Nationalities and regions of Spain: Difference between revisions
m Undid revision 509740894 by 84.88.80.90 (talk) restoring a claim that is backed up by two sources |
80-90% of the votes in Catalonia's elections goes to parties not "satisfied" with the current political status of Catalonia. -Maybe those 2 sources you say know better than us what we want?? Please don't write in Wikipedia weird things about us!! |
||
| Line 47: | Line 47: | ||
In all three "historical nationalities", there's still a sizable minority, expressing their voice in one way or another, even in the establishment of specific nationalist political parties, that still propose the establishment of a true [[federalism|federal State]] or advocate for their [[self-determination]]. The distinction of two chartered communities with fiscal autonomy has led to discontent in Catalonia, which demands the same privilege and transparency,<ref name=keatings/> being one of the main net contributors of fiscal equalization to which only communities of common-regime are subject to, whereas in Galicia and Andalusia, which are among the biggest net beneficiaries of such centrally managed funding, no such demand has been made. Still, on the other spectrum of Spanish politics, there is a feeling that devolution has gone too far, especially in the creation of a bloated bureaucracy, inefficiency and a duplication of competences. The economic crisis of 2008-2012, and the strenuous financial situation of many communities, has made some of them consider a return of some competences to the central government.<ref name=abc>{{cite web|url=http://www.abc.es/20110729/espana/abcp-varias-autonomias-meditan-devolver-20110729.html|title=Varias autonomías meditan devolver competencias por el bloqueo del gobierno|publisher=[[ABC (Spain)|ABC]]|date=29 July 2011|accessdate=29 January 2012}}</ref> [[José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero]], former [[prime minister of Spain]], suggested that Spain had "concluded the phase of self-government" and should devise instead ways for the 17 communities to cooperate better.<ref name=economist/> |
In all three "historical nationalities", there's still a sizable minority, expressing their voice in one way or another, even in the establishment of specific nationalist political parties, that still propose the establishment of a true [[federalism|federal State]] or advocate for their [[self-determination]]. The distinction of two chartered communities with fiscal autonomy has led to discontent in Catalonia, which demands the same privilege and transparency,<ref name=keatings/> being one of the main net contributors of fiscal equalization to which only communities of common-regime are subject to, whereas in Galicia and Andalusia, which are among the biggest net beneficiaries of such centrally managed funding, no such demand has been made. Still, on the other spectrum of Spanish politics, there is a feeling that devolution has gone too far, especially in the creation of a bloated bureaucracy, inefficiency and a duplication of competences. The economic crisis of 2008-2012, and the strenuous financial situation of many communities, has made some of them consider a return of some competences to the central government.<ref name=abc>{{cite web|url=http://www.abc.es/20110729/espana/abcp-varias-autonomias-meditan-devolver-20110729.html|title=Varias autonomías meditan devolver competencias por el bloqueo del gobierno|publisher=[[ABC (Spain)|ABC]]|date=29 July 2011|accessdate=29 January 2012}}</ref> [[José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero]], former [[prime minister of Spain]], suggested that Spain had "concluded the phase of self-government" and should devise instead ways for the 17 communities to cooperate better.<ref name=economist/> |
||
Nonetheless, the new framework of "autonomies" has served in legitimizing the Spanish state even within the "nationalities",<ref name=conversi/> more so in Catalonia and Galicia than in the Basque Country. (Legitimacy is still a question amongst some Basque nationalists; the Basque Country was the only community where the Spanish Constitution in 1978 was not approved by the majority of its constituents in the national referendum). In practical terms, |
Nonetheless, the new framework of "autonomies" has served in legitimizing the Spanish state even within the "nationalities",<ref name=conversi/> more so in Catalonia and Galicia than in the Basque Country. (Legitimacy is still a question amongst some Basque nationalists; the Basque Country was the only community where the Spanish Constitution in 1978 was not approved by the majority of its constituents in the national referendum). In practical terms, a large amount of the population are not satisfied with the current status quo, even if most of them don't really think of independence as the only possible solution. |
||
==See also== |
==See also== |
||
Revision as of 23:38, 1 September 2012
 |
|---|
Spain is a diverse country integrated by different contrasting regions that show varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical, political and cultural traditions,[1][2] (as can be evidenced in several territorial nationalisms and regionalisms). According to the Spanish current constitution, the Spanish nation is the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards, which is integrated by nationalities and regions to which the constitution recognizes and guarantees the right to self-government.[3] Thus, in Spanish jurisprudence and politics, the terms "nationalities" and "nation" have come to convey two different meanings.[4]
The terms "nationalities"[5][6][7] or "historical nationalities"[5][6] (Spanish and Galician: nacionalidades históricas, Basque: nazionalitate historikoak, Catalan: nacionalitats històriques), though never defined officially, are not customarily used in Spanish legislation to define a group of people possessing or aspiring nationhood, but rather as territories whose inhabitants have a strong historically constituted sense of identity,[4] or more specifically to define certain autonomous communities whose Statutes of autonomy — their basic institutional legislation — recognizes their historical and cultural identity.[8]
In Spanish jurisprudence, the term "nationality" appears for the first time in the current constitution, approved in 1978, and after much debate in the Spanish Parliament.[9][10] Although it was explicitly understood that the term made reference to Galicia, the Basque Country and Catalonia,[5][6][9][11] the constitution does not specify any by name. The term came about as a consensus between the strong centralist position inherited from Franco's regime and the nationalist position mainly from the Basques, Galicians and Catalans.[9] Once all nationalities and regions acceded to self-government or autonomy and were constituted as autonomous communities, the term was applied, in their respective Statutes of Autonomy, not only to define the three above-mentioned communities, but also Andalusia, the Balearic Islands and the Valencian Community, and more recently Aragon and the Canary Islands. The rest of the autonomous communities (Asturias, Castile and León, Castile-La Mancha, Murcia, La Rioja, Cantabria, Extremadura) are simply defined as regions of Spain, oftentimes as historical regions or as having a "historical regional identity" in their respective Statutes of Autonomy. Navarra and the Community of Madrid are special cases. Navarra is defined as a "chartered community", in the reinstitution of its medieval charters, and the Community of Madrid is defined neither as a nationality nor as a region, but as a community created in the nation's interest as the seat of the capital of the nation.
Historical background
The formation of Spain can be viewed as an alliance and progressive union of several peninsular kingdoms, and it can be said that the nationalist or regionalist tradition in Spain has its roots in Spanish history.[12] In fact, no serious attempt was made to centralize the administration until the reforms of the eighteenth century.[12] By the beginning of the nineteenth century, though, the Spanish government was heavily centralized and the State did not recognize the nation's regional diversity.[5] It was also, later during this same century, that as Catalonia and the Basque Country became rapidly industrialized and areas where commercial capitalism made swift progress while the rest of the country followed at a much slower pace,[13] nationalistic sentiments began to grow, and it was not unusual that some writers of the time would express their concepts of a Catalan or Basque fatherland or even nationhood. Both nationalist movements had much in common, in that both arose in areas that enjoyed higher levels of prosperity, were the only areas in the country to develop moden industry,[13] and both possessed a linguistic tradition of their own;[13] both the Catalan and the Basque languages began to experience a strong revival, as was the case with the Galician language. Both regions rediscovered their histories — Catalonia rediscovered her prowess as a Mediterranean Medieval empire within the Crown of Aragon, and the Basque Country focused on the mystery of its origins.[13] Both areas had enjoyed some type of medieval charters whereby they had exercised either full autonomy, but not sovereignty, within the Spanish crown, or, in later times, as it was the case solely for the Basque Country and Navarra, they had enjoyed fiscal autonomy. The larger economic development occurring in areas overlapping spatially delimited ethnic communities enhanced the regions' own identity.[14] As nationalistic sentiments grew, sometimes within conservative ideals and afterwards with the left, their demands for self-government also grew, and in some sectors, separatism — outright independence — was preferred.
The appearance of the so-called peripheral nationalism in the aforementioned regions of Spain occurred in a time where Spain itself as a whole first began to look into its own concept of nationhood, and where Spaniards began to study their own nationalism between two competing views, the traditionalist, where religion played a significant role in defining the Spanish nation, intrinsically and traditionally Catholic, and strongly monarchical, and the liberal view where sovereignty resided in the nation — the people, as opposed to the monarch — and where some advocated for a uniform centralized State while others preferred decentralization and even republicanism.[11]
Spain experimented with decentralization during the First Spanish Republic (1873-1874), but social and political chaos — which had started even before the change of regime with a change of monarchical houses — led to its failure. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the two political discourses of Spanish nationalism, the traditional and the liberal, continued to be present and opposing, advocating for different political regimes.[11] However, the appearance of peripheral nationalisms, namely the Basque and Catalan nationalistic movements, produced the unification many Spanish nationalists as a counter-force, and Spanish nationalism became a dialectical struggle between the center and the periphery.[11]
During the final stages of the turno pacífico, a staged pacific alternation of power between liberals and conservatives in the Spanish Parliament, Catalonia was granted a limited form of self-government, and the Commonwealth of Catalonia (Catalan: Mancomunitat de Catalunya) was established in 1913, with its own Regional Assembly. The Assembly drafted a Statute of Autonomy that was, however, rejected by the General Courts (the Spanish Parliament). The Commonwealth of Catalonia was dissolved during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in 1923.
In 1931, the Second Spanish Republic was established, and a new liberal constitution allowed the "regions" of Spain to attain self-government, and created the "autonomous region" as a first-order administrative division. Catalonia was the first to approve a Statute of Autonomy, later sanctioned by the Spanish Parliament, and the Generalitat, the Catalan institutions of government that operated since medieval times until the early eighteenth century, was restored. The Basque Country and Galicia followed suit in 1936, but only the Statute of Autonomy of the first was approved before the Spanish Civil War erupted.[15]
After the war, centralism was most forcefully enforced during Franco's regime (1939-1975) as a way to preserve the unity of the Spanish nation.[9] His attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression[2] and his oftentimes severe suppression of language and regional identities[2][4] backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of the Spanish nationhood.[9][5] When Franco died, Spain entered into a phase of transition towards democracy, and all democratic groups were forced to face the Catalan, Basque and Galician question.[9][16] On 11 September 1977, more than one million people marched in the streets of Barcelona (Catalonia) demanding "llibertat, amnistia i estatut d'autonomia", "liberty, amnesty and [a] Statute of Autonomy", the biggest demonstration in post-war Europe.[9] A decree-law was passed that allowed for the creation of pre-autonomías, "pre-autonomies" or provisional regional governments for all regions, the "historical nationalities" included.[16] Catalonia was the first to be so constituted, reviving again the Generalitat. The Basque Country quickly followed suit.
In the 1977 election to the first democratically elected Parliament since the times of the Republic, regional Catalan socialists (Socialists' Party of Catalonia) and Basque nationalists (Basque Nationalist Party) both won significant positions in representing their regions and their aspirations.[9] This newly-elected Parliament was entrusted to formulate a new constitution.
"Nationalities" in the constitution of 1978
The demands for the recognition of the distinctiveness of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, within the Spanish State became one of the most important challenges for the newly-elected Parliament. In fact, the writing of the second article, in which the "nationalities and regions" of Spain were recognized, was the most hotly debated in the Parliament.[10][17] Its acceptance was not smooth: the right vigorously opposed it, while the nationalists and the left firmly objected leaving it out.[9] The natural corollary to debating the term "nationalities" was debating the term "nation". At the end of the spectrum there were those who thought the term "nationalities" was unnecessary, or that there was only one "nation" and "nationality"— Spain — while at the opposite end of the spectrum there were those who advocated for defining Spain as a plurinational State, that is, a State integrated by several nations.[10] In the end, the second article was passed along with the term "nationalities" but firmly stressing the indivisible unity of the Spanish nation.[9] It reads:
The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards; it recognizes and guarantees the right to self-government of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity among them all
— Second Article of the Spanish Constitution of 1978
The article united two historical trends in Spain: centralism and federalism, and in the words of one of the seven fathers of the Constitution, Jordi Solé Tura it was "[...] an authentic point of encounter between different concepts of the Spanish nation [...] In it, two great notions of Spain merge."[9] It aimed to give an answer to the nationalistic aspirations that had been silenced during the four decades of Franco's dictatorial regime.[16]
The constitution itself did not define the term, despite the diverse meanings and interpretations that its proponents and opponents had — ranging from "an expression of historical and cultural identities [...] in the superior unity of Spain" (Landelino Lavilla, from the Union of the Democratic Centre),[10] "communities with a prominent cultural, historical or political personality" (Rafael Arias-Salgado, from the Union of the Democratic Centre),[10] all the way to making it equivalent to "nation", (Manuel Fraga from the People's Alliance, in stern opposition to the term "nationalities" precisely because of its alleged synonymity with "nation")[17] or defining it as a "nation without a State [...] within the plurinational reality of Spain [...] as a Nation of nations" (Miguel Roca Junyent, from the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia).[10]
The particular meaning that the term "nationalities" was to acquire in Spanish politics in reference to regions created some confusion with the concept of "nationality" in reference to citizenship, especially when the latter was defined in the 11th article of the constitution.[18][9] It was suggested that the term "nationality" be changed to "citizenship" in the 11th article, but it was considered that the terms nationality and citizenship are not completely synonymous, as it is common in other European legislations.[18]
The Preamble to the constitution explicitly stated that it is the Nation's will to protect "all Spaniards and the peoples of Spain in the exercise of human rights, their cultures and traditions, languages and institutions".[19] This was a significant move, since for the "historical nationalities" part of their distinctiveness lies on their own regional languages.[1] Furthermore, the nation became openly multilingual,[9] declaring Castilian — that is, Spanish — the official language of the entire country, but declaring that the "other Spanish languages" will also be official in their respective autonomous communities. The third article ends up declaring that the "richness of the distinct linguistic modalities of Spain represent a patrimony which will the object of special respect and protection."[20]
The State of Autonomies
- See also: Political divisions of Spain
The constitution aimed to devolve self-government to both nationalities and regions, if the latter so desired, which were to be constituted as autonomous communities, yet making an implicit distinction between the two groups in the level of competences that were to be devolved, and in the way they were to attain self-government — the three "historical nationalities" (Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country) were granted a simplified "fast-track" process, while the rest of the regions had to follow a specific set of requirements. Thus the process was purposely intended to be asymmetrical in nature.[6][4] The autonomous communities were to be formed from the existing provinces, a division of the centralizing regime of the early nineteenth century: an autonomous community could be created by a province or group of provinces with common historical, cultural and economical features.[21] Yet, the outcome was not predictable; the constitution created a process for devolution, but it differed from other legislations in two main aspects. First, it did not specify the name or number of the autonomous communities that would integrate the Spanish nation, and secondly, the process was voluntary in nature: the regions themselves had the option of choosing to attain self-government or not.[22] This unique process of territorial administration was called the "State of Autonomies". Though highly decentralized, this system is not a federation, in that there was still ambiguity with regards to the power attributed to the regions, even though they can still negotiate them with the central government.[9]
While the constitution was still being drafted, there was a demonstration in Andalusia, which sought to be recognized as a "nationality" as well, and to be granted self-government also through a rapid process. This opened a phase that was dubbed in Spanish as "café para todos", "coffee for all", which meant that all regions would be "served the same" — that is, that all nationalities and regions would accede to self-government in roughly the same degree, even if at different paces.[15][16] Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia acceded to autonomy via the fast-track route established in the 151st article of the constitution, with all competences granted, because in the past they had approved a Statute by referendum and they had already established a pre-autonomic provisional government.[16] Andalusia was able to take this route after a referendum in 1980. The rest, had the opportunity to accede to autonomy via the slower route established by the 143rd article, with a lower level of competences during a provisional period of five years, after which there was to be a progressive transference of competences, that would roughly equalize all communities.[16] One particular exception was granted to both the Basque Country and Navarre in that their fueros or "medieval charters" that had granted them fiscal autonomy were restored. While Navarre, a Basque-speaking province, chose not to form part of the soon-to-be formed autonomous community of the Basque Country, it followed a different route of devolution, precisely because of the reinstitution of the medieval charters, and it is nominally known as a "chartered community", as opposed to an "autonomous community". (Both the Basque Country and Navarre are considered "communities of chartered regime", that is, with fiscal autonomy. They collect their own taxes and send a prearranged amount to the central government. The rest of the communities are considered to be of a "common regime"; currently they administer taxes only partially. The taxes collected from "common regime" communities are administered centrally and distributed amongst them all for fiscal equalization).
Current state of affairs
The "autonomic process", that is, the process whereby the nationalities and regions would accede to autonomy was partially concluded in 1983 when 17 autonomous communities covering the entire Spanish territory were created. (It was finally completed with the creation of two autonomous cities in Northern Africa). While the great majority of communities were formed based on the pre-provincial historical regions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which in turn, somewhat reflected some of the historical medieval kingdoms or administered regions of the past, some autonomous communities are entirely new creations.[9] For example, autonomy was granted to Cantabria and La Rioja, both of which were culturally and historically part of Castile.[9] Madrid was also severed from Castile and constituted as an autonomous community, in a way in recognition of its status as the capital of the nation,[9] but also because it was originally excluded from the pre-autonomic agreements that created the community of Castile-La Mancha, to which it naturally belonged.[23] Some peripheral nationalists still complain that the creation of many communities was an attempt to break down their "national unity" (e.g. that of Castile) by gerrymandering, thus softening the impact of the distinctiveness of their own nationalities.[9] Moreover, as competences were eventually transferred to all communities in roughly the same degree, some nationalists view that there is a vanishing practical distinction between "nationality" and "region", regardless of how the autonomous community defines itself, a dilution that is welcomed by some political parties at the national level.[6] In fact, other communities have chosen to be identified as "nationalities" besides the "historical three" (such as Andalusia, Aragon, the Balearic Islands, the Canary Islands and the Valencian Community). Also, most communities that do not enjoy fiscal autonomy — the "common regime communities"— typically tend to follow Catalonia's lead in their demands for more competences or self-government.[1] This has caused a movement for a further recognition of the distinctiveness of the "historical nationalities" as "nations"[6] resuscitating oftentimes the debate between "nationality" and "nation" or the concept of a "plurinational State". The Catalan Parliament, in approving a new Statute of Autonomy in 2006, chose to define Catalonia, not as a "nationality" but explicitly as a "nation", by a large majority. Similar proposals were made in Andalusia. The Spanish Parliament, which has to eventually ratify all Statutes of Autonomy, removed the article that defined Catalonia as a "nation", but made a reference in the Preamble of the document to the "fact" that the Catalan Parliament had chosen to so define Catalonia, but that the constitution recognizes her "national reality" as a "nationality".
In all three "historical nationalities", there's still a sizable minority, expressing their voice in one way or another, even in the establishment of specific nationalist political parties, that still propose the establishment of a true federal State or advocate for their self-determination. The distinction of two chartered communities with fiscal autonomy has led to discontent in Catalonia, which demands the same privilege and transparency,[6] being one of the main net contributors of fiscal equalization to which only communities of common-regime are subject to, whereas in Galicia and Andalusia, which are among the biggest net beneficiaries of such centrally managed funding, no such demand has been made. Still, on the other spectrum of Spanish politics, there is a feeling that devolution has gone too far, especially in the creation of a bloated bureaucracy, inefficiency and a duplication of competences. The economic crisis of 2008-2012, and the strenuous financial situation of many communities, has made some of them consider a return of some competences to the central government.[24] José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, former prime minister of Spain, suggested that Spain had "concluded the phase of self-government" and should devise instead ways for the 17 communities to cooperate better.[7]
Nonetheless, the new framework of "autonomies" has served in legitimizing the Spanish state even within the "nationalities",[9] more so in Catalonia and Galicia than in the Basque Country. (Legitimacy is still a question amongst some Basque nationalists; the Basque Country was the only community where the Spanish Constitution in 1978 was not approved by the majority of its constituents in the national referendum). In practical terms, a large amount of the population are not satisfied with the current status quo, even if most of them don't really think of independence as the only possible solution.
See also
- Nationalisms and regionalisms of Spain
- Politics of Spain: The nationality debate
- Political divisions of Spain
References
- ^ a b c Villar, Fernando P. (June 1998). "Nationalism in Spain: Is It a Danger to National Integrity?". Storming Media, Pentagon Reports. Retrieved 3 February 2012.
- ^ a b c Shabad, Goldie; Gunther, Richard (July 1982). "Language, Nationalism and Political Conflict in Spain". Comparative Politics Vol 14 No. 4. Retrieved 3 February 2012.
- ^ Second article. Cortes Generales (27 December 1978). "Spanish Constitution". Tribunal Constitucional de España. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d Lewis, Martin W (1 September 2010). "The Nation, Nationalities, and Autonomous Regions in Spain". GeoCurrents. Map-Illustrated Analyses of Current Events and Geographical Issues. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d e Sir Raymond Carr; et al. "Spain". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
{{cite web}}: Explicit use of et al. in:|author=(help) - ^ a b c d e f g Keatings, Michael (2007). "Federalism and the Balance of power in European States" (PDF). Support for Improvement in Governance and Management. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Inc. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ a b "Devolution in Spain. Nationality not a nation". The Economist. 1 July 2010. Retrieved 30 January 2012.
- ^ "Nacionalidad". Real Academia Española. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Conversi, Daniele (2002). "The Smooth Transition: Spain's 1978 Constitution and the Nationalities Question" (PDF). National Identities, Vol 4, No. 3. Carfax Publishing, Inc. Retrieved 28 January 2008.
- ^ a b c d e f Delgado-Ibarren García-Campero, Manuel (June 2005). "Sinópsis artículo 2". Constitución española (con sinópsis). Congress of the Deputies. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d Muro, Diego; Quiroga, Alejandro (2005). "Spanish nationalism. Ethnic or civic?" (PDF). Ethnicities. SAGE Publications. London, UK. Retrieved 4 February 2012.
- ^ a b San Martin, Pablo. "Regional and National Diversity in the Spanish Political System". Lecture delivered at the University of Leeds. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d Jackson, Gabriel (1965). The Spanish Republic and the Civil War. United States of America: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-00757-8.
- ^ Diez Medrano, Juan (August 1994). "Patterns of Development and Nationalism: Basque and Catalan Nationalism before the Spanish Civil War" (PDF). Theory and Society, Vol. 23, No. 4. pp. 541–56. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ a b Jualiana, Enric (23 January 2011). "Así empezó el café para todos". La Vanguardia. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d e f Aparicio, Sonia. "Café para Todos". La España de las Autonomías. Un Especial de elmundo.es. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ a b Congress of the Deputies (5 May 1978). "Diario de Sesiones del Congreso de los Diputados" (PDF). Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ a b Galvez Muñoz, Luis (2003, updated 2011). "Sinópsis artículo 11". Constitución española (con sinópsis). Congress of the Deputies. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ Preamble to the Constitution Cortes Generales (27 December 1978). "Spanish Constitution". Tribunal Constitucional de España. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ Third article. Cortes Generales (27 December 1978). "Spanish Constitution". Tribunal Constitucional de España. Retrieved 28 January 2012.
- ^ 143rd article. Cortes Generales (27 December 1978). "Spanish Constitution". Tribunal Constitucional de España. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ Alonso de Antonio, José Antonio (June 2003). "Sinópsis artículo 143". Constitución española (con sinópsis). Congress of the Deputies. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
- ^ Cid, Blanca (2003, updated in 2007 and 2011). "Sinópsis del Estatuto de Autonomía de la Comunidad de Madrid". Congress of the Deputies. Retrieved 29 January 2012.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ "Varias autonomías meditan devolver competencias por el bloqueo del gobierno". ABC. 29 July 2011. Retrieved 29 January 2012.