Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine

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Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
الجبهة الديموقراطية لتحرير فلسطين
LeaderNayef Hawatmeh
FounderNayef Hawatmeh
Yasser Abed Rabbo[1][2]
Split fromPopular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Political positionFar-left
National affiliationPalestine Liberation Organization[5]
Democratic Alliance List
Legislative Council
1 / 132
Party flag
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine - Flag.svg

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP; Arabic: الجبهة الديموقراطية لتحرير فلسطين, al-Jabha al-Dīmūqrāṭiyya li-Taḥrīr Filasṭīn) is a secular Palestinian Marxist–Leninist organization. It is also frequently referred to as the Democratic Front, or al-Jabha al-Dīmūqrāṭiyya (الجبهة الديموقراطية). It is a member organization of the Palestine Liberation Organization,[5] the Alliance of Palestinian Forces and the Democratic Alliance List.

The group maintains a paramilitary wing called the National Resistance Brigades. One of the attacks for which the DFLP is best known is the 1974 Ma'alot massacre in which 25 schoolchildren and teachers were killed.[6] Although the National Resistance Brigades have fighters based in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, these fighters have been engaged in relatively few military operations since the Al-Aqsa Intifada. The National Resistance Brigades continue to take part in training exercises at paramilitary camps near Rafah and Khan Yunis.


Formation as the PDFLP

PDFLP poster, the caption of which reads: "Solidarity with the people of the Middle East in their struggle against imperialism, feudalism, Zionism and Arab reaction"[7]

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) was formed in 1967 by George Habash as a left-wing organization. The PFLP split in 1968, leading to the formation of the Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PDFLP)[1] headed by Secretary-General Nayef Hawatmeh, who had been referred to as a leader of the PFLP's Maoist tendency.[8] He believed that under George Habash the PFLP had become too focused on military matters, and wanted to make the PDFLP a more grassroots and ideologically focused organization. Another split in the PFLP in 1968 led to the formation by Ahmad Jibril of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), to focus more on the tactical implementation of armed struggle.

In May–June 1969, the Palestinian Revolutionary Left League and the Palestine Popular Liberation Organization merged into PDFLP.[9]

The PDFLP soon gained a reputation as the most intellectual of the Palestinian fedayeen groups, and drew heavily on Marxist–Leninist theory to explain the situation in the Middle East. Its other leaders included Yasser Abed Rabbo.

Early years and ideological moderation

The DFLP declared that its goal was to "create a people's democratic Palestine, where Arabs and Jews would live without discrimination, a state without classes and national oppression, a state which allows Arabs and Jews to develop their national culture."[10]

The PDFLP's original political orientation was based on the view that Palestinian national goals could be achieved only through revolution of the masses and "people's war". However, it would soon come around to a more moderate standpoint and while preserving a hard-line attitude to armed struggle, the party began theorizing on various compromise solutions.

DFLP was badly hit by the 1970 September crack-down in Jordan. The offices of its Amman-based publication Al-Charar was bombed and burned by Jordanian tanks.[11]

From the mid-1970s, the group occupied a political stance midway between Yasser Arafat and the PLO hardliners. The DFLP condemned attacks outside Israel (such as the aircraft hijackings for which the Habash PFLP gained notoriety) and was essential in making the binational state the goal of the PLO in the 1970s, insisting on the need for cooperation between Arabs and Jews. Still, while pioneering Palestinian-Israeli peace talks through making early contact with Jewish and Israeli peace campaigners, including Matzpen, the DFLP simultaneously conducted numerous small bombings and minor assaults against Israeli targets, refusing to give up the armed struggle. The Ma'alot massacre of 1974, an attack on Israeli school in which 27 people were killed, was the group's largest attack.[6]

Between Fatah and the Rejectionists

In 1974, the PDFLP changed its name to the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). It was also a strong supporter of the 1974 Ten Point Program, which was accepted by the Palestinian National Council (PNC) after lobbying by Fatah and DFLP, and which cautiously introduced the concept of a two-state solution in the PLO, and led to a split in the organization leading to the formation of the Rejectionist Front, where radical organizations such as the PFLP, PFLP-GC, Palestine Liberation Front and others gathered with the backing of Syria, Libya and Iraq to oppose Arafat and the mainstream PLO stance.

In 1974 the DFLP perpetrated a major terror attack in Israel, when attacking a local elementary school in the village of Ma'alot. Taking the school-children as hostages, 22 children aged 14–16 were killed when an army commando engaged them.

In 1978 the DFLP temporarily switched sides and joined the Rejectionist Front after clashing with Arafat on several issues, but it would continue to serve as a mediator in the factional disputes of the PLO. In the tense situation leading up to the 1983 Fatah rebellion, during the Lebanese Civil War, the DFLP offered mediation to prevent the Syrian-backed formation of a rival Fatah leadership under Said al-Muragha (Abu Musa), the Fatah al-Intifada faction. Its efforts ultimately failed, and the PLO became embroiled in what was in effect a Palestinian civil war.

Stagnation in the 1980s

From the early 1980s the DFLP was seen as the most pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese of the PLO member organisations. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the growing Islamist trend in Palestinian society during the 1990s sapped the party of much of its popularity and resources. The Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping also began to reduce the PRC's support for revolutionary struggles abroad throughout this period so as to reduce the damage it caused to trade relations with the West. The DFLP continued to cautiously support Arafat's attempts to open negotiations with Israel, but this was not uncontroversial within the membership.

The First Intifada (1987–93) provoked a shift in Palestinian politics towards the West Bank and Gaza Strip, which proved a severe handicap for the largely diaspora-based DFLP. With the swift rise of Islamism and religious groups such as Hamas in the 1980s, the DFLP faded among the Palestinian youth, and internal confusion over the future path of the organization paralysed political decision-making.

On 23 February 1989 three members of the DFLP were killed by the SLA inside the Israel’s security zone in South Lebanon.[12] The killings brought the number of guerrillas killed in South Lebanon since the beginning of 1989 to thirty.[13]

1991 split

In 1991 the DFLP split, with a minority faction led by Yasser Abd Rabbo (who had become increasingly close to Yasser Arafat) favouring the Madrid negotiations that led initially to limited Palestinian autonomy in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Inspired by the USSR's Glasnost and the fall of the Berlin Wall, this group also favored a new political orientation, focused less on Marxism and armed struggle, and more on the democratisation of Palestinian society. It reconstituted itself as the Palestine Democratic Union (FIDA), and Abed Rabbo was officially made an advisor of Arafat.

There were reports of armed clashes between the factions in Syria during the split. Essentially the Damascus-headquartered DFLP under Nayef Hawatmeh was able to retain its external branches, whereas the majority of the organization within Palestine, mainly on the West Bank, was taken over by FIDA.

The Oslo period

The DFLP, under Hawatmeh, joined the rejectionist groups to form the Alliance of Palestinian Forces (APF) to oppose the Declaration of Principles signed in 1993. The group argued that the Oslo negotiations were undemocratic, excluded the PLO from decision-making and deprived the Palestinians of their legitimate rights, but in contrast to most other Alliance members they did not oppose a two-state solution as such. Along with the PFLP, it then broke from the APF over ideological differences, and has made limited moves toward merging with the PFLP since the mid-1990s.

In 1999, at a meeting in Cairo, the DFLP and the PFLP agreed to cooperate with the PLO leadership in final status negotiations with Israel. In October 1999, the group was dropped from the United States' list of terror organizations.[14] The DFLP was subsequently represented in the Palestinian delegation at the unsuccessful Camp David negotiations of July 2000.

Second Intifada (2000–2005)

The DFLP has been largely unable to make its presence felt during the al-Aqsa Intifada, which began in 2000. The leadership is stationed in Damascus, and most of the DFLP organization on the Occupied Territories unraveled in the FIDA split. Its military capacity has been fading fast since the 1993 cease-fire between the PLO and Israel, which the DFLP respected despite its objections to the Oslo Accords.

Since the beginning of the Second Palestinian Intifada the DFLP has carried out a number of shooting attacks against Israeli targets, such as the 25 August 2001 attack on a military base in Gaza that killed three Israeli soldiers and wounded seven others.[15][16] However, its military capabilities in the Occupied Territories remain limited, and the refocusing on armed struggle during the Intifada has further weakened the organization.

On 11 September 2001, an anonymous caller claimed responsibility for the September 11 attacks in the United States on behalf of the DFLP. This was immediately denied by Nayef Hawatmeh, who strongly condemned the attacks.[17] Although the accusations gained some attention in the days following the attacks, they are now universally regarded as false.[16]

Political influence

The DFLP ran a candidate, Taysir Khalid, in the Palestinian Authority presidential election in 2005. He gained 3.35% of the vote. The party had initially participated in discussions with the PFLP and the Palestinian People's Party on running a joint left-wing candidate, but these were unsuccessful. It won one seat in the 2005 PA municipal elections.

In the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council, the Front formed a joint list called al-Badeel (The Alternative) with Palestine Democratic Union (FIDA), the Palestinian People's Party and independents.[18] The list was led by the historic DFLP leader Qais Abd al-Karim (Abu Leila). It received 2.8% of the popular vote and won two of the Council's 132 seats.

The DFLP retains important influence within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).[19] It was traditionally the third-largest group within the PLO, after Fatah and the PFLP, and since no new elections have been held to the PNC or the Executive Committee since 1988, the DFLP still commands important sectors within the organization. The PLO's role has admittedly diminished in later years, in favor of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), but it is still the recognized representative of the Palestinian people, and a reactivation of the PLO's constitutional supremacy over the PNA in connection with power struggles in Palestinian society is a distinct possibility.

Organization and leadership

The DFLP held its 5th national general congress during a time-span from February to August 2007. The congress was divided into three parallel circle: West Bank, Gaza strip and the Palestinian exiles. The congress elected a Central Committee, with 81 full members and 21 alternate members.

Subsequently, after the closure of the 5th national general congress, the Central Committee re-elected Hawatmeh as Secretary-General of the DFLP. The Central Committee also elected a 13-member political bureau,[20] including:

Support base

The DFLP is primarily active among Palestinians in Syria and Lebanon, with a smaller presence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Its Jordan branch has been converted into a separate political party, the Jordanian Democratic People's Party (JDPP or Hashd), and the DFLP is no longer active on the political arena there.

The DFLP mainly attracts Palestinians with a more socially liberal and secular lifestyle, as well as Palestinian Christians, primarily in cities like Nablus, and Bethlehem.

The party publishes a weekly newspaper in several Arab countries, al-Hurriya (Liberty).[21]

External relations

The DFLP is believed to receive limited financial and military aid from Syria, where it is active in the Palestinian refugee camps. The DFLP's leader, Nayif Hawatmeh lives in Syria. It has provided with military training other Marxist–Leninist militants of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Sandinistas.[19]

The DFLP is not listed as a terrorist organization by the United States government or the United Nations. It was dropped from the U.S. State Department list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations in 1999, "primarily because of the absence of terrorist activity, as defined by relevant law...during the past two years."[22]

See also


  1. ^ a b Abd Rabbo, Yasir, pp. 6-7. Michael R. Fischbach, Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. Infobase Publishing, 2005
  2. ^ Palestinian National Authority: The PA Ministerial Cabinet List: April 2003 – October 2003 Archived 15 December 2003 at the Wayback Machine. Jerusalem Media and Communications Center. Archived on 27 September 2007.
  3. ^ Bollens, Scott A. (2000). On Narrow Ground: Urban Policy and Ethnic Conflict in Jerusalem and Belfast. State University of New York Press. p. 366.
  4. ^ Velez, Federico (2015). Latin American Revolutionaries and the Arab World: From the Suez Canal to the Arab Spring. Ashgate Publishing Limited. p. 106.
  5. ^ a b Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) Encyclopædia Britannica
  6. ^ a b "Profile: DFLP". BBC News. 4 February 2002. Retrieved 10 September 2009.
  7. ^ "Liberation Graphics: Antonym/Synonym".
  8. ^ Takriti, Abdel Razzaq (2013). Monsoon Revolution: Republicans, Sultans, and Empires in Oman, 1965–1976. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 105. ISBN 9780199674435. In the late sixties and the early seventies, Maoism was so evident in the discourse of Nayef Hawatmeh, the founder of the Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PDFLP) that he was satirically dubbed Nayef Zedong.
  9. ^ Demokratiska Folkfronten för Palestinas Befrielse, Dokument nr. 1, p. 1
  10. ^ ‘’Aziya i Afrika segodnya’’ – cited in edition ‘’Välispanoraam 1972’’, Tallinn, 1973, lk 129 (‘’Foreign Panorama 1972’’)
  11. ^ Al-Charar resumed publication of 28 July 1971. Demokratiska Folkfronten för Palestinas Befrielse, Dokument nr. 3, p. 1
  12. ^ Middle East International No 345, 3 March 1989, Publishers Lord Mayhew, Dennis Walters MP; Fourteen days in brief p.17
  13. ^ Middle East International No 346, 17 March 1989, Publishers Lord Mayhew, Dennis Walters MP; Jim Muir p.7 also explicitly names DFLP
  14. ^ "The "FTO List" and Congress: Sanctioning Designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations" (PDF).
  15. ^ Burke, Jason (26 August 2001). "Attack on Gaza army base kills three". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 1 May 2010.
  16. ^ a b EU-Turn. "Institut MEDEA". Archived from the original on 28 September 2007. Retrieved 13 January 2016.
  17. ^ "ISO Statement on Attacks in New York and Washington, D.C." Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 13 January 2016.
  18. ^ "". Archived from the original on 7 August 2011. Retrieved 13 January 2016.
  19. ^ a b Marcus, Aliza (2012). Blood and Belief: The PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence. NYU Press. pp. 55–56. ISBN 9780814759561.
  20. ^ "". Archived from the original on 7 August 2011. Retrieved 13 January 2016.
  21. ^ الحرية - مجلة التقدميين العرب على الانترنت. "الحرية - مجلة التقدميين العرب على الانترنت". Retrieved 13 January 2016.
  22. ^ "1999 Report Index". U.S. State Department. 8 October 1999. Retrieved 25 June 2017.

External links