinkerton (talk) 22:40, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
This discussion was about a claim you made (the regions are part of Kurdistan long before Syria) based on your own conclusions. Its over now. As for "historical Kurdistan" being part in Syria, Im sure any reliable source claiming this will have a historical document cited to prove the claim, otherwise, that source will be unreliable.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 22:52, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
If you think the OED is unreliable I am afraid you will not find support for that view and it will be fruitless to pursue it further. It is a reliable source and it says Kurdistan is part in Syria. QED. GPinkerton (talk) 22:56, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I dont think. I know how academic works are done, so even the OED, if not basing their claims on evidence, can be discredited. Even great scholars lose their reputation when they make claims that cant be proven. I just need the evidence for claims: if it does not exist, then the claim is false.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 22:59, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Anyway, Kurdistan today exists, but "historical" needs historic evidence, and this is what we were discussing. I believe we are done if evidence cannot be provided.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 23:02, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
As I say, the evidence has been provided. We are done. GPinkerton (talk) 23:15, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
And as I say, no evidence have been provided, only conclusions based on original research.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 23:17, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
  • As the first sentence to this article, I like Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayê Kurdistanê, lit 'Kurdistan where the sun sets'‎), often shortened to Rojava, are the Kurdish-inhabited regions of Northern Syria. I don't think "three" is important enough of a detail to include in the first sentence but "...are three Kurdish-inhabited regions..." also works for me. Levivich harass/hound 19:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Levivich: "Syrian Kurdistan ... are ..."? The grammar is wrong. Also why capitalize "northern"? GPinkerton (talk) 19:14, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
No problem for me Levivich. But what about the rest. This article will not know peace if every editor insist on having it his way. As I expected, pro-Kurdistan editors (I dont mean you) are happy with the first sentence and dont want the rest, and I believe the anti-Kurdistan will do the opposite. So how will this article ever develop?--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 19:18, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I have opinions about the rest, too, but I wonder if we can first come to consensus on the first sentence and proceed from there. Personally, I like this latest version (below) better than either what's in the article currently, or any of the choices in the open RFC above. What about: Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayê Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun sets'‎), often shortened to Rojava, is the Kurdish-inhabited region of northern Syria.? Levivich harass/hound 19:27, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Your suggestion is factually incorrect, the name of the Kurdish-inhabited region of northern Syria is not "Syrian Kurdistan", no part of Syria has this name. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:37, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Yup, fine with me, as long as the contested nature of this region will be illuminated in the first paragraph as well.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 19:33, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
That would be fine Alright except possibly change "region" to "area" or "territory", otherwise OK; though I think the second sentence should begin as I proposed in the section above. I think that does a good job of explaining the basics of the geography and after saying its the Kurdish bit of Syria we should say its the Syrian bit of Kurdistan, and explain what that means. The articles United States Virgin Islands and British Virgin Islands deal with it a similar way; both say they are part of the Virgin Islands and both mentions the other in the lead. GPinkerton (talk) 19:40, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
There is no "Kurdish bit of Syria" that would imply that it belongs to kurds. There are only kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:48, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I've demonstrated before that it implies no such thing and the reliable sources do not support this claim. GPinkerton (talk) 20:11, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks to Atta, GP and SD for weighing in on my suggestions. @عمرو بن كلثوم, HistoryofIran, Thepharoah17, and Paradise Chronicle: as editors who have !voted in the RFC about the lead sentence, would you mind giving me your opinion about whether this first sentence is better or worse than the options in the RFC: Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayê Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun sets'‎), often shortened to Rojava, is the Kurdish-inhabited area of northern Syria. Levivich harass/hound 20:04, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

The current first line is the the most neutral and accurate and better represents the factual situation. "Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayê Kurdistanê‎), often shortened to Rojava, is regarded by some Kurds and some regional experts as the part of Kurdistan in Syria." It doesn't need to be changed.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 19:31, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

As SD says, it took us weeks to reach the first line in the current version (developed mostly by Applodion following intesive discussions on the Talk page) to reflect the current status of the term, used by some although most sources/media outlets use "Kurdish-inhabited region(s) in Syria". The difference between here and Iraqi/Iranian or Turkish Kurdistan is that the overwhelming majority there is Kurdish. While here it is not and has never been (See statistics from French mandate authorities) despite having some very small pockets (i.e. cluster of villages) such as Ain al-Arab or Kurd Dagh having an overwhelming Kurdish majority. How big is the area or the population? Does that justify saying this is a Syrian Kurdistan? To be concise, I am fine with the wording that Applodion had introduced, that you can see in this version. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 20:18, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Speaking only from the perspective of compliance with the MOS, it does need to be changed. The current sentence fails to define the subject - '...is regarded by some...' is descriptive, not definitive. We need to define what the subject is in the first sentence - we can mention in later sentences that the land, or indeed the existence of the place as an entity, is contested - but the first sentence needs to set out in simple English what/where we're talking about. GirthSummit (blether) 20:23, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Reading the sentence: "regarded by some Kurds and some regional experts as the part of Kurdistan in Syria." - the subject is clear: This is an area that some people believe is "Syrian Kurdistan".--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 20:30, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Grammatically-speaking, the problem with any lead sentence like X is regarded by some as Y... is that it implies X is regarded by others as Z. In the current lead sentence, "X" is "Syrian Kurdistan", and "Y" is "the part of Kurdistan in Syria", but there is no Z. There is no one who thinks "Syrian Kurdistan" is, say, the part of Kurdistan in Turkey, or that "Syrian Kurdistan" refers to the southwestern part of Syria, or that it's a type of sandwich or something. Some people might say "Syrian Kurdistan" doesn't exist at all, or should be called by a different name, but no one thinks the two words "Syrian Kurdistan" might refer to anything other than the parts of northern Syria where Kurds live. Levivich harass/hound 20:38, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Correct. GPinkerton (talk) 20:45, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Levivich I agree to your version. And there was no consensus as Amr Ibn claimes, but the RfC was opened on the 12 November 2020 [1] after GPinkerton brought in the many sources for an existence of a Syrian Kurdistan at the NPOV noticeboard on the 10 November 2020.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 20:50, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Thanks @Levivich: first for taking the initiative to help with this article. I am fine with the sentence if we precede it by "According to Kurdish nationalists" (or something along these lines) and be more specific about the extent (per I.C. Vanly here or David McDowall here, page 466). According to Kurdish nationalists, Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayê Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun sets'‎), often shortened to Rojava, refers to three non-contiguous Kurdish-inhabited areas of northern Syria. Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 20:47, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

It is clearly untrue that Syrian Kurdistan is used "According to Kurdish nationalists". They don't call any part of Kurdistan "Syrian"; why would they? Reliable sources however, all treat Syrian Kurdistan as the normal English name for the place, as they have done for many decades. GPinkerton (talk) 20:59, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
عمرو بن كلثوم, respectfully, I don't think that this is a reasonable suggestion. It has already been shown that the term is used in mainstream academic sources, its use is clearly not entirely restricted to Kurdish Nationalists. That is not to say that we cannot/should not discuss the dispute over the region in the article, but to say in the definitive first sentence of the lead that its use is restricted in this way seems unsupportable. GirthSummit (blether) 22:32, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Correct. GPinkerton (talk) 23:16, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Then the current wording works, "is regarded by some Kurds and some regional experts as the part of Kurdistan in Syria" (or something like that). The problem with the suggested wording is that it presents this name as a fact, when it is very clearly contested. Again, according to google search, "Kurdish region in Syria" is WAY more commonly used than "Syrian Kurdistan", especially when it comes to international credible sources (organizations, media outlets, etc.), rather than opinion monographs and nationalist websites. As other users have pointed out, there is hardly any credible map (outside the Kurdish claims) that says Syrian Kurdistan on it. When you have Abdullah Ocalan, the Kurdish historical leader, Jalal Talabani and Masud Barazani denying the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan, I think that has a considerable weight that cannot be ignored in the lead. Jordi Tejel says: Therefore, as David McDowall asserts, the Kurdish leaders Jalal Talabani (PUK), Abdullah Ocalan (PKK), and probably Masud Barzani (KDP) either denied the legitimacy of a Syrian Kurdish movement or dismissed it as a small-scale movement that distracted from the "real struggle" for Kurdistan (McDowall 1998: 69-70
I hate to repeat myself, but you have prominent authors such as the Kurdish activist Vanly (mentioned above by Fiveby) and David McDowall who have talked about Kurdish areas (or communities) in Syria, but not Syrian Kurdistan. As Fiveby mentioned above, the wording here has to be careful as not to present that this ethnically and culturally mixed area is not presented here from a Kurdish nationalist standpoint. If you still want to do so, then make it clear that this is the angle we are writing from. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 23:20, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
No it does not work because it does not met the criteria of WP:FIRST and is deeply WP:UNDUE as has already been explained. The point about David McDowall is a regrettable logical fallacy, once again, of argumentum ex silentio, and failing the test of logic, ought never to be considered in deliberation. Jordi Tejel repeatedly uses the term "Syrian Kurdistan" and the idea that anything quoted above is of any relevance or of WP:DUE importance or even interpreted correctly is wholly wrong. Ocalan, a person from Turkish Kurdistan, has repeatedly referred to the existence of a "Western Kurdistan", and the quotation of what he once told a Syrian journalist while a refugee in Syria more than four decades ago cannot be interpreted as a statement about reality. Given that Mehrdad Izady has been rejected as an authority for the climate of northern eastern Syria, because editors decided he was too Kurdish nationalist, that Abdullah Öcalan should now be cited as an authoritative source about far more controversial matters is really quite a surprise and to my mind quite unjeustifiable! GPinkerton (talk) 23:35, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Elapsed time does not change historical facts, whether they are 5 years old or a century old. I never said that Ocalan is a neutral person, he certainly is not. But when you have three prominent Kurdish nationalists (THREE, not only Ocalan) denying the idea of a Syrian Kurdistan, then saying there is a Syrian Kurdistan would sound like "More royal than the king". Trying to interpret "why X said this" and "why Y thinks that" is WP:OR. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 01:07, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Levivich: I'd like to draw your attention to two comments made above by Fiveby who was not part of the dispute. The comments here and here summarize the situation we are dealing with. Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 01:26, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
We know why Ocalan said that, and to whom, and why. It is all explained in the article you keep quoting from and is utterly inconsequential to the purposes of an encyclopaedia. GPinkerton (talk) 15:17, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

What else should be in the lead?

Thanks again to everyone for chiming in about the proposed first sentences in the section above. I also wanted to gather opinions about what else should be in the lead beyond the first sentence. Below is a list of topics I think should be covered in the lead, in roughly the order I think they should be addressed. I think all of these items could be summarized in the first paragraph, or they could take up multiple paragraphs, but at this point I'm thinking more about what should be included, without worrying about exactly how to phrase it or how much space to spend on each item. I'm sure I've missed some important items, but here is my list:

  1. Geographic description in relation to Syria (e.g., consists of three discontinuous areas on the northern border of Syria, and maybe the names/locations/descriptions of each of those three areas)
  2. Geographic description in relation to Kurdistan (e.g. it's a "Lesser Kurdistan", brief description of the other Kurdistans)
  3. That its boundaries are disputed and not clearly defined
  4. Geographic size estimate (sq km)
  5. Population size estimate and demographics (e.g. ethnicies, religions)
  6. Government
  7. Economy
  8. History of the place
  9. History of the name or concept "Syrian Kurdistan"
  10. A summary of the controversy surrounding the name/concept of "Syrian Kurdisan"

I would be interested to hear what everyone else would put on their list and in what order. Levivich harass/hound 23:00, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

  • I believe you did a great job. For me, I think it is important for the first paragraph to have these elements, in order: 1-3-2-9-10- and then it does not matter which paragraph: 4-5-6-7-8. The important thing is not being biased to one pov. So sentences to avoid are, for example, "Syrian Kurdistan was split from Turkish Kurdistan", as if the regions in Syria were acknowledged as regions of Kurdistan prior to WWI and that this was a given fact. Ofcourse, such sentence will be no problem, but only if a contemporary source can be provided, dating to that period, mentioning the partition of Kurdistan between Turkey and France, when that partition happened. Anything else will be original research or modern scholarship that may be affected by current politics instead of historic realities.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 23:09, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
    • The fact Kurdistan was divided between four states is undeniable and already well-established. Any suggestion that all academia may be affected by current politics instead of historic realities is a suggestion that would be WP:PROFRINGE the idea that we need to resort to WP:OR and WP:PRIMARY is incorrect. It is a given fact that regions in Syria and Turkey were considered Kurdistan prior to WWI, and this has already been proven numerous times, and not one iota of evidence has ben advanced in favour of the postulated contrary view. GPinkerton (talk) 23:22, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
      • Can you just leave my opinion alone? You dont have to reply to everything. There are no given facts without sources. Anything else would be simply OR. If its a given fact, then it can be proven by contemporary evidence.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 23:25, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
  • 2,1,3, to begin with, including a rough description of its relation to real-world concepts like rivers and mountains. (As I have suggested in the section above.) Very soon is required a mention of the Partition of the Ottoman Empire, the French Mandate of Syria and Lebanon, and the Treaty of Ankara (1921) which separated Syrian Kurdistan from Turkish Kurdistan; probably less significant is the border with Iraqi Kurdistan. Facts and figures of size and (pre-war) population can come second-last; 21st-century politics and post-2011 developments last. GPinkerton (talk) 23:12, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Gpinkerton, your comment about "which separated Syrian Kurdistan from Turkish Kurdistan" in regards to history, Ottoman Empire, French Mandate is not following real historical events. We already discussed this before. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 05:30, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
It is certainly true that you has said so before, though it is also true that nothing has been advanced in evidence of this claim. Other, more reliable sources take the opposite view, and none differ in this respect of reporting these basic historical facts.

Hassanpour, Amir (2005), Shelton, Dinah L. (ed.), "Kurds", Encyclopedia of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, Macmillan Reference USA, pp. 632–637, retrieved 2020-11-30, The majority live in Kurdistan, a borderless homeland whose territory is divided among the neighboring countries of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. … The dismantling of the Ottoman empire in World War I led to the division of its Kurdish region and the incorporation of that territory into the newly created states of Iraq (under British occupation and mandate, 1918–1932), Syria (under French occupation and mandate, 1918–1946), and Turkey (Republic of Turkey since 1923). The formation of these modern nation-states entailed the forced assimilation of the Kurds into the official or dominant national languages and cultures: Turkish (Turkey), Persian (Iran), and Arabic (Syria, and, in a more limited scope, Iraq).

GPinkerton (talk) 14:49, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
"division of its Kurdish region" not "Syrian Kurdistan". Also, Amir Hassanpour is a kurdish writer. So its a kurdish pov. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 14:53, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Kurdistan, a borderless homeland whose territory is divided among the neighboring countries of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Are you going to claim the Oxford English Dictionary which says exactly the same thing, is also a kurdish writer. So its a kurdish pov? GPinkerton (talk) 14:58, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
In history no one has ever talked about a "Syrian Kurdistan". In modern times, some kurds, but also a few others that follow the kurdish pov have started to use the phrase, but as other sources show, its not an official name and it is very disputed, and therfor must be presented as disputed terminology throughout this article and wikipedia in general.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 15:06, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I believe such proposals contravene both WP:GEVAL and WP:COMMONNAME. The lead sentence already states that it is not always called Syrian Kurdistan and gives two alternatives, less used: "Western Kurdistan" and "Rojava". No more coverage of this so-called "dispute" is either necessary or important. GPinkerton (talk) 15:15, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Oh, I think it's more than "a few others that follow the kurdish pov" who use the phrase "Syrian Kurdistan" to refer to those areas of northern Syria. Usage of the term increased significantly since the civil war but even before that, Google NGrams shows the phrase used in English since mid-20th century (although of course I agree that mid-20th century is "modern"). Google Scholar has 978 hits for "Syrian Kurdistan", but only 47 before 2010. There's no disputing that the phrase was in use before the war, but there's also no disputing that the phrase has become much more prevalent since the war. IMO that's not surprising and is basically explained by the rise of AANES. Levivich harass/hound 19:01, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
And besides that, Google Ngrams also shows "Kurdistan syrien" dates from the time of the French Mandate, at the latest. GPinkerton (talk) 19:27, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, as a policy point, the simple fact an academic is Kurdish does not make their pov a Kurdish pov. Macmillan Reference is a reputable publisher. It's fine to say an assertion should be attributed, but not to say it shouldn't be included simply because the author was Kurdish. —valereee (talk) 16:20, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Proposed illustration

I propose the following be added to the article. (The free use means it's needs to be added or will be deleted and is not even be allowed on the talk page.) This image: File:Kurdistan_on_the_1945_San_Francisco_Conference_map,_the_1946_Rizgari_United_Nations_memorandum_map,_and_the_1947_Cairo_map.png with the following caption: Maps of Kurdistan drawn in the 1940s, showing various definitions of Syrian Kurdistan. Top: map presented at the United Nations Conference on International Organization in 1945; Centre: map from the Rizgari Party's memorandum to the United Nations in 1946; Bottom: map drawn in Cairo in 1947. All are reproduced from O'Shea, Maria T. (2004). Trapped Between the Map and Reality: Geography and Perceptions of Kurdistan. New York and London: Routledge. pp. 151, 154. ISBN 978-0-415-94766-4.

These maps have very vague "sources". 1. Who at the San Francisco Conference conference made it? 2. "drawn in Cairo in 1947" By whom? --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 20:06, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
See the book. GPinkerton (talk) 20:07, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I cant access the book.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 20:11, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
According to O'Shea, they are from: 1.) Nikitine, Basile, Les Kurdes. Étude Sociologique et Historique (Impremerie Nationale, Libraire Klincksieck, Paris 1956), p. 205. "No further details available"; 2.) Rizgari Party map presented to the American Legation in Baghdad to be forwarded to the United Nations Organization in 1946; and 3.) "Notes Concerning the Map of Kurdistan (Elias Modern Press, Cairo 1947) "Unknown authors" . GPinkerton (talk) 20:25, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

No problem with it, as long as every map is ascribed to who made it, so that we dont have to open the book, but in the caption itself it should be clear who made it.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 20:17, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

I agree with Attar-Aram syria, so long as the map source is properly cited and is verifiable, I don't see an issue with it being included in the article. Jurisdicta (talk) 23:30, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Jurisdicta, that ping broke. You have to get the username exactly correct, then also sign, all in the same post. You can't go back and fix it but instead if you break it, must start fresh with a new ping and signature. There's a script you can install at User:Enterprisey/reply-link that will help with this. —valereee (talk) 23:45, 29 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Valereee, thank you for bringing this to my attention, I appreciate it. Jurisdicta (talk) 21:03, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

I'm not sure this would count as fair use unless there was sourced commentary in the body about the maps themselves. I don't think we can "fair use" a map just for the purpose of showing where a place is/was; we'd have to be talking about the map itself in the article. But that issue aside, because the image is tagged as fair use and is too big, a bot will come along and reduce the file size, and I think at that point the image will be too small to be readable and thus won't be useful at all. Levivich harass/hound 00:09, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

  • Just popping in with my NFCC hat on to say that you can justify a non-free image if "its presence would significantly increase readers' understanding of the article topic, and its omission would be detrimental to that understanding." Whether this particular map can meet this criteria, I am unsure. Black Kite (talk) 10:29, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
  • @Black Kite:, Levivich perhaps you can advise on whether the file needs to be fair use at all? The maps themselves are from the 1940s, but are reproduced from a book from this century. There is information about the maps in the book, so that can be used, and as for "omission would be detrimental to that understanding", I think it is essential that contemporary images showing Kurdistan extending into French Syria are included, since it has previously been denied that such a concept existed prior to the late 20th century, or even prior to the civil war, so obviously some doubts exist which could easily be settled by a look at these three images. GPinkerton (talk) 14:18, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
    @GPinkerton: I'm not sure if these maps are public domain or otherwise covered by copyright (that is, if they need to be fair use at all); it would depend in the first place on exactly where, when, and how they were published. If they were first published in the 1940s in the US with a valid copyright statement, I believe they would still be in copyright and thus they'd have to be fair use. However, at least one of them is a UN map, and I have no idea about the copyright status of UN works. As yet another layer of complication, I'm unclear about whether the maps were entirely created in the 1940s, or did the authors of the map take a pre-existing map and shade in the areas of Kurdistan on it? Because if they took a public domain map and shaded in parts of it, that's probably not copyrightable. Sorry, I have more questions than answers when it comes to the copyright status of these maps!
    Maps are certainly key to this article, though Levivich harass/hound 17:52, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
  • What about a newly drawn map, faithfully representing the outlines on one of the older maps, uploaded to Commons as "attributed as 'after unknown authors'" cited to the Elias Modern Press source or whoever? —valereee (talk) 15:58, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@Valereee: Certainly that would be ideal; there are quite a few such maps in that book and all would be useful in Wikipedia, particularly these three historical ones. I'm not the one to deal with .svg editing or anything though! GPinkerton (talk) 17:32, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton, yes, unfortunately neither am I. Perhaps someone here has the skills/tools? Or I think sometime in the past I've seen some sort of "ask for maps here" noticeboard. —valereee (talk) 17:43, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
17th floor, third door on the left passed the vending machines: Wikipedia:Requested pictures Levivich harass/hound 17:53, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich I added a request at the top but I'm not sure it's done right. GPinkerton (talk) 18:33, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks! It looks right to me but then I don't think I've ever used that template. Levivich harass/hound 18:53, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich, (Mae West voice): you really know your way around this place. —valereee (talk) 20:49, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

"Kurdistan"

The article Kurdistan defines "Kurdistan" in the lead sentence as a roughly defined geo-cultural territory in Western Asia wherein the Kurdish people form a prominent majority population and the Kurdish culture, languages, and national identity have historically been based. Does anyone object to using that phrasing in this article, or this altered form: a roughly-defined geo-cultural area in Western Asia inhabited by Kurds? Levivich harass/hound 22:06, 30 November 2020 (UTC)[reply]

The problem with having that quote about an area in Syria is that other sources show that to be heavily disputed, specially in regards to "historically been based". --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 05:01, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, would adding that it's disputed make it work for you? Something like "a roughly defined geo-cultural territory in Western Asia wherein the Kurdish people form a prominent majority population and the Kurdish culture, languages, and national identity are prominent; the historical implications are disputed." Implications isn't the right word, and that puts prominent in there twice, but I haven't had enough coffee yet. —valereee (talk) 13:13, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I think that the current lead is good and does not need to be changed.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 15:14, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
My support you have for such phrases. I have started a similar discussion called What reliable source opposes that there exists a Syrian Kurdistan. Maybe the discussion there can give you some insights what the possible answers could be.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 01:24, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich, as you say, Kurdistan is "roughly defined", meaning every map will be different, different in space and time. The Treaty of Sevres map shows the proposed state of Kurdistan by the WWI allies. The demographics in Kurdistan have dramatically shifted/still shifting. See this book for a description of Diyarbakir province in the late 19th century. It talks about the demographic distribution of the across the different areas of the province My point is that that city (and province to a great extent), now considered by some as the capital of Kurdistan, had a three way population split, Armenians, Kurds and Arabs. One has to be careful when describing a specific geographical area from an ethnic standpoint (sorry, I might be echoing Fiveby here). Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 06:02, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
That it is about a geo-cultural region and not! of a political entity like the Kurdistan Eyalet or a hypothetical Kurdistan as portrayed in the Treaty of Sevres. This I tried to explain several times already arguing that -stan after Kurdi = Kurdistan simply denotes that it is the "land of Kurds". Lets just go with the hundreds (English, French etc.) of sources that describe a division of Kurdistan into 4 different countries out of which Syrian Kurdistan, Turkish Kurdistan, Iranian Kurdistan and Iraqi Kurdistan arose.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 09:18, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
عمرو بن كلثوم, The Treaty of Sevres's Kurdish state was not a representation of Kurdistan but just the part of Turkish Kurdistan that would not be part of the big Armenian state that also never eventually existed. There is no relevance to Syrian Kurdistan because it was projected to be under French control just as Iraqi Kurdistan was under British, as eventually happened. East Kurdistan, being already part of Iran and no part of the partition of the Ottoman Empire, it also nowhere mentioned by the Sevres Treaty, which has, ultimately, very little to do with this subject. GPinkerton (talk) 13:54, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Exactly, the Treaty of Sevres didn't talk about a a Syrian Kurdistan because there was no such thing. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 17:30, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

عمرو بن كلثوم, Indeed, in those days it was just West Kurdistan. There was no Syria either. GPinkerton (talk) 17:35, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Per the text you added, West Kurdistan refers to Diyrabakir. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 17:38, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

عمرو بن كلثوم, Not true. The source (and the text I added) says Diyarbakir is in West Kurdistan. The idea "West Kurdistan" could ever be a synonym for a single city is logically impossible as well as linguistically and geographically absurd. GPinkerton (talk) 17:40, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Again asking for opinions, this time about this formulation:

  1. Before the Syrian Civil War, "West Kurdistan", "Western Kurdistan", and "Rojava Kurdistanê‎" (lit. "Kurdistan where the sun sets"), shortened to "Rojava", referred to the western part of Kurdistan (a Kurdish-inhabited area in central Asia), including Kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria ("Syrian Kurdistan") as well as the western part of Kurdish-inhabited areas of Turkey ("Turkish Kurdistan"), as shown (roughly) on this map (originally published in 1993).
  2. Since the Syrian Civil War, "West Kurdistan", "Western Kurdistan", "Rojava Kurdistanê‎", and "Rojava" refer to Kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria ("Syrian Kurdistan") (and not to Turkish Kurdistan) as shown (roughly) on these Syrian Kurdistan maps at Commons, including AANES as shown (roughly) on the lead map at that article.

I'm not proposing this for the lead, just wondering if editors agree or disagree that this is an accurate summary of what the RS say. Levivich harass/hound 20:55, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Levivich, according to historical sources. "Western kurdistan" is not in Syria. See this text in the article: "The late 19th-century Chambers's Encyclopaedia referred to "west Kurdistan" as bordering Iran in its entry on that country.[19] A German gymnasium text book from Sorau (modern Żary) describes Diyarbakır as being "on the upper Tigris, in West Kurdistan"." So referring to an area in Syria as "Western Kurdistan" has no historical basis and is a newly invented idea held by some people.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 06:34, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich, I think the "West" nomenclature is a confusing and imprecise distraction. I'm not wholly sure the map in 1.) is representative of the same divisions; I think the seven principal divisions there are linguistic boundaries distinct from the fourfold geopolitical division referred to in most of the literature. And, no the meaning of Syrian Kurdistan and "Western Kurdistan" has not changed since the previous century, except as to be interchangeable with the Kurdish-led administration of the area emerging since 2011. GPinkerton (talk) 21:05, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@GPinkerton: Meaning, at all times, "Rojava" referred to Kurdish-inhabited areas of Syria, and not any areas of Turkey? Levivich harass/hound 21:26, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich, I can't answer on the usage in Kurdish in particular, but certainly "Western Kurdistan" has been synonymous with Syrian Kurdistan in English long before the war. The source above refers to our meaning of the names on p. 200 as the three fragments of Kurdistan along Syria's northern and northeastern borders with Turkey and Iraq and as "Syrian Kurdistan" on p. 17; I think the "western Kurdistan" Izady refers to is a different one which is off-topic and possibly his own classification. (But does include both Diyarbakir and Syrian Kurdistan!) GPinkerton (talk) 21:40, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton, what do you make of Ismet Cheriff Vanly, writing in 1993 (pp. 139-140), describing Iraqi Kurdistan: Kurdistan in Iraq is often referred to as Southern Kurdistan but in fact it occupies a more or less central position in the Kurdish territories. It is the link between what is variously known as Turkish, Northern or Western Kurdistan to the north and north-west, and so-called Eastern or Iranian Kurdistan to the east and south-east, and it also borders on the mainly Kurdish areas of the Syrian Jezireh. Vanly also seems to be referring to Turkish Kurdistan as part of Western Kurdistan? Levivich harass/hound 21:56, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich, technically that book is from the 1970s, the English translation was from the 1990s. On the face of it, it adds to the case that the "western" label is confusing and much more ambiguous that the "Syrian" option. It's also certainly true that most of Syrian Kurdistan is contiguous with the Turkish side so it would make sense that culturally it would be lumped together as one. (See my comments in the section below regarding Bin Xhet and Ser Xhet.) GPinkerton (talk) 22:05, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Levivich, the text you just quoted above clarifies exactly what we are advocating here. There are Kurdistan parts in Iraq, Turkey and Iran, but in Syria they are refered to "Kurdish-inhabited areas". Per Fiveby, saying Kurdish-inhabited areas in Syria has many ethno-nationalistic implications. The situation in Syria is and has always been different the the other three countries. Western Kurdistan is around Diyarbakir in Turkey. In Syria on the eve of WWI there was not enough Kurds to justify the use of Syrian Kurdistan, per Vanly above. Remember this is another Kurdish activist, same as Izady, and the maps presented by Izady go against all other ethnographic maps of the area (mostly British) or French mandate demographic description/statistics. Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 22:07, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

عمرو بن كلثوم, No, there are contiguous "Kurdish-inhabited areas" in four states, and the areas in Syria are called "Syrian Kurdistan". GPinkerton (talk) 22:08, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

"-stan"

That -stan denotes a land and Kurdi before -stan gives Kurdistan I have tried to explain several times. More descriptive 5 times between the 13 and 25 of November. You can review the diffs here,

[here],
here,
here,
here on the 23rd and 25th November 2020, I added the comment that I haven't received an answer yet on this, and this stood this way. I am actually still waiting for an argument which refutes this -stan argument. Can I assume there is no opposition to this then on the Syrian Kurdistan article talk page and Kurdistan was therefore divided between Syrian, Turkey, Iraq, and Iran giving way to Syrian Kurdistan, Turkish Kurdistan, Iranian Kurdistan and Iraqi Kurdistan which is actually described in multiple academic sources on the topic.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 09:18, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Paradise Chronicle, we are going around in circles and I am really fatigued of this right now. In 1939 the french census of the Jazira region showed the bulk of the population being Arabs/Assyrians/Armenians and a minority being Kurds. We have several sources describing how kurds came in waves after waves from Turkey to Syria. We have several sources saying "Syrian Kurdistan" is not real. How can Wikipedia then possibly claim that in the 1920s a "Syrian kurdistan" existed in Syria that was divided? This claim is only a belief held by some people. This is a kurdish narrative that some people go along with. And other do not. It is not a historical fact. It is highly disputed, and it must therefor be presented as a disputed belief in the article. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 09:39, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
That Kurd Dagh is Kurdish since centuries and not only after the French Mandate and that Bohtan span over parts of Northern Syria is stated here in the discussion it is so stated also in their respective articles. The Barazi Tribal confederation who wanted an autonomy for the Kurdish region around Jarabulus in Syria was also Kurdish. This denial comes from SD, who wanted to move the article Syrian Kurdistan to Kurdish occupied Regions in Syria in the midst of a the Siege of Kobane by ISIL (also known as ISIS) The Kurds have mainly (I don't know of any battle the YPG or SDF had against non-Jihadist factions in which they captured localities) captured localities from Jihadists and ISIS and haven't attacked the Syrian Governments positions which holds significant and tolerated enclaves within the Autonomous Administration. Call this attempted Move the POV you like, but sources for this can mainly be found in ISIS and other Jihadi outlets or Assadist or Turkish state propaganda.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 10:54, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, I am glad that you are tired of repeating this incorrect claim. We have already seen that it is contradicted by the reliable sources, so repeating it further is unlikely to be fruitful. We have already read that The northeastern corner of Syria ... has been Kurdish majority since official records began in the last century. (O’Leary, op. cit.) so unsourced claims to the contrary like these are not going to be considered, as it has already been proved it was a malicious fiction dreamt up by Arab nationalists to claim that there is no such thing as Syrian Kurdistan. As we have read, Kurds have been inhabiting northern Syria for centuries but their numbers were increased even more by refugees from the various wars waged against them in Turkey, this situation regarding the Turkish origin of some Syrian Kurds provided the Syrian rationale for the disenfranchisement of many of these Kurds in modern Syria, which began with the French mandate under the League of Nations following the First World War and the removal of the short-lived rule of Faisal as king. After much acrimony, a French-Turkish agreement arbitrarily made the Baghdad railway line that ran between Mosul in Iraq and Aleppo in Syria the present border between most of Turkey and Syria after it crossed the Iraqi-Syrian boundary. Indeed even today many Kurds in Turkey and Syria who live on either side of the border do not refer to themselves as coming from those states. Rather, for the Kurds of Turkey, Syria is Bin Xhet (below the line), and for the Kurds of Syria, Turkey is Ser Xhet (above the line). and The situation regarding the Turkish origin of some of the Syrian Kurds described in Chapter 1 provided the Syrian government’s rationale for the disenfranchisement of many of these Kurds in modern Syria. Never mind the fact that before the Sykes-Picot Agreement artificially separated the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire into three separate states after the First World War (Turkey, Iraq and Syria) all of these Kurds had lived within a single border. Gunter, Michael (2014). Out of Nowhere: The Kurds of Syria in Peace and War. London: C. Hurst and Co. pp. 9, 19. ISBN 978-1-84904-531-5. GPinkerton (talk) 13:50, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Source for that kurds were a minority in 1939 French census is CADN, Cabinet Politique, Box 505, no. 204/DJ, from the High Commissariat de la République Française en Syrie et au Liban, Délégation de la Haute Djézireh to Monsieur le LT. Colonel Inspecteur Délégué, 8 February 1939 and can be accesed in Algun, S., 2011. Sectarianism in the Syrian Jazira: Community, land and violence in the memories of World War I and the French mandate (1915- 1939). Ph.D. Dissertation. Universiteit Utrecht, the Netherlands. Page 11 Link --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 14:59, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, actually the source says the opposite, so your comment is wholly mistaken. The totals are actually given on page 12. They state:
  • Kurds: 53,315
  • Kurdo-Christians: 2,181
  • Yazidis: 1,602
  • Arabs: 29,769
  • Christians: 27,316
  • Armenians: 4,200
  • Assyrians: 8,767
As can clearly be seen, the Kurds (even when counted separately to Yazidis and "Kurdo-Christians") are by far the majority in the area, almost twice the size of any other surveyed group. It's obviously not necessary to discuss this irrelevant point any further, since it is clear that the claim: kurds were a minority in 1939 French census is both completely wrong and refuted utterly by the source alleged to support the claim. GPinkerton (talk) 16:53, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Kurds/Kurdo-Christian: 53.315 + 2181= 55,496 kurds. Arabs/Nomads/Christian/Armenian/Assyrian: 29.769 + 25.000 + 27.316 + 4200 + 8767 = 95.052 Non-kurds (Did not ad 1602 Yeezidis to either side as their origin is disputed). --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 18:33, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, Correct. As you can see, the Kurds are a clear majority. GPinkerton (talk) 18:36, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Non-kurds are the majority.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 18:40, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, "non-Kurds" is not a demographic. Kurds are the majority.

majority, n.
Being greater; the greater part.
- OED

Adding up all the minorities does not make the minorities a majority. The "greater part" of the population were Kurds, just as all the reliable sources say. GPinkerton (talk) 18:45, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
In 1939 kurds were the largest minority but they were not the majority. The majority, the greater part were Non-kurds. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 18:48, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, that's not how the word majority works. What you describe as "largest minority", without any group larger than itself, is in fact the majority, being the "greater part" of the population. QED. GPinkerton (talk) 19:11, 1 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton, actually that would be the "plurality". —valereee (talk) 14:05, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
>50% is a majority. If there are three or more groups, one can instead have a plurality. 50% Kurds, if they're the largest of three or more groups, would form a plurality and are not correctly called a majority. —valereee (talk) 14:13, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Valereee, No, that's a false dichotomy. A plurality is a kind of majority. e.g. Hilary Clinton won the majority of votes in the 2016 US presidential election: 48.2%. This kind of majority is called a plurality. Majority ≠ ≥50%. GPinkerton (talk) 14:57, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton: Majority, second paragraph of lead. —valereee (talk) 16:23, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
SD, if you check the demographic info of each district (also on page 12) and not just the whole Governorate the Kurds are a large majority of almost 100% in at least two of the 4 districts.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 00:42, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Valereee yes they are a plurality in the whole Governorate, but they have near 100% majority of 2 of the 4 districts in the table. I assume that there are other localities in the region that would be similarly populated by Kurds to come to the 55.000+ Kurds in the Governorate displayed in the table. Also look at the CIA report of 1948 which includes a CIA Kurdistan map on page 17. Syrian Kurdistan covers most of the northern strip of the Syrian Turkish border and is quite different as the CIA map of 2002.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 15:18, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Paradise Chronicle, yes, I was just discussing terminology, not the content. —valereee (talk) 17:05, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
GPinkerton HEre is a more neutral account about northern Syria and Kurds, compared to the POV sources you cite. This is again, ANOTHER evidence about the origin of Kurds in northeastern Syria from a declassified CIA report in 1948.
The Kurds constitute a relatively small minority in Syria and Lebanon. Kurdish communities of long standing are located in the Kurd Dagh area of northwestern Syria, but the largest concentration is in the Jazirah section of northeastern Syria, where a considerable number of Kurdish immigrants settled after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Small but politically active Kurdish communities exist in Damascus and Beirut.
The Kurds, along with other minorities, are accorded equal rights and privileges with the majority groups in Syria and Lebanon. They have parliamentary representation and generally concede that they have received fair treatment in such matters as road-building, construction of schools, and administration of justice. Nevertheless, many of them feel that their integrity as a group is in jeopardy. This feeling is most noticeable in Beirut and Damascus, which have become centers of Kurdish nationalist propaganda, and among the non-native immigrant Kurds, who have retained their traditional hatred of alien domination. The immigrant group has provided most of the leaders of the Syrian and Lebanese Kurds, notably the Badr Khan family, Dr. Ahmad Nazif, and Hassan Hajo Agha.
The intensive Kurdish immigration continued after the mandate authorities left. David McDowall states the following[1]: Arab nationalists had good reason to be paranoid about internal and external enemies. Nowhere was the Syrian Arab cause less assured than in the north where so many non-Arab communities lived, particularly in al-Hasaka governorate. The population had grown rapidly, and it was the growth since 1945 that gave cause for Arab concern. In its own words, the government believed that 'At the beginning of 1945, the Kurds began to infiltrate into al-Hasakeh governorate. They came singly and in groups from neighbouring countries, especially Turkey, crossing illegally along the border from Ras al'Ain to al-Malikiyya. Gradually and illegally, they settled down in the region along the border in major population centres such as Dirbasiyya, Amuda and Malikiyya. Many of these Kurds were able to register themselves illegally in the Syrian civil registers. They were also able to obtain Syrian identity cards through a variety of means, with the help of their relatives and members if their tribes. They did so with the intent of settling down and acquiring property, especially after the issue of the agricultural reform law, so as to benefit from land redistribution.' Official figures available in 1961 showed that in a mere seven year period, between 1954 and 1961, the population of al-Hasakah governorate had increased from 240,000 to 305,000, an increase of 27 per cent which could not possibly be explained merely by natural increase. The government was sufficiently worried by the apparent influx that it carried out a sample census in June 1962 which indicated the real population was probably closer to 340,000. Although these figures may have been exaggerated, they were credible given the actual circumstances. From being lawless and virtually empty prior to 1914, the Jazira had proved to be astonishingly fertile once order was imposed by the French mandate and farming undertaken by the largely Kurdish population.... A strong suspicion that many migrants were entering Syria was inevitable. In Turkey the rapid mechanisation of farming had created huge unemployment and massive labour migration from the 1950s onwards. The fertile but not yet cultivated lands of northern Jazira must have been a strong enticement and the affected frontier was too long feasibly to police it.
In addition to McDowall (1998), McDowall (2004), de Vaumas, Gibert and Fevret, Sykes map (1907) (and many more) this should conclude our discussion about the origins of Kurds in northeastern Syria (i.e. the majority of them (if not all) immigrated from Turkey). When you claim these areas are "part of Kurdistan", what does that make of the native population (majority) living on their lands before Kurds arrived? Trespassers? Does that sound fair to you? Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 06:05, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Amr ibn Kulthoum, thank you for bringing this important and valuable information about kurds infiltrating from turkey into Syria. This must be added into the article. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 06:26, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, certainly it belongs in the article, although definitely not with the ridiculous misinterpretation that it proves the Ba'athist lie that the Kurds were not a majority in Syrian Kurdistan. It does not, and indeed the fact that even after all this discussion no source has bee produced which states what you have claimed speaks volumes about the credibility of this long-debunked and nationalistic claim. GPinkerton (talk) 12:57, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
عمرو بن كلثوم, You appear to be labouring under the false impression the wall of text you have posted above supports your claim that the majority of them (if not all) immigrated from Turkey, a claim which is rejected by reliable sources which all state was a lie invented by the racist Syrian government. It does not. I do not see why you keep referring to Sykes; he states quite unambiguously that Deir az-Zor was majority Kurdish in 1907. The idea Kurds are not native to Syria is malicious lie and it is unfortunate that you persist in repeating it as though it could be countenanced as anything more than ahistorical propaganda. The phrasing the non-native immigrant Kurds clearly differentiates these Kurds from the Kurds native to the area, as do all the otehr sources, a fact which it is impossible to hand-wave away with the ludicrous claim that they are just the POV sources you cite. Please find some actual source that states what you claim, or give up claiming it. Please. GPinkerton (talk) 12:55, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Your words such as a lie invented by racist Syrian government. and The idea Kurds are not native to Syria is malicious lie do not help and are aggressive/rude. Which one of my sources is a Syrian or even an Arab source? All sources are French or British and are reporting on the French mandate era using French statistics. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 18:44, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
عمرو بن كلثوم, I'll ask you to start learning to write short. I know that's difficult, especially when as I assume you aren't writing in your first language. No one wants to read more than a few sentences, and many won't bother to read it at all if it's longer than it needs to be. Draft your argument, then go back and edit mercilessly, removing everything that isn't absolutely crucial to making your primary point. It takes a lot longer to write short, but it's a critical skill in persuading other editors. —valereee (talk) 19:05, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Hi Valereee, since I used quotes, I didn't want to take things out of context, but bolded the most important stuff. This is why my quotes were long, sorry. Now, I hope an admin will be dealing with the renewed personal attacks and aggressive language from GPinkerton addressed at Supreme Deliciousness at myself (or anyone who disagrees with them):
  • ridiculous misinterpretation that it proves the Ba'athist lie
  • malicious lie and it is unfortunate that you persist in repeating it
  • You appear to be labouring under the false impression the wall of text you have posted

Thanks, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 20:18, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

عمرو بن كلثوم, I do get that. It's tempting to write more, in order to be very clear. But it's counterproductive, and it's actually considered perfectly reasonable for editors, who are all volunteers, to ignore walls of text as time-wasters. You can collapse the extra stuff that you feel is needed to provide background; that way people who want to can get your reasoning. But if you don't make your main points in a few sentences, few people will want to spend the time. —valereee (talk) 20:36, 2 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

References

  1. ^ McDowall, David. Modern History of the Kurds, I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2004. pp. 473-474.

Best sources for this article

I looked for book-length scholarship by academic publishers from the last five years or so, and this is what I came up with:

About Syrian Kurdistan in particular
  1. Matthieu Cimino (2020), Syria: Borders, Boundaries, and the State, Springer. [2]
  2. Harriet Allsopp & Wladimir van Wilgenburg (2019), The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts, Bloomsbury. [3]
  3. Hilly Moodrick-Even Khen, Nir T. Boms & Sareta Ashraph, eds. (2019), The Syrian War: Between Justice and Political Reality, Cambridge. [4]
  4. Brendan O'Leary (2018), The Kurds, the Four Wolves, and the Great Powers, The Journal of Politics. [5] PDF — not a book, but a book review of:
    1. Harriet Allsopp (2016), The Kurds of Syria: Political Parties and Identity in the Middle East, Bloomsbury. [6]
    2. Michael Gunter (2014), Out of Nowhere: The Kurds of Syria in Peace and War, Hurst. [7]
    3. Michael Gunter (2017), The Kurds: A Modern History, Markus Wiener Publishers. [8] (O'Leary reviewed the 2016 ed.)
    (And four other books about Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, and Iran.)
  5. Samer N. Abboud (2015), Syria, Wiley. [9]
    About Kurdistan in general (including Syrian Kurdistan)
  6. Güneş Murat Tezcür, ed. (2020), A Century of Kurdish Politics: Citizenship, Statehood and Diplomacy, T&F. [10]
  7. Zeynep N. Kaya (2020), Mapping Kurdistan: Territory, Self-Determination and Nationalism, Cambridge. [11]
  8. David Romano, Mehmet Gurses, and Michael Gunter (2020), The Kurds in the Middle East: Enduring Problems and New Dynamics, Lexington Books. [12]
  9. Sebastian Maisel (2018), The Kurds: An Encyclopedia of Life, Culture, and Society, ABC-Clio. [13]
  10. Michael Gunter (2018), Routledge Handbook on the Kurds, T&F. [14]
  11. David L. Phillips (2015), The Kurdish Spring: A New Map of the Middle East, Transaction Publishers. [15]
  12. Mehrdad Izady (2015, orig. 1992), Kurds: A Concise Handbook, T&F. [16]
  13. David McDowall (April 2021, 2004, orig 1996), A Modern History of the Kurds, Bloomsbury. [17]

Anything missing from this list? Anything that should be removed from the list? Some but not all of these are already in the article (or in related articles). Levivich harass/hound 06:26, 7 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

I agree with this sources. Merdad Izady has strong opponents, and even the climate info from him is seen as unreliable and is blamed to come from a nationalist. I don't share this view, but it will be difficult to source anything with him.
Others I would also recommend are:
  1. Jordi Tejell: Syria's Kurds: History, Politics and Society
  1. Jordi Tejel: Le mouvement kurde de Turquie en exil: continuités et discontinuités du nationalisme kurde sous le mandat français en Syrie et au Liban (1925-1946)
  1. Roger Lescot is also good. His books you can read online hereParadise Chronicle (talk) 18:23, 7 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Also add Robert Lowe "The Emergence of Western Kurdistan and the Future of Syria" in D. Romano et al. (eds.), Conflict, Democratization, and the Kurds in the Middle East (2014). As for Izady (aside from the academic criticism), it is not as simple as climate. --Attar-Aram syria (talk) 08:24, 8 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

extended discussion
[Izady] is treating the climate of Afrin as related to the climate of Zagros and not Aleppo. So, that deleted section is clearly used to push one POV and not the other: a greater Kurdistan taken by other countries. So nothing innocent in Izady's work. Now, can we agree on one thing: if these Kurdish inhabited regions are part of historical Kurdistan, then a historical source predating the establishment of Syria should be presented? If the criteria is: wherever Kurds live is a Kurdistan, then we will have Kurdistan in Damascus and Berlin. If Syria took parts of Kurdistan when it was established, then it is necessary to prove that these parts, all of them, were part of the historical region of Kurdistan before Syria took it (or France, whatever)- (even if they became parts of historical Kurdistan in 1900 is fine! just a historical source please, any!- ofcourse we are not talking if Kurds considered these regions parts of Kurdistan, because then we can also consider Cyprus part of Syria because Syrian nationalists claims it to be such).--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 08:24, 8 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
The former edit could be removed for WP:NOTFORUM. If you can source a Kurdistan in Damascus and Berlin, ask at the talk pages there and present your ideas there. We are here at the Syrian Kurdistan article and have numerous sources for a Syrian Kurdistan. This doesn't mean it is a recognized country. But Kurds in Syria did not just come out of nowhere and the Kurds in Syria are also not due to mere coincidence living adjacent to Turkish and Iraqi Kurdistan. The historical Kurdistan argument has been discussed for weeks and the Kurd Dagh and Bohtan arguments against this were long ago presented. Fact is, there exists a Kurdish population in Syria adjacent to other parts of Kurdistan and in numerous sources it is known as Syrian Kurdistan.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 12:46, 8 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
So you have no source. What you wrote is your own logical conclusion not supported by sources. It is my right to ask you to present your sources when you claim this is part of historical Kurdistan, so this isnt a forum indeed and my arguments are legetimate. If Kurdistan exist in Syria today, for which you are bringing sources, then this doesnt mean it existed before Syria was established. Some Kurdish nomads expanding from their homeland doesnt make the new regions a Kurdistan. Please present historic evidence and spare us the conclusions. If this is part of historical Kurdistan, then how hard it is to find a traveler or historian from the 19th century writing that he visited Afrin in Kurdistan? Cant this be found? then dont argue that this is part of the historical homeland of the Kurds.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 12:53, 8 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
If you are not satisfied with the sources provided for a "historic" Syrian Kurdistan, what can we do? A Syrian KurdistaN is shown in numerous sources, and we ought to go by them. Wikipedia is not Aramattarpedia, it is an encyclopedia in which the info provided has to be sourced if contested. And there exist numerous sources for a Syrian Kurdistan. If you claim that if a source focuses on or about a Syrian Kurdistan, it means there exists no Syrian Kurdistan it is rather an WP:OR.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 20:40, 9 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Are you heading in the direction of GP where you attack other editors? Its simple: historic means historical sources to support historicality. You have failed to provide this. All your sources do not confirm that before the establishment of Syria these regions were part of the historical cultural region of Kurdistan. Your inability to find historic sources is not on me to blame. So speak about Kurdistan as much as you want, but dont entertain ideas of historical native homelands without historical sources. NONE of the sources you provided contain a single cited historic document mentioning those regions as part of Kurdistan. Zero. Again, nomads migrate (in the case of Jazira), but it doesnt make the new regions part of a historic homeland. If you write that in 1918 Kurdistan was split by Syria and others, then provide a contemporary source to prove that in 1918 these regions were part of Kurdistan. Again, I know it is frustrating to you, but you cant defend your claims without adequate secondary sources based on actual primary sources (thats the first thing you learn when you start a research in academia).--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 23:20, 9 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I am tired of recurring discussions whether a Syrian Kurdistan exists or not, while actually having a Wikipedia article Syrian Kurdistan with numerous academic sources actually showing and mentioning a Syrian Kurdistan. That there is an opposition to the existence of a Syrian Kurdistan belongs into a specific section but not into the lead as all what can be put there for a denial is OR. I call for an admin to craft an NPOV lead according to WP:Lead.Paradise Chronicle (talk)
It exist today: I was not arguing about this, but about the notion that it is the historic land of Kurds annexed by Syria, for which you were not able to provide a single historic source. As for the opposition, this will be decided by consensus, but thanks for expressing your opinion.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 12:24, 10 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Somehow I forgot to put Cimino 2020 on my list, so I added it. Also, I added O'Leary even though it isn't a book, because it's a book review by a reputable scholar in a reputable journal. (Are there any other recent book reviews like it?) Re: the above, Tejel, Lescot, and Lowe I think are all reputable scholars as well and their works are usable. However, given the changes "on the ground", I think we should really lean on very recent scholarship: 2019-2020 preferably, post-2016 second choice, post-2011 third choice, and only use pre-war as necessary to fill in gaps. So I think, for example, for Tejel's views about Syrian Kurdistan, it's better to rely more on Tejel 2020 (in Cimino 2020) than Tejel 2009, although Tejel 2009 could be used to fill in gaps of material not covered by more recent sources. For this reason, even O'Leary's book review I think should be considered "second choice", because it was written in 2018 and reviews books written in 2016 or earlier. We want to tell our readers what Syrian Kurdistan is today, according to scholars. Levivich harass/hound 07:27, 9 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

I don't know how to vote here, but if the sources here presented are included in the article I agree.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 11:15, 10 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

table to allow editors to assess sources as acceptable or not?

assessing sources
source Username 1 username 2 username 3
Harriet Allsopp & Wladimir van Wilgenburg (2019), The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance, Diversity and Conflicts, Bloomsbury. [18] Yes Maybe No
Hilly Moodrick-Even Khen, Nir T. Boms & Sareta Ashraph, eds. (2019), The Syrian War: Between Justice and Political Reality, Cambridge. [19]
Samer N. Abboud (2015), Syria, Wiley. [20]

Dec 12 lead paragraph draft

Without cites, links, formatting, etc.:

Syrian Kurdistan is a Kurdish-inhabited area in northern Syria surrounding three noncontiguous enclaves along the Turkish and Iraqi borders: Afrin in the northwest, Kobani in the north, and Jazira in the northeast. It is the Syrian part of Kurdistan, a roughly-defined Kurdish-inhabited area spanning several sovereign states in Central Asia. Originally a collection of medieval principalities, Kurdistan was part of the Ottoman Empire until it was partitioned by the Allied Powers following World War I. The three enclaves were placed in the French Mandate for Syria, while the rest of Kurdistan was divided between what became the modern states of Turkey, Iraq, and Iran, among others. Syrian Kurdistan is thus sometimes called Western Kurdistan (Rojava Kurdistanê‎, lit. "Kurdistan where the sun sets"), one of the four "Lesser Kurdistans" that comprise "Greater Kurdistan", alongside Iranian Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojhilatê Kurdistanê‎, lit. 'Kurdistan where the sun rises'), Turkish Kurdistan (Bakurê Kurdistanê‎, 'Northern Kurdistan'), and Iraqi Kurdistan (Başûrê Kurdistanê‎, 'Southern Kurdistan').

Thoughts? I don't think it's particularly well written, but I'm mostly curious if it has all the right parts in the right order with the right terminology. Is it complete (for a first paragraph)? Is it neutral? Levivich harass/hound 08:54, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

No it is not the right terminology. The suggested text is presenting "Syrian Kurdistan" as being a real name for an area in Syria, which it isn't. The text is also claiming that before WW1 there was a "Kurdistan" that was divided and placed within Syria, which is also historically inaccurate. Current lead is better where "Syrian Kurdistan" is presented as a pov from some people which is the accurate situation and terminology.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 10:57, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Maybe-Can this be verified? I mean the historical part? The principalities constituting Kordistan and conquered by Selim I did not include these Syrian regions. This paragraph is inaccurate as it gives the impression that these regions are part of historical Kurdistan, but no historical source supports this. Also, no comtemporary source from 1918 mentions that these regions are part of the Kurdistan partitioned between allies. What are these information based on? I would be okay with it if this historical background that does not apply to Syrian Kurdistan is removed. This is not part of the historical Kurdistan, yet it is Kurdistan today as a result of several demographic and military and political changes. Its better not to mix history with modern developments. I would make it the following:

Syrian Kurdistan is a Kurdish-inhabited area in northern Syria surrounding three noncontiguous enclaves along the Turkish and Iraqi borders: Afrin in the northwest, Kobani in the north, and Jazira in the northeast. Syrian Kurdistan is sometimes called Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojava Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun sets'), as one of the four "Lesser Kurdistans" that comprise "Greater Kurdistan", alongside Iranian Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojhilatê Kurdistanê‎, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun rises'), Turkish Kurdistan (Kurdish: Bakurê Kurdistanê, lit.'Northern Kurdistan'), and Iraqi Kurdistan (Kurdish: Başûrê Kurdistanê, lit.'Southern Kurdistan').

I hope both parties can see the compromise in my wording: it present Syrian Kurdistan as existing, without qualification, but does not go into the wild historical accounts of Kurdish nationalists that have no support in actual HISTORICAL sources. If everyone can give up a little, we can bring peace to this article (and ourselves).--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 12:33, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Attar-Aram syria, your suggestion is not good because it presents "Syrian Kurdistan" as a real entity in Syria, instead as a pov. Also, kurdish nationalists have different vies of what is "Syrian kurdistan" and they include larger parts of Syria, not just 3 enclaves. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 16:29, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness: it is a real thing, and thats a reality. It was established by the Kurds, so it exist now. Presenting it as a Kurdish POV while Kurds are in control of the land isnt realistic. We cant keep fighting here forever!--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 17:07, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
What was "established by the kurds" ? The kurds who are currently controlling the area call it the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 18:14, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks to both Levivich and Attar Aram syria for the drafts. @Levivich, I'd leave the historical part out of the lead and insert it in another specific historical section/paragraph. For now, I would just focus on "what it is" in the lead. I support Attar Aram syrias version. Let's find peace for the article and ourselves.Paradise Chronicle (talk) 15:57, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Why would we ad a historically inaccurate text in another specific historical section? Wouldn't it just be better if we don't include the inaccurate text in the article? --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 16:29, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Agree, that makes sense. Attar-Aram's version looks good to me. Thanks! I still think the lead needs to explain what "Kurdistan" is (specifically, that it isn't a sovereign state), but that can be done later in the lead section (in a different paragraph), and we can defer the discussion of history until then. @Attar-Aram syria: I hope you don't mind, I added some markup to your draft so we can see what it will look like "live". The only thing I didn't link was Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira. I'm not sure what to link it to. I think it should be linked to the region articles (e.g. Afrin Region) but something tells me not everyone would agree with that :-) (If we don't reach consensus on a link target, then let's just leave it unlinked for now?) Levivich harass/hound 17:04, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks Levivich and Paradise Chronicle. Im fine with any historic background as long as sound secondary sources based on historical primary sources support it.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 17:07, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Yeah, we'll have to dig into sources to discuss the history formulation. One other thing: should we strike the word "as" in the sentence: "Syrian Kurdistan is sometimes called Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojava Kurdistanê, lit.'Kurdistan where the sun sets'), as one of the four "Lesser Kurdistans""? Levivich harass/hound 17:08, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Sounds good to me.--Attar-Aram syria (talk) 17:10, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks Attar and Levivich for your attempts. However, with all due respect, I think the current lead, developed by Applodion after discussions on the Talk page, better describes the issue at hand. It is not a universally accepted terms. I can come up with hundreds of sources that refer to the area by "Kurdish-inhabited region in Syria". Simply presenting the area as "Syrian Kurdistan" means that the majority of the population, which are non-Kurdish, are living on the land of Kurds, not on their own land. This is simply "adopting" the narrative of the Kurdish nationalists. Thanks. Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 17:11, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
The way I read both mine and Attar's revision, they say that Syrian Kurdistan is part of Syria (a sovereign state), and part of Kurdistan (a geographic area, but not a sovereign state). So I don't think anyone reading that would think that Syrian Kurdistan is land that legally belongs to the Kurds, as opposed to land that legally belongs to Syria where Kurds live. ("Land of the Kurds" could mean either Kurdish-owned or Kurdish-inhabited.) That said, would it change your mind if the paragraph was more explicit that Syria is a sovereign state and Kurdistan is not? (This is the reason I had included some sentences about history in my original draft: to explain that Kurdistan is not a sovereign state. I wonder if a second paragraph about history would make the first paragraph clearer, as it were.) Levivich harass/hound 17:20, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
"Syrian Kurdistan" or "kurdistan" does not exist in Syria as a factual entity, it is only a disputed belief held by some people, and therefor it must be presented as such.--Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 18:18, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
I do not understand what you mean by "factual entity". "Syrian Kurdistan" isn't a belief, it's a place. It's not an imaginary or fictional place like Atlantis: Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira are real places on Earth. Levivich harass/hound 19:06, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich, can you see page 19 of this introduction to a recent work by Jordi Tejel? Unfortunately i don't have access to the full chapter. It is a fluid concept, as a place it is ill-defined and it is and has been a belief. Can you really not see how simplistic it is to assert 'Syrian Kurdistan' is a 'place', 'region', or 'area' while ignoring the implications? It's a term that has meant different things at different times, and has different meanings for different people. It is both a real place and it does not exist depending on the context. What it most certainly is not is Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira. fiveby(zero) 23:02, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Yes, on p. 19 Cimino summarizes the argument made by Tejel in Chapter 11 of that book. I think it's very important to see the context and not, as it were, "cherry pick" quotes. So here are some long-ish quotes:
From p. 19 (linked above), Cimino's introduction:

... In The complex and dynamic relationship of Syria's Kurds with Syrian borders: Continuities and changes (Chapter 11), Jordi Tejel questions the discourses and spatial representations of "Greater Kurdistan": How was this notion created? What is the spatial ideology carried by the PYD in Syria? Are the Syrian Kurds working to restore "historical" Kurdish territory and, more specifically, do they envisage secession from Syria? By relying on unpublished maps and school books, dating from the sixteenth century to the present day, Tejel demonstrates that the Kurdish territorial imagination, comprising myths, mobilizing stories and political ambitions, is relatively plastic and fluctuating. Recently established, "Rojava" (Syrian Kurdistan) is part of a mythology of pan-Kurdish unity which does not constitute a political objective for the Syrian Kurds in itself, but is rather a "cultural abstract". For the author, "like Arab nationalists in Syria, the Kurdish movement has produced a political discourse that combines pan-Kurdist references intertwined with local patriotism and limited territorial claims".

Yet the author shows that this imagined community is nevertheless very well documented: from the Sharafnama map of 1596 (which displays "extreme expansionist tendencies, in particular to the south") to the Paris conference in 1919, where the Kurdish representative submitted Kurdish territorial claims, the representation of "Greater Kurdistan" is diverse and heterogeneous and is altered according to political contexts and the audiences for which it is intended. After the mandate period ... [it goes on to describe Tejel's chapter].

We should also look at what Tejel writes in Chapter 11.
On p. 243, Tejel introduces his chapter by writing: However, the tensions between the two de fact Kurdish autonomous territories controlled by two competing Kurdish movements since 2011 (Rojava or Western Kurdistan in Northern Syria and the Kurdistan Regional Government in Northern Iraq)...
On p. 244:

... I shall analyze the maps as well as school textbooks elaborated during the French Mandate and in the post-2011 context ... I shall argue that Kurdish populations and local political actors have developed a complex and dynamic relationship with the Syrian-Turkish and Syrian-Iraqi borders. Like Arab nationalists in Syria, the Kurdish movement has produced a political discourse that combines pan-Kurdish references intertwined with local patriotism and limited territorial claims. The map of Greater Kurdistan reproduced in different formats (including textbooks) definitely forges a sense of common Kurdish identity beyond international borders and Kurdish nationalism. It offers a 'historic territory' which, in turn, implies a narrative of conquest, defense, liberation and loss in which certain 'Others' play a role. In this respect, it is difficult to separate the feelings of national identity and geopolitical visions. Nevertheless, I shall demonstrate that Greater Kurdistan does not constitute an actual political goal for Syria's Kurds. It provides a cultural abstract that supports local political claims and strategies without questioning Syria's borders.

On p. 250 Tejel writes: ... while some visual representations remain relatively constant (Greater Kurdistan), others such as "Syrian Kurdistan," "Rojava" have varied over the time due to new developments and shifting power dynamics on the ground.
And on p. 261 he describes the depiction of Kurdistan and Rojava in PYD textbooks:

PYD-sponsored textbooks portray Kurdistan as an ancient country and nation ... Terms with pan-Kurdish connotations are used, such as Northern or Bakur (Eastern Turkey), Southern or Bashur (Northern Iraq), Eastern or Rojhilat (North-Eastern Iran) and Western Kurdistan or Rojava (Northern Syria) ... Unsurprisingly, Kurdistan's boundaries in Syria are more generous and suggest a territorial (and ethnic) continuity between the three traditional Kurdish enclaves in Northern Syria (Kurd Dagh, Kobane and the Upper Jazira), as opposed to the maps produced in the 1930s and 1940s ... in Rojava's textbooks towns such as Afrin and Qamishli deserve as much attention as larger cities (Erbil, Urfa, Diyarbakir) in Iraq and Turkey. Interestingly, while Western and Kurdish media outlets refer to Rojava as a precise de facto autonomous region, in Rojava's textbooks there is no map representing this region in detail ...

Tejel is making the argument that Syrian Kurdistan as Rojava or "Western Kurdistan", i.e. Syrian Kurdistan as part of a "Greater Kurdistan", is a construct, recently popularized, but not actually a political goal for (all of? most of?) Syria's Kurds. Tejel argues, basically, that Syrian Kurds want a Syrian Kurdistan that is part of Syria. I think this view should be included in the article. I don't think we should say it in wikivoice; it should be attributed to Tejel. Cimino expressly attributes these views to Tejel, after all.
(Note, BTW, the prominence of the French Mandate and 2011 as two important points in time for Syrian Kurdistan. Our lead should mention those as well.) Levivich harass/hound 00:06, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, speaking as an administrator trying to keep an eye on this discussion, that is POV-pushing, which is disruptive. —valereee (talk) 20:16, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Valereee, Really? So its not pov-pushing presenting a highly controversial and disputed nationalist claim with zero historical evidence as a real location in Syria and presenting this as an indisputable fact? Valereee, if I'm not mistaken you said before you didn't have any knowledge in the subject, so you can not possibly know what is pov and what is not pov. --Supreme Deliciousness (talk) 08:14, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Supreme Deliciousness, I don't need to have knowledge of the subject in order to recognize Can you really not see how simplistic it is to assert 'Syrian Kurdistan' is a 'place', 'region', or 'area' while ignoring the implications? is POV-pushing. —valereee (talk) 14:56, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Levivich Thanks for taking the effort and time to get these quotes from Tejel. As you implied, Tejel represented the Kurdish POV in this "Syrian Kurdistan" concept, which is what we/I have been talking about all the time, i.e., the concept of "Syrian Kurdistan" is a Kurdish irredentist/nationalist imagination (regardless of their political ambition within vs. w/o Syria) pushed forward especially during the Syria civil war power vacuum and the rise of PYD and its military militia (YPG/SDF). As Tejel and many others (McDowall, Balanche, etc.) say rightly, there are Kurdish pockets in Syria, where in a cluster of villages Kurds represent the majority, but never at the level of a province, for example. This is a big difference b/w Kurdish areas in Syria (or "Kurdish enclaves in Northern Syria" as Tejel calls them) and Kurdistan. The main flagrant different is that Kurds are not the majority outside separate clusters of villages, as you said before: Afrin, Kobani, northeastern part of upper Jazira (al-Hasakah Governorate). The second big difference is that most of the Kurdish population here immigrated from Turkey (as discussed elsewhere on this Talk page), according to French mandate statistics and reports, not Syrian, not Baathist, not Arab nationalist, not ISIS, etc. as two users here have falsely claimed before. The third and most important difference, is that there is no historical account that says these enclaves used to be part of a Kurdistan. I echo the concerns of user:Fiveby, that although the term might sound normal, innocent, etc., however, it is charged with political meanings and ambitions that are widespread on Kurdish propaganda websites and repeating this here as if it is neutral would be misleading and wrong, to say the least. Besides some books that use the term and mostly present the Kurdish POV, it's hard to find other third party sources that use the term (e.g., news outlets, states, international organizations, international political figure, etc.). To summarize, it's fine to have the term but we should make it clear that it is mostly used from a Kurdish nationalist POV (which is somewhat implied in the current lead) , and retroactively in most cases. To be followed. Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 01:58, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

The history paragraph

In the previous #Dec 12 lead paragraph draft section the question was asked if the history I wrote in the draft can be verified, and I think yes it can, but to reduce the text and scope of discussion, I want to list out the separate parts and ask which parts exactly are [citation needed] and which parts are uncontroversial:

The first 4 are taken from the article Kurdistan
  1. The word 'Kurdistan', which translates as 'Land of the Kurds', is first attested in 11th century Seljuk chronicles
  2. In the tenth and eleventh centuries, several Kurdish principalities emerged in Central Asia
  3. Kurdistan in the Middle Ages was a collection of semi-independent and independent emirates
  4. In the 16th century, after prolonged wars, Kurdish-inhabited areas were split between the Safavid and Ottoman empires
    The rest are "new" (Levivich's summary)
  5. What is now the modern state of Syria used to be part of the Ottoman Empire (Ottoman Syria)
  6. What is now the geographic area called "Kurdistan" used to be part of the Ottoman Empire
  7. The three areas "Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira" (more accurately described as "areas near/around Afrin, Kobani, and northern Jazira") used to be part of the Ottoman Empire
  8. After World War I, the Ottoman Empire was partitioned
  9. The three areas (Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira) became part of the French Mandate for Syria
  10. Other parts of Kurdistan were divided between Turkey, the British Mandate for Iraq (now Iraq), Persia (now Iran), and the Soviet Union (now parts of Armenia and Azerbaijan)
  11. After World War II, the French Mandate for Syria eventually became the modern state of Syria, including the three areas (Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira)
  12. In 2011, the Syrian Civil War began
  13. In 2012, Kurdish militia gained control of at least parts of Afrin, Kobani, and Jazira
  14. In 2014, Afrin Canton, Kobani Canton, and Jazira Canton were declared autonomous under the Constitution of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES)
  15. In 2016, a new constitution was formed for AANES, reorganizing the Cantons into Afrin Region, Euphrates Region, and Jazira Region, plus 4 other regions in northern Syria
  16. Since 2016, Turkish occupation of northern Syria, including Afrin and parts of Euphrates Region

I'm of course not suggesting all of this should be in the lead. I am curious what people think is accurate/not accurate, neutral/not neutral, complete/incomplete, etc., and which parts are important enough to mention in the lead section (any paragraph). We can then "go to the sources" on the parts in dispute and start drafting maybe a second paragraph for the lead on history. Levivich harass/hound 19:01, 12 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

A quick response here. The Kurdistan page is a can of worms on its own, which will need some attention from the larger community, but that's besides the point for now. I agree with all the points mentioned above except for 7, 9, 15 and 16. For point #7, the Jazira area was grazing land used mostly for Arab tribes to herd their sheep (I have provided sources and maps earlier on this page and can do that again), so it was not even a Kurdish enclave at all. Consequently, the same observation is valid for no. 9. No. 10 is debatable, but outside my interest for now. No. 11 is the same as 7 and 9 above, this is projecting retroactively given the demographic changes that happened after WWI and the establishment of the Turkey-Syria border. No. 15, this is adopting the narrative of a Syrian civil war belligerent making claims of administrative divisions that in principle are not different from ISIL claiming their Al-Barakah province. These Kurdish administrative claims included large swaths of overwhelmingly Arab areas (Raqqa, Tel Abyad, Manbij, Tel Rifaat, etc.), so have no value from a Kurdish claims standpoint. No. 16, Turkey has not attacked Kobani. Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 02:16, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
@عمرو بن كلثوم: Quick response to your quick response: if the word "enclave" was removed from #7, #9, and #11... so it just said Afrin/Kobani/Jazira was part of Ottoman Empire, then French Mandate, then Syria... would you agree? All I mean to say is that those three geographic locations were part of Ottoman Empire, then French Mandate, then Syria (regardless of who lived there or what they were at the various times... just talking about those geographic latitudes and longitudes). Levivich harass/hound 02:21, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
Yes, you are definitely right. These areas were all part of the Ottoman empire, regardless of who lived there. Cheers, Amr ibn Kulthoumعمرو بن كلثوم (talk) 03:08, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]
OK I changed "enclaves" to "areas". Also I reworded #16 and added links. Levivich harass/hound 03:34, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]

Syrian Kurdistan table

Use of "Syrian Kurdistan"
Author Date Title Publisher Quotes
Jordi Tejel 2020 "The Complex and Dynamic Relationship of Syria's Kurds with Syrian Borders: Continuities and Changes" in Matthieu Cimino, ed. Syria: Borders, Boundaries, and the State Springer
  • while some visual representations remain relatively constant (Greater Kurdistan), others such as "Syrian Kurdistan," "Rojava" have varied over the time due to new developments and shifting power dynamics on the ground (p. 250)
  • From Cimino's introduction (p. 19): By relying on unpublished maps and school books, dating from the sixteenth century to the present day, Tejel demonstrates that the Kurdish territorial imagination, comprising myths, mobilizing stories and political ambitions, is relatively plastic and fluctuating. Recently established, "Rojava" (Syrian Kurdistan) is part of a mythology of pan-Kurdish unity which does not constitute a political objective for the Syrian Kurds in itself, but is rather a "cultural abstract". For the author, "like Arab nationalists in Syria, the Kurdish movement has produced a political discourse that combines pan-Kurdist references intertwined with local patriotism and limited territorial claims". Yet the author shows that this imagined community is nevertheless very well documented...
Güneş Murat Tezcür, ed. 2020 A Century of Kurdish Politics: Citizenship, Statehood and Diplomacy T&F ...in 2012, a fracturing of the central state in Syria gave rise to a system of local self-government in this Kurdistan region. Thus, in both southern (Iraqi) Kurdistan (Basur) and western (Syrian) Kurdistan (Rojava) the weakness of the central power enabled new entities to emerge. The aims of the Kurdish actors and the nature of the entities that emerged, however, differed greatly. The Kurdistan region in Iraq today can be considered a proto-state or statelet, while the Kurdistan region in Syria is quite different, with a self-identity, political system and further aspirations toward a non-statist, confederated form of locally based self-administration. (Introduction)
Massoud Sharifi Dryaz 2020 "Non-State Actors and Governance: Kurdish Autonomy in Syria" in David Romano, Mehmet Gurses, and Michael Gunter, eds., The Kurds in the Middle East: Enduring Problems and New Dynamics Lexington Books
  • ... [after 1921] Syrian Kurds remained in contact with their relatives on the other side of the border [with Turkey], and they used their trans-border networks for commercial trade and smuggling, an important source of income in underdeveloped regions like Syrian Kurdistan. (p. 100)
  • Syrian Kurds were often involved in supplying their compatriots in Iraq and Turkey, though in practice the various and often fragmented Kurdish political parties in Syria have never managed to establish and build a generalized movement capable of expressing political demands by the people of Syrian Kurdistan. (p. 103)
  • The PYD was founded on September 20, 2003 ... Shortly after its founding, the PYD opened its first head office in Qamishli ... In Syrian Kurdistan, where more than fourteen Kurdish organizations were active, the PYD progressively increased its activites. Its propaganda activities appeared to upset Syrian authorities, who started to arrest, detain, torture, kidnap, and kill pro-PYD activists beginning in 2004. (pp. 106-107)
  • Also in the same book, Ozum Yeslitas, "Continuity and Change in Syrian Kurdistan: The Rojava Revolution and Beyond", p. 130: Thepurpose of this chapter is to shed light on the dynamics of continuity and change in Syrian Kurdistan in the context of the still-unfolding Syrian crisis. The chapter first provides a brief historical overview of the trajectory of Kurdish nationalism in Syria, then focuses on a number of themes to address continuity and change in Syrian Kurdistan...
Sirwan Kajjo 2019 "Syrian Kurds: Rising from the Ashes of Persecution" in Hilly Moodrick-Even Khen, Nir T. Boms & Sareta Ashraph, eds., The Syrian War: Between Justice and Political Reality Cambridge
  • By the 1990s, former PKK members and other activists who had broken away from KDP-S started to form their own parties, believing there was a need for independent voices in Syrian Kurdish politics ... They promoted the concept of Syrian Kurdistan but with key constraints. (p. 275)
  • Though vigorously supportive of the Syrian government, Iran hedges its bets on Syrian Kurdistan. (p. 284)
Selcuk Aydin 2018 "Geography" in Sebastian Maisel, ed., The Kurds: An Encyclopedia of Life, Culture, and Society ABC-Clio
  • The coldest area of Kurdistan is the northern part ... Central and southern Kurdistan are warmer ... And for the other parts of Kurdistan in southern Turkey, all parts of Syrian Kurdistan, and half of central Kurdistan in Iraq, they are the warmest part... (p. 23)
  • Therefore, it is crucial to discuss the differentiation of political dimensions across Turkish, Iranian, Iraqi, and Syrian Kurdistan as the result of different experiences of Kurds across these countries. (p. 28)
  • Also [not sure if same author or different] "Literature" p. 176, section heading "Syrian Kurdistan" There was short-term cultural and linguistic freedom in Syrian Kurdistan during the period between the two World Wars ... With the de facto rule of PYD ... [p. 177] over three Kurdish areas, Afrin (Efrin in Kurdish), Kobani, and Jazira (Cezire)...
  • In "Syria" p. 285, In July 2012, the Syrian regime ceded control over most parts of Syrian Kurdistan (Efrin, Kobani, and the Kurdish quarters Sheikh Meqsud and Ashrafiyya in Aleppo, as well as the Kurdish areas in the Jazira with the exception of some strategic points in Qamishli) to the PYD...
  • In "United States" p. 308, Most recently, a solidarity group for Syrian-Kurdistan was formed in New York...
Various authors 2018 Michael Gunter, ed., Routledge Handbook on the Kurds T&F (The free preview has no page numbers, this is from multiple chapters by multiple contributors) Modern Kurdish poetry in Syrian Kurdistan in the first place represents itself in Cigerxwin's (1903-1984) poetry. His revolutionary poems have inspired the masses, especially in western and northern Kurdistan. Some other Kurdish poets from Syrian Kurdistan, such as Jan Dost, Ahmad Hosseini and Axin Welat, have published their poems in exile ... Likewise the novels published by Kurdish novelists from Syrian Kurdistan, such as Halim Yusifand Jan Dost... By the same token, Syria relinquished part of its sovereignty, particularly in its relations with the PKK. Physically, PKK's militants took de facto control over a few small portions of Syrian territory, notably in Kurd Dagh...portraits of Ocalan and Barzani replaced those of Hafiz al-Assad...The most obvious political consequence of these dynamics was the adoption by some Kurdish parties of the expression "Syrian Kurdistan" or "Rojava", referring to Northern Syria, as opposed to the moderate, "Kurdish regions of Syria".
Brendan O'Leary 2018 The Kurds, the Four Wolves, and the Great Powers (PDF) The Journal of Politics
  • The PYD, with the YPG as its armed fist, has sought to establish a political monopoly in Syrian Kurdistan ...
  • The PYD has reversed Öcalan’s previous stance—whatever the daily changes in verbiage—and now stands for territorial autonomy for Syrian Kurdistan and equal citizenship rights for Kurds.
Harriet Allsopp 2016 The Kurds of Syria: Political Parties and Identity in the Middle East Bloomsbury The idea that the KDP was seeking influence amongst the Syrian Kurds and in a post-Assad 'Kurdistan Region of Syria' was raised in several reports. Analysists explained the part played by Barzani in terms of an attempt to make a bid for leadership of the pan-Kurdish nation. This prompted some to suggest that Syrian Kurdistan had become an arena for PKK-KDP cooperation. Any power struggle between the two parties could result in the split of the region between the two spheres of influence, increasing inter-Kurdish conflict and limiting the influence of the KDP to Syria's eastern Kurdish regions.
David L. Phillips 2015 The Kurdish Spring: A New Map of the Middle East Transaction Publishers France divided its mandate into six entities ... Syria's population was about three-quarters Arab. The balance included minorities such as Kurds ... Kurds were the largest ethnic minority in Syria. Kurds reside on a patchwork of territories, which they call Rojava. Syrian Kurdistan encompasses regions in northern Syria such as Kobani, near Jarablus, and Afrin, whose plains extend to the Turkish border. Kurds predominate in Jazira province, Hasakah Governorate, and the cities of Qamishli and Hasakah. There are also Kurds in Syria's northeast. (p. 38)
Michael Gunter 2014 Out of Nowhere: The Kurds of Syria in Peace and War Hurst
  • Among pan-Kurdish nationalists, Syrian Kurdistan is often referred to as Western Kurdistan or Rojava (the direction of the setting sun). (p. 7)
  • Qamishli—with a population of 184,231 according to the 2004 census, but now much larger—is the largest Kurdish city in Syria and, as noted in the Introduction, is often considered the de facto capital of Western (Syrian) Kurdistan. (p. 8)
  • Thus, it was not until 14 June 1957 that the first modern Kurdish political party was formed, the Kurdish Democracy Party in Syria (KDPS). Even so, the KDPS maintained a Syrian national agenda that did not call for the liberation of a Syrian Kurdistan. Rather, it was concerned with the improvement of Kurdish socio-economic conditions. Indeed, it is revealing that none of the numerous Kurdish parties currently use the sensitive term Kurdistan in their names, for fear that it might incite government fears of secession. (p. 25)
Robert Lowe 2014 "The Emergence of Western Kurdistan and the Future of Syria" in D. Romano et al. (eds.), Conflict, Democratization, and the Kurds in the Middle East Palgrave Macmillan
  • Western Kurdistan was previously a vague concept rarely used by most Kurds (page 225)
  • Until 2012, the Kurdish national movement in Syria had barely flirted with the idea of devolved or autonomous government for Kurdish areas. The concept of Syrian Kurdistan or Western Kurdistan received very little attention. Even the term was rarely used and then mostly only by the PYD and some more radical nationalist groups operating from abroad. (page 236)
  • In general, Syrian Sunni Arabs are deeply opposed to Western Kurdistan and any form of devolution or federation in Syria. The Kurds are unclear and disunited on the issue (page 240)

Discussion of "Syrian Kurdistan"

  • I bolded "Syrian Kurdistan" in the quotes. The above is not an exhaustive list, please feel free to add to it. I only included post-2011 sources from academic publishers (modern scholarship). I didn't list Izady, although he uses the term. Granted, not every source from an academic publisher in this time period uses the term, but I think enough do to support calling "Syrian Kurdistan" the Kurdish-inhabited areas of northern Syria. Levivich harass/hound 07:01, 13 December 2020 (UTC)[reply]