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King Wu of Zhou

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King Wu of Zhou
周武王
King of the Zhou dynasty
King Wu
Depiction of King Wu by Ma Lin
Elder of the Predynastic Zhou
Reign1050–1046 BCE
PredecessorKing Wen of Zhou
King of the Zhou dynasty
Reign1046–1043 BCE
PredecessorDi Xin (Shang dynasty)
SuccessorKing Cheng of Zhou
BornJi Fa (姬發)
Died1043 BCE (age 54)[1]
Haojing, Western Zhou
Wife
Issue
Names
Family name: Ji (姬)
Given name: Fa (發)
Clan name: Zhou (周)
Posthumous name
King Wu (周武王, lit. "Martial King of Zhou")
DynastyZhou dynasty
FatherKing Wen of Zhou
MotherTai Si
Chinese name
Chinese周武王
Literal meaningMartial King of Zhou
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinZhōu Wǔ wáng
Wade–GilesChou1 Wu3 wang2
IPA[ʈʂóʊ ù wǎŋ]
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationJāu Móuh wòhng
JyutpingZau1 Mou5 wong4
Southern Min
Hokkien POJChiu Bú ông
Old Chinese
Baxter–Sagart (2014)*Tiw M(r)aʔ ɢʷang
Personal name
Traditional Chinese姬發
Simplified Chinese姬发
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinJī Fā
Wade–GilesChi1 Fa1
IPA[tɕí fá]
Old Chinese
Baxter–Sagart (2014)*[k](r)ə Cə.pat

King Wu of Zhou (died c. 1043 BC), personal name Ji Fa, was the founding king of the Chinese Zhou dynasty. He is considered one of the great heroes of China, together with the mythical Yellow Emperor and the legendary Yu the Great.

Name

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Li gui showing 珷, top-right.

In bronze inscriptions, such as the Li gui, King Wu's name is occasionally contracted to wǔ 珷.

珷征商隹甲子朝
King Wu's campaign against Shang, on the morning of the Jia-Zi day.

King Wu's personal name was Ji Fa 姬發.

Lineage

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King Wu was the second son of the Zhou elder Ji Chang (posthumously titled King Wen) and Tai Si. In most accounts, his older brother Bo Yikao was said to have predeceased his father, typically at the hands of Di Xin, the last king of the Shang dynasty. In the Book of Rites, however, it is assumed that his inheritance represented an older tradition among the Zhou of passing over the eldest son.[2] Fa's grandfather Jili had likewise inherited Zhou despite having two older brothers.

Reign

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The chronology of King Wu's reign is disputed but is generally thought to have begun around 1046 BC and ended with his death three years later.[a]

King of Predynastic Zhou

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The Li gui, cast seven days after the Battle of Muye.

Upon his succession as king of Predynastic Zhou, King Wu worked with his father-in-law Jiang Ziya to accomplish an unfinished task: overthrowing the Shang dynasty. He resided largely in the capital, Fengjing, and the royal center remained in Zhouyuan (周原), Mount Qi.[3][b] During the ninth year of his reign, King Wu made a sacrifice at Bi (畢). He was assisted by Duke Dan of Zhou, the Duke of Bi, and the Duke of Zhao in carrying out King Wen of Zhou's ambition.[4] He marched down the Yellow River to the Mengjin ford and met with more than 800 elders.[4] He constructed an ancestral tablet with his father's posthumous name and placed it on a chariot in the middle of the host; considering the timing unpropitious, though, he did not yet attack Shang, stating "You still do not know the Mandate of Heaven, it is not yet possible."[4]

In the eleventh year of his reign, allegations made against Di Xin grew worse, with news of him having killed his uncle Bi Gan and imprisoning Jizi reaching King Wu's ears. Taishi Ci (太師疵) and Shaoshi Qiang (少師彊) fled to Zhou with their instruments. King Wu could no longer refrain from attacking the Shang, and on the wumu day of the twelfth month (c. January 21, 1048 BC) led an army of 300 chariots, 3,000 elite warriors, and 45,000 armed soldiers to the Mengjin ford. There, he composed the Great Declaration (泰誓)[c] that Di Xin had lost the Mandate of Heaven, and it was time to exact the Tian's punishment.

Battle of Muye

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On the jiazi day of the second month (c. February 5, 1046 BC) by current estimates, King Wu took advantage of Shang disunity to launch an attack along with many neighbouring elders, beginning the Battle of Muye. There, he delivered the Oath at Muye (牧誓), recorded in the Book of Documents which states that King Wu united people from the states of Yong (庸), Shu (蜀), Qiang, (羌), Mao (髳), Wei (微), Lu (盧), Peng (彭), and Pu (濮) to aid his assault.[6][d] Di Xin, hearing of the rebellion, deployed 700,000 soldiers to intercept the oncoming assault. Despite the numbers advantage, many Shang soldiers, who were slaves or otherwise disliked Di Xin, defected to King Wu's combined army, allowing for a total defeat. The Battle of Muye destroyed Shang's forces and then-ruler Di Xin set himself and the Deer Terrace Pavilion on fire, killing himself within.[4][1][4] The Lost Book of Zhou, condemned by contemporary Confucian scholars, records a similar account, but states that Di Xin was executed alongside two of his consorts (presumably Daji and Jiuhou Nü, and their heads were brought in on stakes as a sacrifice was being made by King Wu post-conquest.[7][8] However, its authenticity is disputed.[9]

The methods used by King Wu at the Battle of Muye are uncertain. Wang Xingguang and Zhang Qiang argue that King Wu had attacked from the north, based on geographic evidence and the manner in which the Yellow River must have flowed at the time.[10]

King of China

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The Tianwang gui, thought to refer to King Wu performing a ritual to King Wen of Zhou.

King Wu followed his victory by composing the Great Martial Music (大武樂).[1] A poem was also made singing praises of his victory that is recorded in the Book of Poetry, Da Ming (大明).[11]

Oracle bone evidence from Zhouyuan (周原), Qishan County, seems to imply that King Wu of Zhou had communicated with Shang prince Wu Geng at some point shortly after the Battle of Muye:[12]

…巳，王其乎更，厥父陟。
On the __si day, the King may call Geng; his father then/had ascended.

Lu Guoquan (路国权) and Wang Junmei (王君美) interpret the line geng (更) as being the geng (庚) in Wu Geng's name, using paleographic evidence from Liezi. They furthermore note that the zhi (陟) is a euphemism for Di Xin's death, using evidence from the Book of Documents.[e] The scholars therefore believe that Wu Geng was away from Yin at the time and King Wu summoned him to give the news and organise what to do thereafter.[12]

Familiar with Shang ritual culture, within a year, King Wu performed a ritual in Yin.[1][13] He also made a sacrifice to King Wen of Zhou around this time, which is detailed on the Tianwang gui, thought to date to King Wu's reign.[14] Furthermore, Wu Geng, also known as Lu Fu (禄父) and one of the heirs to the Shang throne, was allowed to preserve his state and continue Shang religious practices.[4] This subdued state would later become the state of Song under Weizi Qi.[4]

After performing the rituals, King Wu moved his court from Feng to the nearby Hao, leaving the older settlement to serve as a site for ancestral temples and gardens. He granted many 'feudal' states to his 16 younger brothers and to clans allied by marriage, which the Bamboo Annals records as having occurred at least a year after his victory.[1] Shuowen Jiezi traces two characters to this precise period, specifically Yu (邘) and Xun (郇), which were granted to his sons.[15] He also enfeoffed Jiang Ziya at Yingqiu, which became Qi; Duke Dan of Zhou was enfeoffed in Qufu, becoming Lu; the Duke of Zhao was enfeoffed in Yan, and then his brothers Shu Xian (叔鮮) in Guan and Shu Du in Cai (叔度).[4] Despite his victory, King Wu did not fully understand why Shang had fallen, and upon asking Jizi two years later, he was too uncomfortable to say.[4]

The enfeoffments of Shu Xian and Shu Du, as well as another brother in Huo, was not arbitrary. These locations were all close to the state of Song, allowing for continuous monitoring of the deposed Shang royal family. It is for this reason that these individuals were called the "Three Guards" (三监).[4][16]

The Bamboo Annals record King Wu hunting in Mount Song and moving the Nine Tripod Cauldrons to Luo (洛) in his 15th year. In the next year, Jizi came to his court and Pugu (蒲姑) was annihilated. In his final years, he ordered Wang Shizi to recite at his court, and he died in winter, at 54 years old.[1]

Illness and death

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Two years after his victory, in his 14th year, King Wu fell ill.[1] Duke Dan of Zhou prayed for his health, composing jinteng 金縢 "Metal-Bound Coffer" in King Wu's 14th year, which would be repeated in the Book of Documents.[1] Wang Chong repeats the prayer as follows:[17]

予仁若考，多才多藝，能事鬼神。
乃元孫某，不若旦多才多藝，不能事鬼神。

I am benevolent and compliant like my ancestors, possessed of many talents and arts, and am able to serve the ghosts and gods.
As for your primary grandson (King Wu), he is not like me, Dan, in being possessed of many talents and arts, nor is he able to serve the ghosts and gods.[f]

The Kang Hou gui (康侯簋), made after subduing the Rebellion of the Three Guards following King Wu's death.

After 5 years of ruling China, in the 17th year of his rule of the Zhou, King Wu died in the winter.[1] His death provoked several rebellions against his young heir King Cheng and the regent Ji Dan, even from three of his brothers following Wu Geng's conspiracy with them.[4]

Tomb

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A burial mound at Zhouling in Xianyang Prefecture, Shaanxi, was once thought to be King Wu's tomb. It was fitted with a headstone bearing Wu's name under the Qing dynasty. Modern archeology has since concluded that the tomb is not old enough to be from the Zhou dynasty and is more likely to be that of a Han dynasty royal. The true location of King Wu's tomb remains unknown, though current scholarship points towards Zhou lords in general being buried around Zhougong Miao (周公廟), Qishan County.[3]

Legacy

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Ever since his conquest of the Shang dynasty, King Wu of Zhou has been mentioned across Classical Chinese literature, even in bronze inscriptions commemorating the conquest. He is frequently mentioned alongside Tang of Shang and Yu the Great as the "Three Kings," model rulers to learn from. One such example is the entry-level Three Character Classic, which groups them together alongside King Wen of Zhou.[18]

Evaluation within Confucianism

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King Wu of Zhou is considered a culture hero in Confucianism and a model ruler to learn from, having replicated Tang of Shang's defeat of a perceived tyrannical ruler; in Tang's case, it was Jie of Xia, and in King Wu's case, it was Di Xin.[19]

Xunzi[20] and Mencius[21] defend King Wu's regicide of Di Xin within the thought of the Mandate of Heaven: As Di Xin had seemingly lost the mandate and retired from royal affairs, he was, then, more of a commoner than ruler. Therefore, in the eyes of these two philosophers, it could not be called regicide, but a punitive exhibition.[22][23] In Xunzi proper, Sun Qingzi (孫卿子) groups King Wu's deposition of Di Xin with that of the Three Sovereigns deposing their archnemeses in addition to Tang of Shang's role. To restrain violence and eliminate harm, it must be reduced by eliminating propagators of greater harm. Within Zhenglun (正論), Xun Kuang also states that as it cannot be called a regicide, it is not so simple to call King Wu an usurper either, as Di Xin did not necessarily control the state to begin with if he had lost the mandate and not managed the people.[22]

Jia Yi talks extensively about King Wu and Tang in opposition to the failed Qin dynasty.[24] In The Faults of Qin, he argues that Qin failed because, unlike Kings Wu and Tang, they sought power without virtue, or in other words, innate power. Because Tang and Wu had expanded their reach and cultivated their innate power, they were able to found dynasties that ruled for hundreds of years, whereas Qin Shi Huang failed to cultivate an effective successor that could make choices with care.[24]

Family

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As depicted in the album Portraits of Famous Men c. 1900 CE, housed in the Philadelphia Museum of Art

Queens:

  • Yi Jiang, of the Lü lineage of the Jiang clan of Qi (邑姜 姜姓 呂氏), the first daughter of the Great Duke of Qi; the mother of Song and Yu

Sons:

  • Prince Song (王子誦; 1060–1020 BC), ruled as King Cheng of Zhou from 1042 to 1021 BC
  • Second son, ruled as the Monarch of Yu (邘), the ancestor of the surname Yu (于)
  • Third son, Prince Yu (王子虞), ruled as the Marquis of Tang from 1042 BC
  • A son who ruled as the Marquis of Ying (應)
  • A son who ruled as the Marquis of Han

Daughters:

  • First daughter, Da Ji (大姬)
  • Youngest daughter, personal name Lan (蘭)

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ These dates are those of the People's Republic of China's official Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project, but they remain controversial.
  2. ^ It should be noted that neither Haojing nor Fengjing have been uncovered in archaeology; most Zhou artifacts are found in and around Mt. Qi.[3]
  3. ^ The extant Great Declaration is considered a forgery by Mei Ze; the original is lost. [5]
  4. ^ The given date in this chapter of the Book of Documents matches that of the Li gui.
  5. ^ Shang people used similar euphemisms, see 合集 27890, 32029, 32420, 32916, 屯 2384
  6. ^ Wang Chong states the "ghosts and gods" (鬼神) refers to the Three Kings; Tang of Shang, King Wen of Zhou, and Yu the Great, and believed that the Three Kings, then, had been deified shortly after King Wu's conquest.

References

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  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). "周武王". 竹書紀年 [Bamboo Annals] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 11 April 2026. 十二年辛卯，王率西夷諸侯伐殷，敗之于坶野。王親禽受于南單之臺，遂分天之明。立受子祿父，是為武庚。夏四月，王歸于豐，饗于太廟。命監殷。遂狩於管。作《大武樂》。十三年，巢伯來賓。薦殷于大廟。遂大封諸侯。秋，大有年。十四年，王有疾，周文公禱于壇墠，作《金縢》。十五年，肅慎氏來賓。初狩方岳，誥于沫邑。冬，遷九鼎于洛。十六年，箕子來朝。秋，王師滅蒲姑。十七年，命王世子誦于東宮。冬十有二月，王陟，年五十四。
  2. ^ Book of Rites, Tan Gong I, 1. Accessed 4 Nov 2012.
  3. ^ a b c Wilkinson, Endymion (2025). Chinese History: A New Manual (7th ed (ebook) ed.). Pleco. pp. 3706–3708. ISBN 978-0-9988883-2-3.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Sima, Qian. "殷本紀". 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 11 April 2026.
  5. ^ Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1993). "Shang shu 尚書". In Loewe, Michael (ed.). Early Chinese texts: a bibliographical guide. Berkeley, Calif: The Society for the Study of Early China [u.a.] ISBN 978-1-55729-043-4.
  6. ^ Fu, Sheng. "牧誓". In Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 尚書 [Book of Documents] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 13 April 2026. 時甲子昧爽，王朝至于商郊牧野，乃誓。王左杖黃鉞，右秉白旄以麾，曰：「逖矣，西土之人！」王曰：「嗟！我友邦冢君、御事、司徒、司馬、司空，亞旅、師氏，千夫長、百夫長，及庸，蜀、羌、髳、微、盧、彭、濮人。稱爾戈，比爾干，立爾矛，予其誓。」王曰：「古人有言曰：『牝雞無晨；牝雞之晨，惟家之索。』今商王受惟婦言是用，昏棄厥肆祀弗答，昏棄厥遺王父母弟不迪，乃惟四方之多罪逋逃，是崇是長，是信是使，是以為大夫卿士。俾暴虐于百姓，以奸宄于商邑。今予發惟恭行天之罰。今日之事，不愆于六步、七步，乃止齊焉。勖哉夫子！不愆于四伐、五伐、六伐、七伐，乃止齊焉。勖哉夫子！尚桓桓如虎、如貔、如熊、如羆，于商郊弗迓克奔，以役西土，勖哉夫子！爾所弗勖，其于爾躬有戮！」
  7. ^ Grebnev, Yegor (16 December 2021). "Record of King Wu of Zhou's Royal Deeds in the Yi Zhou shu in Light of Near Eastern Royal Inscriptions". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 138 (1). doi:10.7817/jameroriesoci.138.1.0073.
  8. ^ Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). "世俘解". 逸周書 (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 13 April 2026.
  9. ^ McNeal, Robin (January 2002). "The Body as Metaphor for the Civil and Martial Components of Empire in Yi Zhou shu, Chapter 32; With an Excursion on the Composition and Structure of the Yi Zhou shu". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 122 (1): 46. doi:10.2307/3087652.
  10. ^ 王, 星光; 张, 强 (2013). "地理环境与武王伐纣进军路线新探". 史学月刊. Retrieved 13 April 2026.
  11. ^ Deng, Qitong (2013). "文王之什". 诗经 [Classic of Poetry] (2nd ed.). Nanjing: 东南大学出版社 [Southeast University Press]. ISBN 978-7-5641-4268-1.
  12. ^ a b Lu 路, Guoquan 国权; Wang 王, Junmei 君美 (2010). "甲骨文、金文新释两则". 复旦大学出土文献与古文字研究中心版.
  13. ^ Vogt, Paul Nicholas. 2012. Between Kin and King: Social Aspects of Western Zhou Ritual. Thesis, Columbia University. Proquest. https://search.proquest.com/openview/6e6ec0f2c952f2d40111e9596401ba9d/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&casa_token=QlvM9H9soyEAAAAA:zh_MLARECPK2BxGmgykXbfYMJSIwa7qcgx6QQyn-ypcdIKjO81XlzXaZcFZjrJEmB8d6ONFzHw
  14. ^ 于省吾 (1960). "关于"天亡簋"铭文的几点论证". 考古 (08): 34-36,41.
  15. ^ Xu, Shen. "邑部". 説文解字 [Shuowen Jiezi] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 11 April 2026. 邘：周武王子所封。在河內野王是也。从邑于聲。又讀若區。郇：周武王子所封國，在晉地。从邑旬聲。讀若泓。
  16. ^ 重編國語辭典修定本 [Revised Mandarin Chinese Dictionary]. 中華民國教育部. 1994.
  17. ^ Wang, Chong. "死偽". In Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 論衡 [Lunheng] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 11 April 2026. 周武王有疾不豫，周公請命，設三壇同一墠，植璧秉圭，乃告于太王、王季、文王。史乃策祝，辭曰：「予仁若考，多才多藝，能事鬼神。乃元孫某，不若旦多才多藝，不能事鬼神。」鬼神者、謂三王也。即死人無知，不能為鬼神，周公、聖人也，聖人之言審，則得幽冥之實，得幽冥之實，則三王為鬼神，明矣。
  18. ^ Sturgeon, Donald; Giles, Herbert (eds.). 三字經 [Three Character Classic] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 11 April 2026. 夏有禹，商有湯。周文王，稱三王。
  19. ^ 薛惠文（2011）。先秦典籍中的武王形象〔碩士論文，淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2011.00855
  20. ^ Stalnaker, Aaron (August 2012). "XUNZI'S MORAL ANALYSIS OF WAR AND SOME OF ITS CONTEMPORARY IMPLICATIONS". Journal of Military Ethics. 11 (2): 97–113. doi:10.1080/15027570.2012.708178.
  21. ^ Shang, Wen-Kao (2015). "孟子的暴君放伐論 [Mencius' Monarchomachia]". 淡江史學 (7). Retrieved 13 April 2026.
  22. ^ a b Xun, Kuang. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 荀子 [Mencius] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 13 April 2026.
  23. ^ Meng, Ke. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 孟子 [Mencius] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 13 April 2026.
  24. ^ a b Jia, Yi. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 新書 [Xinshu] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 13 April 2026.
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