Nineteen Eighty-Four: Difference between revisions
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* ''[[Nineteen Eighty-Four (film)|Nineteen Eighty-Four]]'', the 1984 film |
* ''[[Nineteen Eighty-Four (film)|Nineteen Eighty-Four]]'', the 1984 film |
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* ''[[1984 (opera)|1984]]'', a 2005 opera |
* ''[[1984 (opera)|1984]]'', a 2005 opera |
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* ''[[1984 (2010 film)|1984]], a remake, scheduled for release in 2010. |
* ''[[1984 (2010 film)|1984]]'', a remake, scheduled for release in 2010. |
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===Themes of ''Nineteen Eighty-Four''=== |
===Themes of ''Nineteen Eighty-Four''=== |
Revision as of 06:17, 27 July 2009
File:1984first.jpg British first edition cover | |
Author | George Orwell |
---|---|
Language | English |
Genre | Dystopian, Political novel, Social science fiction |
Publisher | Secker and Warburg (London) |
Publication date | 8 June 1949 |
Publication place | United Kingdom |
Media type | Print (Hardcover & Paperback) & e-book, audio-CD |
Pages | 326 pp (Paperback edition) |
ISBN | N/A Parameter error in {{ISBNT}}: invalid character |
Nineteen Eighty-Four (sometimes abbreviated to 1984) is a classic dystopian novel by English author George Orwell. Published in 1949, it is set in the eponymous year and focuses on a repressive, totalitarian regime. Orwell elaborates on how a massive Oligarchial Collectivist society such as the one described in Nineteen Eighty-Four would be able to repress any long-lived dissent. The story follows the life of one seemingly insignificant man, Winston Smith, a civil servant assigned the task of perpetuating the regime's propaganda by falsifying records and political literature. Smith grows disillusioned with his meagre existence and so begins a rebellion against the system that leads to his arrest and torture.
The novel has become famous for its portrayal of pervasive government surveillance and control, and government's increasing encroachment on the rights of the individual. Since its publication, many of its terms and concepts, such as "Big Brother", "doublethink", and "Newspeak" have entered the popular vernacular. The word "Orwellian" itself has come to refer to anything reminiscent of the book's fictional regime. The book is generally considered to be George Orwell's magnum opus.
History
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/2/28/Nineteen_Eighty-Four_manuscript.jpg/250px-Nineteen_Eighty-Four_manuscript.jpg)
Orwell, who had "encapsulate[d] the thesis at the heart of his novel" in 1944, wrote most of Nineteen Eighty-Four on the island of Jura, Scotland, during 1947–1948 while critically ill with tuberculosis.[1] He sent the final typescript to his friends Secker and Warburg on 4 December 1948 and the book was published on 8 June 1949.[2][3]
Nineteen Eighty-Four had been translated into more than 65 languages by 1989, more than any other book by a single author.[4] The novel's title, its terms, its language (Newspeak), and its author's surname are bywords for personal privacy lost to national state security. The adjective "Orwellian" connotes many things. It can refer to totalitarian action or organization, as well as governmental attempts to control or misuse information for the purposes of controlling, pacifying or even subjugating the population. "Orwellian" can also refer generally to twisted language which says the opposite of what it truly means, or specifically governmental propagandizing by the misnaming of things; hence the "Ministry of Peace" in the novel actually deals with war and the "Ministry of Love" actually tortures people. Since the novel's publication "Orwellian" has in fact become somewhat of a catch-all for any kind of governmental overreach or dishonesty and therefore has multiple meanings and applications. The phrase Big Brother is Watching You specifically connotes pervasive, invasive surveillance.
Although the novel has been banned or challenged in some countries, it is, along with Brave New World by Aldous Huxley, We by Yevgeny Zamyatin, Kallocain by Karin Boye and Fahrenheit 451 by Ray Bradbury, among the most famous literary representations of dystopia.[5] In 2005, Time magazine listed it among the hundred best English-language novels published since 1923.[6]
Title
One of the original titles for the novel was The Last Man in Europe, but in a letter to publisher Frederic Warburg dated 22 October 1948 (eight months before the book was published), Orwell stated that he was "hesitating" between that and Nineteen Eighty-Four,[7] although Crick mentions that it was Warburg who suggested changing it to a marketable title.[8]
Orwell's reasons for the title are unknown; he might be alluding to the centenary of the socialist Fabian Society founded in 1884,[9] or to Jack London's novel The Iron Heel (wherein a political movement came into power in 1984), or to G. K. Chesterton's The Napoleon of Notting Hill, set in 1984,[10] or to the poem "End of the Century, 1984" by his first wife, Eileen O'Shaughnessy. Anthony Burgess claims in 1985 that Orwell, being disillusioned by the onset of the Cold War, intended to name the book 1948.
According to the introduction of the Penguin Modern Classics edition, Orwell originally meant 1980 as the story's time, but as the writing became prolonged, he re-titled it 1982, then 1984, coincidentally the reverse of the year written, 1948. Still others believe that Orwell intentionally chose to title the book with the reverse of the year it was written, to allude to the possibility that the events of the story are not so far away as they might seem, rather they occur in a time that shares much with Britain in the late 1940s.[11]
Popular misconceptions
In a letter to Francis A. Henson of the United Automobile Workers, dated 16 June 1949 (seven months before he died), excerpts from which were reproduced in Life (25 July 1949) and The New York Times Book Review (31 July 1949), Orwell stated the following:
"My recent novel [Nineteen Eighty-Four] is NOT intended as an attack on Socialism or on the British Labour Party (of which I am a supporter) but as a show-up of the perversions ... which have already been partly realized in Communism and Fascism. ...The scene of the book is laid in Britain in order to emphasize that the English-speaking races are not innately better than anyone else and that totalitarianism, if not fought against, could triumph anywhere."
— Collected Essays[12]
In his 1946 essay, "Why I Write", Orwell described himself as a Democratic Socialist, though said political agenda carried with it far different implications than would be expected today.[13]
Copyright status
Nineteen Eighty-Four will not enter the public domain in the United States until 2044 and in the European Union until 2020, although it is public domain in countries such as Canada, Russia, and Australia.
Story
Background
Nineteen Eighty-Four is set in Oceania, one of three intercontinental super-states. The story occurs in London, the "chief city of Airstrip One",[14] itself a province of Oceania that "had once been called England or Britain".[15] Posters of the ruling Party's leader, "Big Brother", bearing the caption BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU, dominate the city landscapes, while two-way television (the telescreen) dominates the "private" and public spaces of the populace. Oceania's people are in three classes — the Inner Party, the Outer Party, and the Proles. The Party government controls the people via the Ministry of Truth (Minitrue), the workplace of protagonist Winston Smith, an Outer Party member. As in the Nazi and Stalinist regimes, propaganda is pervasive; Smith's job is rewriting historical documents to match the contemporary party line, the orthodoxy of which changes daily. It therefore includes destroying evidence, amending newspaper articles, deleting any references to the existence of people identified as "unpersons".
The story begins on 4 April 1984: "It was a bright cold day in April, and the clocks were striking thirteen".[16] The date is questionable, because it is what Winston Smith perceives. Historical facts and documents have been rewritten and revised so many times that even the correct year is uncertain. In the story's course, he concludes it as irrelevant, because the State can arbitrarily alter it; the year 1984 and its world are transmutable.
The novel does not render the world's full history to 1984. It is assumed that the point of divergence from our world is in the year 1945. Winston's recollections, and what he reads in The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism by Emmanuel Goldstein, reveal that after World War II, the United Kingdom fell to civil war, becoming part of the Oceania superstate. Simultaneously, the Soviet Union annexed mainland Europe, forming the nation of Eurasia. The third super-state, Eastasia, comprises the east Asian countries around China, Korea and Japan. The three nations fight over the land that is left, forming and breaking alliances as convenient, and never ending the constant state of war.
Winston also recalls a nuclear war taking place during his early childhood (around 1949-53), fought mainly in Europe, western Russia, and North America. It is unclear what occurred first: the civil war wherein the Party assumed power, the United States' annexation of the British Empire, or the war during which Colchester was bombed. However, the increasing clarity of Winston's memory and the story of the break-up of his family would suggest that the surprise atomic attacks came first (when the Smith family took refuge in a tube station) followed by civil unrest ("confused street fighting in London itself") and the reorganising of postwar society that would retrospectively be called the Revolution.
Plot
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/75/1984_Social_Classes_alt.svg/220px-1984_Social_Classes_alt.svg.png)
Ministry of Truth bureaucrat Winston Smith is the protagonist; although unitary, the story is three-fold. The first describes the world of 1984 as he perceives it; the second is his illicit romance with Julia and his intellectual rebellion against the Party; the third is his capture and imprisonment, interrogation, torture, and re-education in the Ministry of Love.
The intellectual Winston Smith is a member of the Outer Party who lives in the ruins of London and grew up in the post-World War II United Kingdom during the revolution and the civil war. As his parents disappeared in the civil war, the English Socialism Movement ("Ingsoc" in Newspeak) put him in an orphanage for training and employment in the Outer Party. His squalid existence consists of living in a one-room apartment, eating a subsistence diet of black bread and synthetic meals washed down with Victory-brand gin. He is discontented, and keeps an ill-advised journal of dissenting, negative thoughts and opinions about the Party. If the journal or Winston's errant behavior were to be discovered, it would result in his torture and execution at the hands of the Thought Police. However, unlike most party members, he is lucky enough to have been given a room with a small alcove beside his telescreen where he cannot be seen, where he can keep his own private secrets.
In his journal he explains thoughtcrime: "Thoughtcrime does not entail death. Thoughtcrime IS death." The Thought Police have two-way telescreens (in the living quarters of every Party member and in every public area), hidden microphones, and anonymous informers to spy potential thought-criminals who might endanger The Party. Children are indoctrinated to informing; to spy and report suspected thought-criminals — especially their parents.
Winston Smith is a bureaucrat in the Records Department of the Ministry of Truth, revising historical records to match The Party's contemporary, official version of the past. The revisionism is required so that the past reflects the shifts of the day in the Party's orthodoxy. Smith's job is perpetual; he re-writes the official record, re-touches official photographs, deleting people officially rendered as "unpersons". The original or older document is dropped into a "memory hole" chute leading to an incinerator. Winston enjoys his work, especially the intellectual challenge of revising a complete historical record, but he is also fascinated by the true past, and eagerly tries to learn more about that forbidden truth.
One day, after helping up a woman who fell over at the Ministry, she surreptitiously hands him a note. She is "Julia," a dark-haired mechanic who repairs the Ministry of Truth's novel-writing machines. Before that day, he had felt deep loathing for her, based on his assumptions that she was a brainwashed, fanatically devoted member of the Party; particularly annoying to him is her red sash of renouncement of and scorn for sexual intercourse. His preconceptions vanish on reading a handwritten note she gives him, which states "I love you." After that, they begin a clandestine romantic relationship, first meeting in the countryside and at a ruined belfry, then regularly in a rented room atop an antiques shop in the city's proletarian neighbourhood. The shop owner chats with Smith, discussing facts about the pre-revolutionary past, sells him period artifacts, and rents him the room to meet Julia. The lovers believe their hiding place paradisaical (the shop keeper having told them it has no telescreen) and think themselves alone and safe.
As their romance deepens, Winston's views change, and he questions Ingsoc. Unknown to him, the Thought Police have been spying on him and Julia. Later, when approached by Inner Party member O'Brien, Winston believes that he has come into contact with the Brotherhood who are opponents of the Party. O'Brien gives him a copy of "the book", The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism, a searing criticism of Ingsoc said to be written by the dissident Emmanuel Goldstein, the leader of the Brotherhood. This book explains the perpetual war and exposes the truth behind the Party's slogan, "War is Peace; Freedom is Slavery; Ignorance is Strength."
The Thought Police later capture Winston and Julia in their sanctuary bedroom and they are separately interrogated at the Ministry of Love, where the regime's opponents are tortured and killed, but sometimes released (to be executed at a later date). Charrington, the shop keeper who rented them the room, reveals himself to be an officer of the Thought Police. After a prolonged regimen of systematic beatings by prison guards and psychologically draining interrogations by Party loyalists, Winston is subjected to electroshock torture by O'Brien, who tells Winston it will "cure" him of his "insanity", which O'Brien claims undeniably manifests itself in the form of Winston's hatred for the Party. During a long and complex dialogue, O'Brien reveals, in what is the most important line in the book, that the motivation of the Inner Party is not to achieve a future paradise but to retain power, which has become an end in itself. He outlines a terrifying vision of how they will change society and people in order to achieve this, including the abolition of the family, the orgasm, and the sex instinct, with the ultimate goal of eliminating anything that may come between one's love of Big Brother and Ingsoc. It will be a society that grows more, not less merciless as it refines itself, and a society without art, literature, or science, so that there are no distractions from their devotion to the Party, or any unorthodox thought, which is also meant to be achieved through the eventual eradication of Modern English, or "Oldspeak". Winston asks O'Brien if the brotherhood actually exists, O'Brien responds by telling Winston that he will never know so long as he shall live, that it will be an unresolvable riddle in his mind. During a session, O'Brien explains that the purpose of the ordeal at the Ministry of Love is to alter Winston's way of thinking, not to extract a confession, and that once Winston unquestioningly accepts reality as the Party describes it, he will be executed.
One night, as Winston lies dreaming in his cell, he suddenly wakes, yelling: "Julia! Julia! Julia, my love! Julia!", whereupon O'Brien rushes in and doesn't question him, and then sends him to Room 101, the most feared room in the Ministry of Love. Here a person's greatest fear is forced upon him or her for the final re-education step: acceptance. Winston, who has a primal fear of rats, is shown a wire cage filled with starving rats and told that it will be fitted over his head like a mask, so that when the cage door is opened, the rats will bore into his face until it is stripped to the bone. Just as the cage brushes his cheek, he shouts frantically: "Do it to Julia!" The torture ends and Winston is returned to society, brainwashed to accept Party doctrine. During the brainwashing, it is noted that O'Brien somehow was always aware of what Smith was thinking and in a way was reading his mind. It can be interpreted as either the Thought Police had devised a mechanism of reading people's thoughts or O'Brien understood Smith completely and was able to predict his chain of thought perfectly.
After his release, Winston encounters Julia in the park. With distaste, they remember the unauthorized and unorthodox ("ungood" in Newspeak) feelings they once shared for each other and acknowledge having betrayed each other. They are apathetic about their reunion and each other's experiences. Winston, happily reconciled to his impending execution, and accepting the Party's depiction of life, celebrates the false fact of a news bulletin reporting Oceania's recent, decisive victory over Eurasia. It is at this moment that he sincerely loves Big Brother for the very first time — a metaphorical bullet entering his brain. Thus the book ends on a bitter note, with Winston Smith's inner transformation finally complete. Not resolved is whether Winston is ever actually executed, or whether his mental capitulation is considered enough.
Orwell's influences
During the Second World War, George Orwell repeatedly said that British democracy, as it existed before 1939, would not survive the war, the question being: Would it end via Fascist coup d'état (from above) or via Socialist revolution (from below)? Later in the war, Orwell admitted events proved him wrong: "What really matters is that I fell into the trap of assuming that 'the war and the revolution are inseparable'."[17] Nineteen Eighty-Four shares thematic likenesses with Animal Farm, another of Orwell's novels, as follows: the betrayed revolution; the individual's subordination to the Party collective; rigorously enforced class distinctions, i.e. the Inner Party, the Outer Party, the Proles; the cult of personality; concentration camps; Thought Police; compulsory, regimented, daily exercise; and youth leagues.
In the essay "Why I Write", Orwell explains that all the serious work he wrote since the Spanish Civil War in 1936 was "written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism".[18] Nineteen Eighty-Four is an anti-totalitarian cautionary tale about the betrayal of a revolution by its defenders. He already had stated distrust of totalitarianism and betrayed revolutions in Homage to Catalonia and Animal Farm. Coming Up For Air, at points, celebrates the personal and political freedoms lost in Nineteen Eighty-Four.
Much of Oceanic society is based upon Stalin's Soviet Union. The "Two Minutes' Hate" television propaganda represents the ritual demonisation of State enemies and rivals; Big Brother resembles Joseph Stalin; and the Party's archenemy, Emmanuel Goldstein, resembles Leon Trotsky in that both were Jewish, both had the same physiognomy, and Trotsky's real surname was Bronstein. Doctored photography is a propaganda technique, as is the creation of unpersons in the story, analogous to Stalin's enemies being made nonpersons and being erased from official photographic records; the police treatment of several characters recalls the Moscow Trials of the Great Purge.
Biographer Michael Shelden notes as influences the Edwardian world of Orwell's childhood in Henley — for the golden country; being bullied at St. Cyprian's — empathy with victims; his policeman's life in the Indian Burma Police — the techniques of violence; and suffering censorship in the BBC — capriciously-wielded authority.[19]
Specific literary influences include Darkness at Noon and The Yogi and the Commissar by Arthur Koestler; The Iron Heel (1908) by Jack London; Brave New World (1932) by Aldous Huxley; We (1921) by Yevgeny Zamyatin, which Orwell read in French and reviewed in 1946;[20] and The Managerial Revolution (1940) by James Burnham, predicting permanent war among three totalitarian superstates, broadly equivalent to those in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Orwell told Jacintha Buddicom that he would write a novel stylistically like A Modern Utopia by H. G. Wells.
World War II acts as the grounding for Orwell's more fantastic elements. Most of the novel contains direct parallels, and occasional outright pastiche, of the rhetoric and politics surrounding the end of the war and the changing alliances of the nascent Cold War. The overseas service of the BBC, controlled by the Ministry of Information, was the model for the Ministry of Truth. The Ministry of Love's ultimate weapon against dissidents, Room 101, is named after a conference room at BBC Broadcasting House where Orwell used to sit through tedious meetings.[21] The Senate House, where the Ministry of Information was housed, is the architectural inspiration for the Ministry of Truth. Nineteen Eighty-Four's world reflects the socio-political life of the UK and the USA, i.e. the poverty of Britain in 1948, when the economy was poor, the Empire dissolving, while newspapers reported imperial triumphs, and wartime ally Soviet Russia was becoming a peacetime foe.
Oceania came about from the political unification of the British Empire and the United States, probably as a result of the threat to the British Isles, Australia, and New Zealand, from the Soviets and/or Mao's China. As its name suggests, it is a naval power, with much militarism focused on venerating sailors serving aboard the floating fortresses. Moreover, much of the fighting by Oceania's troops is in attempting to recapture India (the "Jewel in the Crown" of the British Empire).
The term "English Socialism" also has many precedents in Orwell's wartime writings. In The Lion and the Unicorn of 1940, Orwell stated that "the war and the revolution are inseparable (...) the fact that we are at war has turned Socialism from a textbook word into a realizable policy". The reason for that, according to Orwell, was that the outmoded British class system constituted a major hindrance to the war effort, and only a socialist economic structure would be able to defeat Hitler. Since the middle classes were in process of realizing this, too, they would support the revolution, and only the most outright reactionary elements in British society would oppose it, which would limit the amount of force the revolutionaries would need in order to gain power and keep it.
Thus, an "English Socialism" would come about which "...will never lose touch with the tradition of compromise and the belief in a law that is above the State. It will shoot traitors, but it will give them a solemn trial beforehand and occasionally it will acquit them. It will crush any open revolt promptly and cruelly, but it will interfere very little with the spoken and written word".
Orwell's words in this and other writings at the time leave no doubt that in 1940 he regarded "English Socialism" as highly desirable and was actively trying to bring about its victory. Yet in the nightmare world he envisioned eight years later, the same term - contracted to "Ingsoc" - is the monstrous ideology of a totally oppressive regime, far from the relative moderate revolution which Orwell foresaw in 1940. When the vision of "The Lion and the Unicorn" is compared with that of "Nineteen Eighty-Four" it is evident that Orwell saw the regime presided over by Big Brother not only as a betrayal and perversion of socialist ideals in general, but also as a perversion of Orwell’s own specifically and dearly cherished vision and hope of "English Socialism". Oceania itself is a corrupted version of Orwell's vision, in which he believed the British Empire should become a "federation of Socialist states (...) like a looser and freer version of the Union of Soviet Republics".
Characters
Several characters in the book are based upon people from real life and nearly all of them are parallel figures from the Russian Revolution and Communist Russia in general.
Major characters
- Winston Smith - The novel's protagonist; a phlegmatic everyman.
- Julia - Winston's lover, a covert "rebel from the waist down" who militantly praises the Party's doctrines while secretly living in contradiction of them.
- Big Brother - The dictator of Oceania. Shares similarities with Joseph Stalin. Winston Smith points out that he has never seen, nor remembers anyone else seeing Big Brother, and suggests that he may not exist. O'Brien's statement that Big Brother "will never die" also contributes to this theory, suggesting that Big Brother may just be a symbolical representation of the party as a whole. His picture is everywhere, especially in the ubiquitous posters that warn, "Big Brother is Watching You."
- O'Brien - A government agent who deceives Winston and Julia into believing that he is a member of the resistance, convinces them to join it, and later uses this against them to torture them. He convinces them that they must not only obey, but love Big Brother. O'Brien can be viewed as the novel's main antagonist.
- Emmanuel Goldstein - A former top member and now opponent of the ruling Party. Shares similarities with Leon Trotsky. Like Big Brother, Goldstein is, if real, most likely dead, and may have been created for propaganda purposes.
Minor characters
- Aaronson, Jones, Rutherford - old party leaders killed and erased from the historical record.
- Ampleforth - Winston's colleague, a poet who was imprisoned for writing the word "God" in one of his poems.
- Mr. Charrington - ostensibly the owner of a junk shop in the prole district; actually a member of the dreaded Thought Police.
- Katharine - Winston's ex-wife, a strong supporter of the Party.
- Martin - O'Brien's servant.
- Parsons - Winston's naive neighbour and colleague, described as an ideal party subordinate because of his idiocy and suggestible nature. He is last seen in the Ministry of Love after his children turn him in for thought crime, at which point he felt proud of their children for doing so and looks forward to being corrected.
- Syme - Winston's intelligent colleague; works with the language Newspeak, and is later vaporized (made so as to seem that he never existed), presumably because despite his strong orthodoxy and support of the party, he thinks too clearly and knows too much. Syme's disappearance is an allusion to the Stalin Purges.
Fictional world
Ingsoc (English Socialism)
Ingsoc is the ideology of the totalitarian government of Oceania. Ingsoc is Newspeak for "English Socialism".
Ministries of Oceania
Oceania's four ministries are housed in huge pyramidal structures, each roughly 930 feet high and visible throughout London, displaying the three slogans of the party on their façades. The ministries' names are ironic antonyms of the true nature of their actions and examples of doublethink: “The Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the Ministry of Plenty with starvation”. (Part II, Chapter IX - chapter I of Goldstein's book)
- Ministry of Peace (Newspeak: Minipax)
Conducts Oceania's perpetual war.
- Ministry of Plenty (Newspeak: Miniplenty)
Responsible for rationing and controlling food and goods, along with all production of all domestic goods. The Ministry of Plenty declares false claims to have increased the standard of living every time by a considerable amount, when in fact the ministry counteracts its own claims.
- Ministry of Truth (Newspeak: Minitrue)
The propaganda arm of Oceania's regime, controlling information: news, entertainment, education, and the fine arts. Winston Smith works for the Records Department (RecDep) of Minitrue, "rectifying" historical records and newspaper articles to make them conform to Big Brother's most recent pronouncements, thus making everything that the Party says 'true'.
- Ministry of Love (Newspeak: Miniluv)
The agency is responsible for the identification, monitoring, arrest and torture of dissidents, real or imagined. Based on Winston's experience there at the hands of O'Brien, the basic procedure is to wear down the subject with a long series of beatings and electrical torture. Finally, when the subject is near broken, they are sent to "Room 101", where they are exposed to their worst fear, once and for all eradicating any remaining impulse of individuality or resistance, and replacing it with a sincere embrace of the Party. The Ministry of Love differs from the other ministry buildings in that it has no windows in it at all.
Doublethink
The keyword here is blackwhite. Like so many Newspeak words, this word has two mutually contradictory meanings. Applied to an opponent, it means the habit of impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of the plain facts. Applied to a Party member, it means a loyal willingness to say that black is white when Party discipline demands this. But it means also the ability to believe that black is white, and more, to know that black is white, and to forget that one has ever believed the contrary. This demands a continuous alteration of the past, made possible by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest, and which is known in Newspeak as doublethink. Doublethink is basically the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them.
— Part II, chapter IX - chapter I of Goldstein's book
Political geography
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6a/1984_fictitious_world_map_v2_quad.svg/220px-1984_fictitious_world_map_v2_quad.svg.png)
The world is controlled by three functionally similar totalitarian super-states engaged in perpetual war with each other:[22]
- Oceania (ideology: Ingsoc or English Socialism) comprises Great Britain, Ireland, Australia, Polynesia, Southern Africa, and the Americas.
- Eurasia (ideology: Neo-Bolshevism) comprises continental Europe and northern Asia.
- Eastasia (ideology: Obliteration of the Self, usually rendered as "Death worship") comprises China, Japan, Korea, and Northern India.
The "disputed area", which lies "between the frontiers of the super-states", is "a rough quadrilateral with its corners at Tangier, Brazzaville, Darwin, and Hong Kong."[22]
That Great Britain and Ireland are in Oceania rather than in Eurasia is commented upon in the book as a historical anomaly. North Africa, the Middle East, South India, and Southeast Asia form a disputed zone which is used as a battlefield and source of slaves by the three powers. Goldstein's book explains that the ideologies of the three states are the same, but it is imperative to keep the public ignorant of this, so that they believe that the other two ideologies are detestable. London, the novel's setting, is the capital of the Oceanian province of Airstrip One, the former United Kingdom.
The Revolution
In the novel, there are a few glimpses of what happened to cause the revolution. The formation of Eurasia is depicted as occurring after the Second World War when American and Commonwealth troops left continental Europe earlier than in our history, allowing Soviet troops to move in and gain control of war-torn Europe without much opposition.
As explained in the book, Eurasia does not contain the British Empire because it merged with the United States, giving the successor to both states, Oceania, control of a quarter of the world (southern Africa, Australasia, and Canada). The United States also annexed Latin America at around the same time, forming Oceania.
It appears that the annexation of the British Isles took place as part of the events of the Atomic Wars, or around the same time, giving rise to (or intended to quell) civil war. In the Party's typical distortion of events, it would seem that there was little of a classic grass roots Revolution about it, rather a provoked coup d'etat from without, followed by the installation of a political elite from among the native intelligentsia and collusive political class.
Eastasia is the last of three superstates to be formed, and apparently was formed when China and Japan conquered surrounding nations. The previously-formed Eurasia prevented Eastasia from growing to the size of the others, a handicap it made up thanks to its numerous and hard-working population.
Although the chronology of these events is unclear in the book, most of it appears to happen between 1920 and the 1960s. The forming of the three superstates, and the other events that do not fall within recorded history, are intended by Orwell to have happened between the late 1940s and the 1960s.
The War
Perpetual War | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
![]() The attacks described on the telescreen as black (Eurasian) and white (Oceanian) arrows in the last chapter of the novel (which cannot, however, be taken as a reliable source of truthful information). | ||||||||||
| ||||||||||
Belligerents | ||||||||||
Oceania | Eurasia | Eastasia | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | ||||||||||
Big Brother | Unknown | Unknown | ||||||||
Strength | ||||||||||
Unknown | Unknown | Unknown | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | ||||||||||
Unknown | "half a million prisoners" during the invasion of Africa, according to a newsflash on the telescreen (and thus dubious)[23] | Unknown |
The world of Nineteen Eighty-Four is built around a never-ending war involving the book's three superstates, with two allied powers fighting against the third. As Goldstein's book explains, each superstate is so strong it cannot be defeated even when faced with the combined forces of the other two powers. The allied states occasionally split with each other and new alliances are formed. Each time this happens, history is rewritten to convince the people that the new alliances always existed, using the principles of doublethink. The war itself never takes place in the territories of the three powers, but is conducted in the disputed zone stretching from Tangier to Darwin, and in the unpopulated Arctic wastes. Throughout the first half of the novel, Oceania is allied with Eastasia, and Oceania's forces are combating Eurasia's troops in northern Africa.
Midway through the book, the alliance breaks apart and Oceania, newly allied with Eurasia, begins a campaign against Eastasian forces. This happens during "Hate Week" (a week of extreme focus on the malice supposed of Oceania's enemies, the purpose of which is to stir up patriotic fervour in support of the Party). The public is quite abnormally blind to the change, and when a public orator, mid-sentence, changes the name of the enemy from Eurasia to Eastasia (still speaking as if nothing had changed), the people are shocked and soon enraged as they notice that all the flags and posters are wrong and tear them down. This is the origin of the idiom "we've always been at war with Eastasia". Later, the Party claims to have captured the whole of Africa. As with all other news, its authenticity is questionable.
Goldstein's book explains that the war is unwinnable, and that its only purpose is to consume human labour and the fruits of human labour so that each superstate's economy cannot support an equal (and high) standard of living for every citizen. The book also details an Oceanian strategy to attack enemy cities with atomic-tipped rocket bombs prior to a full-scale invasion, but quickly dismisses this plan as both infeasible and contrary to the purpose of the war.
Although, according to Goldstein's book, hundreds of atomic bombs were dropped on cities during the 1950s, the three powers no longer use them, as they would upset the balance of power. Conventional military technology is little different from that used in the Second World War (In the 1984 film version of Nineteen Eighty-Four, Oceanian troops were seen armed with British Commonwealth WWII infantry weapons like the Lee-Enfield rifle while the Eurasian soldiers were armed with Soviet WWII infantry weapons like the Mosin-Nagant rifle and the PPSh-41 submachine gun). Some advances have been made, such as the replacement of bomber aircraft with "rocket bombs", and battleships with immense "floating fortresses", but they appear to be rare. There are no longer massive battles, rather short skirmishes with no clear winners since the purpose of the war is to use up raw materials and labour, not to kill the population. Obsolete and wasteful technology is deliberately used in order to perpetuate pointless fighting.
Goldstein's book hints that, in fact, there may not actually be a war. The only view of the outside world presented in the novel is through Oceania's propaganda, which has an obvious tendency to exaggerate and even fabricate "facts", and the rocket bombs ostensibly fired by the enemy. Goldstein's book suggests that the three superpowers may not actually be warring, and as Oceania's media provides completely unbelievable news reports on ridiculously long military campaigns and victories (including an impossibly large campaign in central and northern Africa), it can be suggested that the war is a lie. Julia even goes so far as to suggest that the rocket bombs that land on London are launched by the Party from other parts of Oceania.
Even Eurasia and Eastasia themselves may only be a fabrication by the Oceanian government, with Oceania the sole undisputed dominator of the world. On the other hand, Oceania might as well actually control only the British Isles (the former United Kingdom and ex-Republic of Ireland) and still brainwash its citizens into believing that they are allying and fighting with a fabricated Eurasia and Eastasia.This ambiguity holds the meaning of perpetual war - its concern is to subjugate its own people and not those outside.
Living standards
By the year 1984, the society of Airstrip One lives in squalid poverty; hunger, disease, and filth are the norms. Under the influence of the civil war, atomic wars, and enemy (or possibly even Oceanian) rocket bombs, the cities and towns are in ruins. When travelling about London, Winston finds himself surrounded by rubble, decay, and the crumbling shells of wrecked buildings. Half of the population of Oceania go barefoot, despite the Party reporting large quantities of boots being produced; Winston believes it likely that very few, if any, boots were actually produced at all.
Apart from the gargantuan bombproof Ministries, very little seems to have been done to rebuild London, and it is assumed that all towns and cities across Airstrip One (and Oceania) are in the same desperate condition. Living standards for the population are generally very low; everything is in short supply and those goods available are of very poor quality. The Party claims that this is due to the immense sacrifices that must be made for the war effort. Goldstein's book states that they are partially correct in as much as the point of continuous warfare is to be rid of the surplus of industrial production to prevent the rise of the standard of living and make possible the economic repression of people.
The Inner Party, at the top level of Oceanian society, enjoys the highest standard of living. O'Brien, a member of the Inner Party, lives in a clean and comfortable apartment, and has a variety of quality foodstuffs such as wine, coffee, and sugar, none of which is available to the rest of the population. Synthetic versions of these foodstuffs are available to members of the Outer Party; but they are of far inferior quality. Winston, for example, is astonished simply that the lifts in O'Brien's building actually work, and that the telescreens can be turned off. Members of the Inner Party also seem to be waited on by slaves captured from the disputed zone; O'Brien's servant, Martin, is described as having Asiatic features, which would identify him as an Eastasian or Eurasian national, possibly a former soldier captured in battle.
Although the Inner Party enjoys the highest standard of living, Goldstein's book points out that, despite being at the top of society, their living standards (apart from the slaves) are significantly lower than pre-Revolution standards and says the social atmosphere is that of a besieged city, where the possession of a lump of horseflesh makes the difference between wealth and poverty. The proles (proletarians), treated by the Party as animals, live in squalor and poverty. They are kept sedated by vast quantities of cheap beer, widespread pornography, and a national lottery; but these do not mask the fact that their lives are dangerous and deprived. Proletarian areas of the cities, for example, are ridden with disease and vermin.
However, the proles are subject to much less close control of their daily lives than Party members. The proles whom Winston Smith meets in the streets and in the pubs seem to speak and behave much like working-class Britons of Orwell's time. In addition, the proletarian criminals whom he meets in the first phase of his imprisonment are far less subdued and intimidated than the intellectual "politicals", some of them rudely jeering at the telescreens with apparent impunity.
As explained in Goldstein's book, this derives from the social theory which the regime believes, that revolutions are always started by the middle class and that the lower classes would never start an effective revolt on their own. Therefore, if the middle classes are so tightly controlled that the regime can penetrate their very thoughts and their most minute daily life, the lower classes can be left to their own devices and pose no threat. This produces a contrast with the ideas of Karl Marx, who held that revolution would rise from the lower classes. Meanwhile, any potentially rebellious or intelligent proletarian individuals who could become the nuclei for resistance are simply allowed to rise into Inner Party positions, so that they can be more easily watched and pacified. Interestingly, Winston Smith holds on to the belief that "the future belonged to the proles" and that the lower class would eventually rule the world, making him a Marxist. As Winston is a member of the Outer Party, more is shown from its living standards than any other group. Despite being the middle class of Oceanian society, the Outer Party's standard of living is very poor. Foodstuffs are low quality or synthetic; the main alcoholic beverage — Victory Gin — is industrial-grade; Outer Party Victory Cigarettes are not manufactured properly. The use of the word "Victory" as a brand-name may refer to the inferior products available in London in the late 1940s.[24]
Themes
Nationalism
Nineteen Eighty-Four expands upon the subjects summarized in the essay Notes on Nationalism (1945),[25] about the lack of vocabulary needed to explain the unrecognized phenomenon behind certain political forces; in Nineteen Eighty-Four Newspeak, the Party's artificial, minimalist language, addresses the matter.
Positive nationalism: Oceanians’ perpetual love for Big Brother (who may be long dead or even non-existent); Celtic Nationalism, Neo-Toryism, and British Zionism are (Orwell argues) defined by love.
Negative nationalism: Oceanians’ perpetual hatred for Emmanuel Goldstein (who, like Big Brother, may not exist); Stalinism, Anti-Semitism, and Anglophobia are defined by hatred.
Transferred nationalism: in mid-sentence, an orator changes the enemy of Oceania; the crowd instantly transfers their hatred to the new enemy. Transferred nationalism swiftly redirects emotions from one power unit to another, e.g. Communism, Pacifism, Colour Feeling, and Class Feeling.
O'Brien conclusively describes: “The object of persecution is persecution. The object of torture is torture. The object of power is power”.
Sexual repression
The Party imposes antisexualism upon its members (as manifested in the Junior Anti-Sex-League), because sexual attachments diminish loyalty to the Party. Julia describes Party fanaticism as "sex gone sour"; except during the liaison with Julia, Winston suffers an inflamed ankle (an allusion to Oedipus the King, symbolic of unhealthy sexual repression).[citation needed] In Part III, O'Brien tells Winston that neurologists are working to extinguish the orgasm; sufficient mental energy for prolonged worship requires repressing the libido, a vital instinct, and therefore requires externally-imposed sexual restriction by the authorities (civil, political, etc.).
Futurology
Whether Orwell meant the novel as prophecy is unknown; yet O'Brien describes the future:
There will be no curiosity, no enjoyment of the process of life. All competing pleasures will be destroyed. But always—do not forget this, Winston—always there will be the intoxication of power, constantly increasing and constantly growing subtler. Always, at every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is helpless. If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face ... for ever.
— Part III, Chapter III
This could contrast with his forecast essay England Your England, in The Lion and the Unicorn (1941):
The intellectuals who hope to see it Russianised or Germanised will be disappointed. The gentleness, the hypocrisy, the thoughtlessness, the reverence for law and the hatred of uniforms will remain, along with the suet puddings and the misty skies. It needs some very great disaster, such as prolonged subjugation by a foreign enemy, to destroy a national culture. The Stock Exchange will be pulled down, the horse plough will give way to the tractor, the country houses will be turned into children's holiday camps, the Eton and Harrow match will be forgotten, but England will still be England, an everlasting animal stretching into the future and the past, and, like all living things, having the power to change out of recognition and yet remain the same.
Yet, Nineteen Eighty-Four's geopolitical climate is like his précis of James Burnham's ideas in the essay 'James Burnham and the Managerial Revolution'[26] (1946).
These people will eliminate the old capitalist class, crush the working class, and so organize society that all power and economic privilege remain in their own hands. Private property rights will be abolished, but common ownership will not be established. The new 'managerial' societies will not consist of a patchwork of small, independent states, but of great super-states grouped round the main industrial centres in Europe, Asia, and America. These super-states will fight among themselves for possession of the remaining uncaptured portions of the earth, but will probably be unable to conquer one another completely. Internally, each society will be hierarchical, with an aristocracy of talent at the top and a mass of semi-slaves at the bottom.
Censorship
A major theme of Nineteen Eighty-Four is censorship, which is displayed especially in the Ministry of Truth, where photographs are doctored and public archives rewritten to rid them of "unpersons". In the telescreens, figures for all types of production are grossly exaggerated (or simply invented) to indicate an ever-rising economy where there is actually loss.
An excellent example of this is when Winston is charged with the task of eliminating reference to an unperson in a newspaper article. He proceeds to write an article about Comrade Ogilvy, a fictional party member, who displayed great heroism by leaping into the sea from a helicopter so that the dispatches he was carrying would not fall into enemy hands.
The Newspeak appendix
"The Principles of Newspeak" is an academic essay appended to the novel. It describes the development of Newspeak, the Party's minimalist artificial language meant to ideologically align thought and action with the principles of Ingsoc by making "all other modes of thought impossible". (See Sapir–Whorf hypothesis.)
Whether or not the Newspeak appendix implies a hopeful end to 1984 remains a critical debate, as it is in Standard English and refers to Newspeak, Ingsoc, the Party, et cetera, in the past tense (i.e. "Relative to our own, the Newspeak vocabulary was tiny, and new ways of reducing it were constantly being devised", p. 422); in this vein, some critics (Atwood,[27] Benstead,[28] Pynchon[29]) claim that, for the essay's author, Newspeak and the totalitarian government are past. The counter view is that since the novel has no frame story, Orwell wrote the essay in the same past tense as the novel, with "our" denoting his and the reader's contemporaneous reality.
Cultural impact
Nineteen Eighty-Four's impact upon the English language is extensive; many of its concepts, including Big Brother, Room 101 (the worst place in the world), the Thought Police, unperson, the memory hole (oblivion), doublethink (simultaneously holding and believing two contradictory beliefs), and Newspeak (ideological language), are common usages for denoting and connoting overarching, totalitarian authority; Doublespeak is an elaboration of doublethink; the adjective "Orwellian" denotes that which is characteristic and reminiscent of George Orwell's writings, specifically Nineteen Eighty-Four. The novel also originated the practice of appending the suffixes "-speak" and "-think" (groupthink, mediaspeak) to denote unthinking conformity. Many other works, in various forms of media, have taken themes from Nineteen Eighty-Four.
Other media
Nineteen Eighty-Four has been twice adapted to the cinema and radio, three times for television, and once to the stage. References to its themes, concepts, and plot frequently appear in other works, especially in popular music and video entertainment.
On July 17, 2009, Amazon.com withdrew certain Amazon Kindle titles, including Nineteen Eighty-Four, from sale, refunded buyers, and remotely deleted items from purchasers' devices after discovering that the publisher lacked rights to publish the titles in question.[30] Notes and annotations for the books made by users on their devices were also deleted.[31] After the move prompted outcry and comparisons to Nineteen Eighty-Four itself, Amazon spokesman Drew Herdener stated that the company is "… changing our systems so that in the future we will not remove books from customers' devices in these circumstances."[32]
See also
Adaptations
- Nineteen Eighty-Four, the 1954 BBC Television programme
- 1984, the 1956 film
- Nineteen Eighty-Four, the 1984 film
- 1984, a 2005 opera
- 1984, a remake, scheduled for release in 2010.
Themes of Nineteen Eighty-Four
- Censorship under fascist regimes
- Cult of personality
- Dystopia
- Language and thought
- Mass surveillance
- Memory hole
- New World Order
- Stalinism
- Totalitarianism
Derivative concepts and works
- Dystopian fiction
- 1984, a television commercial for the Apple Macintosh
- 1984, an album by Rick Wakeman
- 1984, a song by Anti-Flag
- 1985, a novel by Anthony Burgess
- Nineteen Ninety-Four, a BBC Radio 4 comedy series and book
- Big Brother, a reality television series, first developed in the Netherlands.
- Chain of Command, an episode of Star Trek: The Next Generation
- Diamond Dogs, a concept album by David Bowie, which features songs with such titles as "We Are The Dead", "1984" and "Big Brother"
- Nineteen-Forty-Eightish, a song by Roy Harper and Jimmy Page dedicated to Nineteen Eighty-Four
- Half-Life 2, a video game by Valve. References the book's Room 101, and is set in a dystopian future.
- Faceless, a song by the crust-punk band Behind Enemy Lines (band)[citation needed]
- Sexcrime, a song by the Eurythmics
- Orwell's Revenge, by Peter Huber, a critique of Orwell's prophecies alongside a sequel to 1984, with Eric Blair as the protagonist
- Citizen Erased by Muse describes an unperson, or an individual erased from existence.
- Testify by Rage Against the Machine references the Party slogan
- Undenk, an underground German artist group[citation needed]
- The Unreals, a novel by Donald Jeffries [citation needed]
- Wake Up (it's 1984), a song by Oingo Boingo
- Terry Gilliam's Brazil, which was originally going to be called Nineteen Eighty-Four And A Half[citation needed]
- Equilibrium a film by Kurt Wimmer[citation needed]
- Thought Criminal, a song by Velvet Acid Christ.
- United States of Eurasia, a song by Muse from their upcoming album The Resistance
- Talk Shows on Mute, a song by Incubus which includes references to this book.[33]
Notes
- ^ Bowker, Chapter 18. "thesis": p. 368-369.
- ^ Bowker, p. 383, 399.
- ^ Charles' George Orwell Links
- ^ John Rodden. The Politics Of Literary Reputation: The Making and Claiming of "St. George" Orwell
- ^ Marcus, Laura (2005). The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century English Literature. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-82077-4.
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suggested) (help) p. 226: "Brave New World [is] traditionally bracketed with Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four as a dystopia..." - ^ The Complete List | TIME Magazine - ALL-TIME 100 Novels
- ^ CEJL, iv, no. 125
- ^ Crick, Bernard. "Introduction" to Nineteen Eighty-Four(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984)
- ^ Orwell's 1984
- ^ Why did George Orwell call his novel "Nineteen Eighty-Four?" by David Alan Green
- ^ Nineteen Eighty-four, ISBN 978-0-141-18776-1 p.xxvii (Penguin)
- ^ The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell Volume 4 - In Front of Your Nose 1945-1950 p.546 (Penguin)
- ^ "Every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism, as I understand it," he wrote in 1946. "Why I Write" in The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell Volume 1 - An Age Like This 1920–1940 p.23 (Penguin)
- ^ Part I, Ch. 1.
- ^ Part I, Ch. 3.
- ^ "striking thirteen": 13:00 (1:00 pm). In 1984, 24-hour clocks are used, and 12-hour clocks are "old-fashioned". (Part I, Ch. 8.)
- ^ "London Letter to Partisan Review", December 1944, quoted from vol. 3 of the Penguin edition of the Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters.
- ^ George Orwell: Why I Write
- ^ Shelden, Michael (1991). Orwell—The Authorized Biography. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 0060167093.
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(help); pp 430-434 - ^ George Orwell, "Review", Tribune, 4 January 1946.
Orwell is reported as "saying that he was taking it as the model for his next novel." Bowker (p. 340) paraphrasing Rayner Heppenstall. - ^ "The real room 101". bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 2006-12-09.
Meyers (2000), p. 214. - ^ a b Part II, Ch. 9.
- ^ Part III, Ch. 6.
- ^ Reed, Kit (1985). "Barron's Booknotes-1984 by George Orwell-Free Book Notes". Barron's Educational Series, Inc. Retrieved 2009-07-02.
- ^ George Orwell: "Notes on Nationalism"
- ^ George Orwell - James Burnham and the Managerial Revolution - Essay
- ^ Margaret Atwood: "Orwell and me". The Guardian 16 June 2003
- ^ Benstead, James (26 June 2005). "Hope Begins in the Dark: Re-reading Nineteen Eighty-Four".
- ^ Thomas Pynchon: Foreword to the Centennial Edition to Nineteen eighty-four, pp. vii–xxvi. New York: Plume, 2003. In shortened form published also as The Road to 1984 in The Guardian (Analysis)
- ^ Some E-Books Are More Equal Than Others
- ^ Stone, Brad (July 18, 2009), "Amazon Erases Orwell Books From Kindle", The New York Times, pp. B1
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: CS1 maint: date and year (link) - ^ Amazon says it won't repeat Kindle book recall - CNet News
- ^ Knodel, Lisa (2004-2-27). "[Compact Disks]". Dayton Daily News.
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References
![]() | This article includes a list of references, related reading, or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. (June 2009) |
- Aubrey, Crispin & Chilton, Paul (Eds). (1983). Nineteen Eighty-Four in 1984: Autonomy, Control & Communication. London: Comedia. ISBN 0-906890-42-X.
- Bowker, Gordon (2003). Inside George Orwell: A Biography. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 031223841X.
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(help) - Hillegas, Mark R. (1967). The Future As Nightmare: H.G. Wells and the Anti-Utopians. Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 0-8093-0676-X
- Howe, Irving (Ed.). (1983). 1984 Revisited: Totalitarianism In Our Century. New York: Harper Row. ISBN 0-06-080660-5.
- Meyers, Jeffery. Orwell: Wintry Conscience of a Generation. W.W.Norton. 2000. ISBN 0-393-32263-7
- Orwell, George (1949). Nineteen Eighty-Four. A novel. London: Secker & Warburg.
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(help)[1] - Orwell, George (1984), Davison, Peter (ed.), Nineteen Eighty-Four: The Facsimile Manuscript, London, United Kingdom: Secker and Warburg, ISBN 0-436-35022-X
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(help) - Orwell, George (1949). Nineteen Eighty-Four. A novel. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co.
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(help)[2] - Orwell, George (1977 (reissue)). 1984. Erich Fromm (Foreword). Signet Classics. ISBN 0451524934.
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(help)CS1 maint: year (link) - Orwell, George (2003 (Centennial edition)). Nineteen Eighty-Four. Thomas Pynchon (Foreword); Erich Fromm (Afterword). Plume. ISBN 0452284236.
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- Afterword by Erich Fromm (1961)., pp. 324–337.
- Orwell's text has a "Selected Bibliography", pp. 338–9; the foreword and the afterword each contain further references.
- The Plume edition is an authorized reprint of a hardcover edition published by Harcourt, Inc.
- The Plume edition is also published in a Signet edition. The copyright page says this, but the Signet ed. does not have the Pynchon forward.
- Copyright is explicitly extended to digital and any other means.
- Orwell, George. 1984 (Vietnamese edition), translation by Đặng Phương-Nghi, French preface by Bertrand Latour ISBN 0-9774224-5-3.
- Shelden, Michael. (1991). Orwell — The Authorised Biography. London: Heinemann. ISBN 0-434-69517-3
- Smith, David & Mosher, Michael. (1984). Orwell for Beginners. London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative. ISBN 0-86316-066-2
- Steinhoff, William R. (1975). George Orwell and the Origins of 1984. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0472874004.
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(help)(bibrec[dead link]) - Tuccille, Jerome. (1975). Who's Afraid of 1984? The case for optimism in looking ahead to the 1980s. New York: Arlington House. ISBN 0-87000-308-9.
- West, W. J. The Larger Evils – Nineteen Eighty-Four, the truth behind the satire. Edinburgh: Canongate Press. 1992. ISBN 0-86241-382-6
External links
- Electronic editions
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The following free online or downloadable editions of Nineteen Eighty-Four are available:
- Charles' George Orwell Links - Biographies, Essays, Novels, Reviews, Images (With publication data)
- George Orwell - Complete works, Biography, Quotes, Essays
- George Orwell - Eric Arthur Blair Template:En icon
- Nineteen Eighty-Four, full text (public domain in Canada)
- Project Gutenberg Australia (e-text)
- Other
- Full summary of 1984
- Nineteen Eighty-Four at the Internet Book List
- On-line comic version of 1984
- MP3 of NBC University Theater radio dramatization (originally aired 27 August 1949)
- Publishing History of 1984
- 1984: The Opera
- Time magazine's original 1949 review of the novel
- Liberty's Shami Chakrabarti on 1984's relevancy today