Left-wing politics

Left wing is also a term used in several sports; see winger (sport).

In politics, left-wing, the political left or simply The Left are terms that refer to the segment of the political spectrum typically associated with any of several strains of socialism or social democracy, or in the United States, American liberalism. In addition it is considered the opposite of right-wing politics.

Communism, as well as the Marxist philosophy that many base it on, and most currents of traditional anarchism are often considered to be radical forms of left-wing politics. Most left-wingers however reject any association with communism or anarchism.

The term comes originally from the legislative seating arrangement during the French Revolution, when republicans who opposed the Ancien Régime were commonly referred to as leftists because they sat on the left side of successive legislative assemblies.

As this original reference became obsolete, the meaning of the term has changed as appropriate to the spectrum of ideas and stances being compared, and the point of view of the speaker. In recent times, the term almost always includes some forms of socialism or social democracy.

Some consider it to include secularism, especially in the United States, India, the Middle East, and in many Catholic countries, although some atheists, such as Ayn Rand, were not part of the left, while religion and leftism have at times been allied historically, such as in the U.S. civil rights movement.

See political spectrum and left-right politics for further discussion of this kind of classification.

History of the term

Although it may seem ironic in terms of present-day usage, those originally on 'The Left' during the French Revolution were the largely bourgeois supporters of laissez-faire capitalism and free markets. As the electorate expanded beyond property-holders, these relatively wealthy elites found themselves clearly victorious over the old aristocracy and the remnants of feudalism, but newly opposed by the growing and increasingly organized and politicized workers and wage-earners. The "left" of 1789 would, in some ways be part of the present-day "right", liberal with regard to the rights of property and intellect, but not embracing notions of distributive justice, rights for organized labour, etc.

In some countries, such as the Netherlands, the left had for a long time the meaning of the non-religious side of politics. This gradually changed into the more general European meaning of the word.

The European left has traditionally shown a smooth continuum between non-communist and communist parties (including such hybrids as eurocommunism), which have sometimes allied with more moderate leftists to present a united front. In the United States, however, no avowedly socialist or communist party ever became a major player in national politics, although the Social Democratic Party of Eugene V. Debs and its successor Socialist Party of America (in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century) and the Communist Party of the United States of America (in the 1930s) made some inroads. While many American "liberals" might be "social democrats" in European terms, very few of them openly embrace the term "left"; in the United States, the term is mainly embraced by New Left activists, certain portions of the labor movement, and people who see their intellectual or political heritage as descending from 19th-century socialist movements.

The New Left refers to left-wing movements from the 1960s onwards who claimed to be breaking with some traditions of the left. Where earlier left-wing movements were generally rooted in labor activism, the New Left generally adopted a broader definition of political activism, commonly called social activism. The New Left has had varying degrees of unity since its rise in the 1960s, mainly existing as loose coalitions of numerous distinct movements, including (but not limited to) feminists, greens, some labour unions, some atheists, some gay rights activists, and some minority ethnic and racially oriented civil rights groups.

Many Greens deny that green politics is "on the left"; nonetheless, their economic policies can generally be considered left-wing, and when they have formed political coalitions (most notably in Germany, but also in local governments elsewhere), it has almost always been with groups that would generally be classified as being on the left.

Left-wing issues

Equality, social justice, democracy, gender equality, civil rights, labor rights and trade unionism, governmental and social concern for the poor, working-class solidarity, secularism, tolerance, and internationalism are the values typically associated with the left wing of the political spectrum.

The Left generally favours government or social control over economics and the redistribution of wealth, and is against social hierarchy and authority over moral behaviour, strict adherence to tradition, monoculturalism, privilege for the wealthy, and other values commonly associated with the political right. Many on the Left describe themselves as "progressive", a term that arose from their self-identification as the side of social progress.

Leftism by region

The Left and the Soviet Union

The relationship between left-wing movements and the U.S.S.R was a complicated one. Generally the ideology of the former Soviet bloc is included as on the left, much in the same way as fascism is generally included as on "the right". However, some argue that (in spite of its use of socialist rhetoric), Soviet-style communism should be viewed independently of the conventional left-right spectrum: this case has, perhaps, been made most eloquently by Karl Popper, through his development of the concept of totalitarianism

In the days of the Soviet Union, left-wing movements worldwide had different relationships with Moscow-line communist parties, ranging from enthusiastic support to outright opposition. Lincoln Steffens, in 1919, said of having visited the Soviet Union, "I have seen the future and it works"; it would be many years until any large portion of the left believed otherwise, and even today, some parts of the radical left extol all or some aspects of Soviet-style communism or that of Maoist China, while others loathe the perceived crimes of those regimes and denounce them at every turn.

For example, most Trotskyists adhere to some variant of Leon Trotsky's view of the post-Lenin Soviet Union as a "degenerated workers' state" and denounce Stalin as a traitor, some even claiming that the Soviet Union was actually a kind of 'monopoly capitalist' state. Large segments of the left never took inspiration from the Soviet model and actually rejoiced to see the USSR's system collapse—as Michael Albert of Z Magazine put it, "one down, one to go" (referring to Stalinism and capitalism). At the other end, the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA continues to praise the Chinese Cultural Revolution.

Throughout the history of the Soviet Union, the large social-democratic parties of Western Europe were largely opposed to what they saw as its totalitarianism. A large majority of members of the British Labour Party, the West German SPD, and the French Socialists were never supportive of the Soviet regime, and nor were their respective leaderships.

Some critics of the left claim that leftist movements lost their moorings, or their rationale, after the collapse of the European communist states (beginning in 1989 and ending with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991).

The Left and China

The 1949 victory of the Chinese Revolution brought to power the then ultra-left Chinese Communist Party of Mao Zedong, who, over the next quarter of a century attempted the radical transformation of society through the Great Leap Forward and the Chinese Cultural Revolution. After Mao's death, it became the conventional wisdom among leadership of the People's Republic of China (PRC) that these attempts had been a disaster. Although it has retained its name, the Chinese Communist Party today has abandoned Communism in its economic policies, pursuing instead an agenda of economic liberalization, beginning in the 1980s with the Four Modernizations of Deng Xiaoping. The PRC government, however, has remained rigidly authoritarian; socially and politically, it is still commonly viewed as repressive, though far less so than in Mao's time. Most leading Chinese dissidents are political and social liberals.

In contrast both to the government and the liberal dissidents, Chinese neo-leftism, embracing postmodernism and Chinese nationalism, and opposed both to democracy and to what they see as a return of China to the capitalist world, arose as a political idea during the mid-1990s.Neo-leftism is seen as being more appealing to students in mainland China today than liberalism, as problems faced in mainland China during its modernisation such as inequality and the widening gap between the rich and the poor are becoming more serious.

The Left and postmodernism

As Barbara Epstein notes, "Many people, inside and outside the world of postmodernism (and for that matter inside and outside the left), have come to equate postmodernism with the left" . It is also the case that some postmodernists, such as Francis Fukuyama, are widely identified with the right. Generally although most postmodernists would describe themselves as on the left, postmodernism is far from being widely accepted within left-wing political movements, it has been most widely accepted amongst left-wing academics.

Left-wing Postmodernism claims to reject attempts at universal explanatory theories such as Marxism, deriding them as grand narratives. It tends to embrace culture and ideology as the battle grounds for change rejecting traditional ways of organising such as political parties and trade unions, instead it focuses on critiquing or deconstructing existing society.

Left-wing critics of postmodernism generally see it as a reaction of the failure of socialist movements of the 1960s (both in Europe and Latin America and the USA) and the disillusionment with the old Communist Parties. They claim that disconnected from any mass movements, and pessimistic about the possibility for any mass activism these academics justified their retreat into cultural studies courses by inflateing the importance of culture through denying the existence of an independent reality.

Right-wing critics have generally seen acceptance of post-modernism as an indication of the poorly thought-out, fashionable nature of the academic left. Some right-wing critics mirror the idea that left-wing postmodernism is a product of the 'failure' of Marxism to bring liberation. For example Gary Jason claims that "The failure of socialism, both empirically and theoretically, ... brought about a crisis of faith among socialists, and postmodernism is their response."

The Left and Opposition to War

While anti-war movements have never been exclusively left-wing, they have generally been led, inspired, organised, and (critics would argue) manipulated by those on the left. While some on the left are inspired by pacifism, most left-wing opposition to war is inspired by anti-imperialism which leads them to reject specific wars because they see them as being in capitalist interests rather then being morally against all violence. Left-wing opposition to war is also often characterised by the internationalist belief that the world's workers share common interests with one another, rather than with the powers governing their respective countries. Until the First World War, there was broad agreement among those on the left on opposition to imperialist wars. Few left-wingers supported their nation in conflicts such as the Boer War.

The First World War

Before World War I there was a fierce debate among members of the Second International as to the position socialists should take towards the impending war. On the 25 July 1914, the executive of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) issued an appeal to its membership to demonstrate against the coming war, only to vote on 4 August for the war credits the German government wanted. Likewise the French Socialist Party and its union, the CGT, especially after the assassination of the pacificist Jean Jaurès, organised mass rallies and protests until the outbreak of war, but once the war began they argued that in wartime socialists should support their nations against the aggression of other nations and also voted for war credits.

In 1915 members of the Second International holding what was by then a minority anti-war position within their respective national parties, met at Zimmerwald to try to work out a joint platform of opposition to the war that was in progress. The Zimmerwald Conference failed to end the War, but did bring together a left wing that supported the Russian Revolution and laid the basis for the Third (Communist) International. Leon Trotsky argued at the time that the failure of the Left to oppose the war led to the destruction of the Second International.

In Russia, opposition to the war led to soldiers also establishing their own revolutionary committees and helped foment the October Revolution of 1917, with the call going up for "bread, land, and peace". After the revolution, the Bolsheviks called for an armistice, but the world powers refused, worried about the possible spread of revolution.

The Second World War

World War II was largely seen as an anti-fascist war, and thus not resisted by many on the left. The positions of many of the communist parties vacillated in line with the vacillation of the policies of the Soviet Union. However, some socialists analysed it as being fought in the interests of capitalism, rather than those of workers. Their responses ranged from unqualified criticism of both sides, in the case of the LSSP of Sri Lanka, through the focus on support for strikes and calls for workers to take control of the fight against fascism of the Workers International League and anarcho-communists in the UK, to the abstentionism and alignment with pacificts of the London Bureau groups.

Vietnam War

The Vietnam War was opposed by many socialists, but there was argument within the left over the nature of and the level of support to be given to the Communist Party of Vietnam. The movements in the U.S. were largely co-ordinated by the left but involved much wider forces. There was also tension within some organisations: for example the far-left Revolutionary Communist Party attempted to organise a more left wing group 'Vietnam Veterans Against the War Anti-Imperialist' (VVAW-AI) in opposition to the more mainstream (and far larger and more successful) Vietnam Veterans Against the War. As of 2005, both organizations survive to this day.

U.S. anti-war movement in the 21st century

Most on the left agreed with the majority of people that the September 11, 2001 attacks were carried out by Al-Qaida, though a small segment of the left—along with many Muslims in the Middle East and some on the far-right—placed the blame elsewhere.

There was, however, disagreement over the correct response to the attacks. On the centre left many went along with the political consensus that the acts were merely the product of unexplainable fanatical hatred of the "West". However, others disagreed and put the blame on U.S foreign policy, specifically its imperialist nature.

Within weeks, it became clear that Bush intended a set of changes to U.S. criminal law and immigration law and an invasion of Afghanistan. There was division within the left about this invasion. . Nonetheless, an international anti-war movement began to arise; in the U.S. and other countries whose governments enacted legislation analogous to the USA PATRIOT Act, it was equally a movement in protest of what were perceived to be assaults on civil liberties and immigrant rights.

In these anti-war movements, left-wingers formed loose coalitions with pacifists and others with long-time associations with global peace movements, and with Arabs and Muslims, including, but by no means limited to, Islamists. The predominant arguments against the Afghanistan invasion and the subsequent invasion of Iraq were on the grounds of pacifism, international law, opposition to perceived U.S. imperialism; disbelief in the sincerity of the U.S.'s stated war aims, belief that the wars were motivated by neocolonialism and petroleum politics; that war would bring unnecessary suffering on the people of Afghanistan and that it was not the most effective way to dislodge or isolate al-Qaida; and, in a few cases, denial of al-Qaida's responsibility for the September 11 attacks.

Many Islamists and Arabs, and a few leftists, saw the military campaigns as battles in a religious war—a crusade—against Islam. This was the obverse of the ideas expressed, for example, by Samuel P. Huntington in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. This was largely rejected by those on the left who saw the war as a clash between capitalist powers and those responding to it. Tariq Ali mocked the notion of a clash of civilisations in his book "Clash of Fundamentalisms".

The most prominent U.S.-based movement groups were Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER), Not in Our Name (NION), and United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ).

ANSWER and (to a lesser degree) NION have been targets of much criticism from within the left for their associations with the Workers World Party and the Revolutionary Communist Party, respectively. Right-wing critics have also seized on these relationships, pointing at them to claim that these small parties "dominate" the anti-war movement.. Critics of ANSWER and NION from within the anti-war movement (such as Michael Albert and Stephen R. Shalom writing in Z as well as Chuck Munson writing for Infoshop.org) generally urged support for these groups' rallies, despite their qualms, arguing that most people at a "...demonstration will in fact be unaware of exactly who said what and whether any particular speaker omitted this or that point. What they will experience will be a powerful antiwar protest. And most of the public will see it that way too."

The groups have collaborated at times on events, although collaboration has not always been easy. In perhaps the most infamous incident, Rabbi Michael Lerner was banned from speaking at a February 16, 2003 anti-war rally in San Francisco, less than a month before the U.S. invaded Iraq. It was generally believed that this was done at ANSWER's behest, because Lerner had been critical of what he perceives as ANSWER's anti-Israel politics. Lerner, though irked that NION and UFPJ did not stand up for his inclusion as a speaker, continued to encourage people to attend the rally.

During the 2004 U.S elections many on the left saw their most important task as removal of President George W. Bush because of what they considered to be his imperialist policies. This led many to support an "Anybody but Bush" campaign, that resulted in support for the Democrats and a large drop in support for Ralph Nader, the independent left-wing candidate. However, the Democrats' platform largely supported the war and Bush Administration policies. The "Anybody But Bush" campaign failed, and Bush was re-elected.

The Left and the anti-war movement in Europe

In general, the Left in Europe see the anti-war movement as reinvigorating the Left; however, there is some disagreement as to whether it should continue to been seen as a central mobilising tool. The UK political coalition Respect, which grew out of the anti-war movement, argues that anti-war feeling is key to the growth of the Left, while leading members of the French left-wing group ATTAC claim that too much focus on the war would lead the Left away from focus on economic issues.

Popular opposition to war on Iraq in Europe climaxed in an international synchronised anti-war demonstration around the world on February 15, 2003.

In Spain, the response to the Madrid bombings was an anti-war move to the left with the election of a social democratic government.

Relationship between the Left and Muslims

Many European countries have a large and growing Muslim community. From a left-wing position they are generally seen as oppressed, and are seen as taking the place once occupied by Communists, as the bogeymen and scapegoats of right-wing politics. Some on the left such as the British Socialist Workers Party (SWP) argued the necessity for those on the left to unite with Muslims in the fight against the Iraq war. They achieved this aim to a large extent leading to the British Stop the War Coalition, having Muslims take leading positions. However, some of the much more religious Muslim groups refused to work with the Left in anti-war demonstrations as they disagree with their secularism.

A pro-Palestine position is the norm amongst the Left including many on the Jewish left (See Jews for Justice for Palestinians).

Exiled Iranian writer Amir Taheri views portions of the anti-war movement in Western Europe as "an alliance between the radical Left and hard-line Islamists... built around three themes: hatred of the United States, the dream of wiping Israel off the map, and the hoped-for collapse of the global economic system." . Taheri clearly views this alliance with Islamists as compromising traditional humanist values of the Left and all "leftist" values in general; he clearly implies that this coalition could go on to embrace terrorism.

While many leftists have happily worked with Arab or Muslim groups in opposition to U.S. imperialism or the Israeli occupation of Palestine, alliances between leftists and Islamists are relatively unusual and recent, since leftist politics of civil libertarianism and secularism jar with hard-line Islamism. More typical examples of leftists working in anti-war coalitions with Muslims would be the membership of American Muslims for Jerusalem in UFPJ or of the Muslim Student Association, American Muslims for Global Peace, and Atlanta Masjid of Al-Islam in ANSWER. These are Muslim groups, but they are not hard-line Islamist groups.

The Left and Anti-Globalisation

The anti-globalisation movement, also known as the Global Justice Movement or alter-globalization movement, is a collection of social movements which are prominent in protests against global trade agreements and the negative consequences they perceive them to have for the poor, for the environment and for peace. It is generally characterised as left-wing, though some activists within it reject association with the traditional left. Certainly it is concerned with what are generally thought of as left-wing issues. From the right, the anti-globalisation movement is often caricatured as an attempt by far-left groups to repackage themselves and it might also be regarded as existing within a broader set of anti-capitalist movements and philosophies.

Political parties on the Left

Main article: Political parties on the Left

Depending on the political viewpoint of the categoriser, different groups might be categorised as on the left. One might generally characterise parties as on the political left in their respective countries, though even then they might have relatively little in common with other left-wing groups beyond their opposition to the right. However even this can cause issues. For example, the Democratic Leadership Council, an organization of centrists affiliated with the Democratic Party in which former President Bill Clinton was active, is generally considered to be the right wing of the U.S. Democratic Party. Outside of the U.S., the Democratic Party is considered by many to be right-of-centre.

Notes

1. ^1 Postmodernism and the Left, Barbara Epstein, New Politics, vol. 6, no. 2 (new series), whole no. 22, Winter 1997
2. ^2 Postmodernism and the Left, Barbara Epstein, New Politics, vol. 6, no. 2 (new series), whole no. 22, Winter 1997
3. ^3 Postmodernism, commodity fetishism and hegemony, Néstor Kohan, International Socialism, Issue 105,
4. ^4 Chomsky on Postmodernism, Chomsky, Z-Magazine's Left On-Line Bulletin Board
5. ^5 Socialism's Last Bastion, Gary Jason, Liberty
6. ^6 Prelude To Revolution: Class Consciousness and the First World War, International Socialism Issue 76, September 1997.
7. ^7 The Second International (Social-Democracy), Marxists Internet Archive
8. ^8 The War and the International (The Bolsheviks and World Peace), Marxists Internet Archive
9. ^9 Poll: Muslims call U.S. 'ruthless, arrogant' CNN, February 26, 2002
10. ^10 Hamilton College Muslim America Poll Hamilton College
11. ^11 Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney remarks re. war, Cynthia McKinney, September 21, 2001
12. ^12 The algebra of infinite justice, Arundhati Roy, The Guardian, September 29, 2001
13. ^13 Kucinich Denounces U.S. Tactics in Afghanistan, Muslims For Kucinich (Originally published in the Washington Post)
14. ^14 Ten Q&A On Antiwar Organizing, Michael Albert interviewed by Stephen R Shalom, ZNet, October 24, 2002
15. ^15 Ramsey Clark, List of articles on Ramsey Clarke, Why War?
16. ^16 Tracking Down A Fifth Column Front, Edward Immler, FrontPageMagazine.com, September 18, 2002
17. ^17 Has anti-war movement been hijacked?, Sherrie Gossett, WorldNetDaily.com, November 4, 2002
18. ^18 Ten Q&A On Antiwar Organizing, Michael Albert interviewed by Stephen R Shalom, ZNet, October 24, 2002
19. ^19 Authoritarianism and Anti-Semitism in the Anti-War Movement?, Tikkun magazine, May/June 2003
20. ^20 The Banning of Rabbi Lerner, David Corn, Common Dreams News Center, February 11 2003
21. ^21 DON'T STOP THE WAR: Except through Islamic Politics, Hizb ut Tahrir, 22nd January 2003
22. ^25 THE BLACK-RED ALLIANCE, Amir Taheri, Jerusalem Post, June 10, 2004

See also

Leftist Ideologies

• Communism
• Socialism
• Anarchism
• Marxism
• Democratic socialism
• Libertarian socialism
• Post-left anarchy
• Progressivism
• Social democracy
• Liberalism
• Syndicalism

Left-wing issues

• Egalitarianism
• Environmentalism
• Labour movement
• Democracy
• Trade unionism
• Secularism
• New Left

Organizations

• American Constitution Society for Law and Policy

Related political topics

• New social movements
• Political spectrum -- discusses various writers' views of the usefulness (or not) of the Left/Right dichotomy and of alternative spectra.
• Right-wing politics
• Left-Right politics -- discusses the range of various writers' meanings when they use the terms "left" and "right" in a political context.
• Christian socialism

External links

Discussion sites

• It's Time for a Change: A network of progressives
• The Rebel Alliance Leftist Community
• Revolutionary Left Radical leftist discussion forum
• Marxmail Moderated discussion site
• openDemocracy Clarifying debates and discussion forums bringing together thinkers and activists from across the political spectrum.

Reference sites

• US Progressive Candidates of 2004 progressive candidates running for House and Senate races in 2004
• The Marxists Internet Archive (a free online Marxist library)
• The Political Compass an alternate view of the political spectrum
• The official website of the Socialist International

Blogs, Webzines and News Sites

• TheComIntern A Leftist Webzine
• Critical Montages Left-Green U.S. blog
• World Socialist Web Site Socialist Equality Party news site