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Russian president Vladimir Putin to the right, head of FIFA Gianni Infantino in the center and Emir of Qatar: Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani
Alliance of Civilizations Forum Annual Meeting Brazil 2010, Moza Bint Nasser, the sheika and mother of the Qatari emir.

Qatari soft power refers to Qatar’s political ability to influence rather than use hard power (such as military power) to achieve its objectives by influencing other actor's choices and populations’ views towards it. Qatar has been described as a soft power superpower.[1] Qatar's soft power is mostly manifested by Qatar's extensive sports and media network through government owned intermediaries such as Qatar Sports Investment, Al Jazeera, Qatar Airways, which critics argue serve in part to divert attention from Qatar's human rights violations, discrimination against the LGBT community and sponsorship of militant non state military groups.  

Overview

As of 2023, Qatar is recognized as the largest foreign donor to US universities, contributing approximately $4.7 billion between 2001 and 2021. This includes substantial donations to prestigious institutions, such as $103 million to Virginia Commonwealth University, $760 million to Georgetown University for a school of politics, $700 million to Texas A&M, $740 million to Carnegie Mellon University, and $602 million to Northwestern University. Additionally, Cornell University opened a medical school in Qatar's Education City, and Northwestern University established a school of journalism there. Other universities, includingGeorgetown, HEC Paris, Virginia Commonwealth, and University College London, also have campuses in Qatar. However, concerns have been raised about the compatibility of American universities' values, such as free speech, with Qatar's governance and human rights issues.[2]

Northwestern newsroom in Northwestern Qatar

The Brookings Institution received $14.8 million from Qatar in 2013 for the Brookings Doha Center, though it ended this association in 2021. The Stimson Center also received funding from Qatar, but its representative affirmed the center's research integrity and independence.Friedman, Dan. "A top DC think tank took millions from foreign governments. Now lawmakers want answers". Mother Jones.</ref>

The 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar was accused of being "sportswashing," using sports events to improve a country's image. Qatar faced criticism for its alleged mistreatment of migrant workers and was accused of using the World Cup to divert attention from these issues. Qatar's investments in sports extend beyond the World Cup, with significant stakes in football clubs and sports broadcasting.[3][4][5][6]

Qatar's sovereign wealth fund, the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), has made significant global investments in various sectors, including real estate, airlines, and sports clubs. These investments are part of Qatar's strategy to diversify its economy and enhance its international influence.[3] Qatar's political influence is partly due to its relationships with various nations and groups. Al Udeid Air Base, hosting the US Central Command, is a key element of Qatar's strategic partnerships. Despite its ties with the West, Qatar also maintains relations with Iran, the Taliban, Al Qaeda, Hamas, and the Muslim Brotherhood, positioning itself as a mediator in regional conflicts.[3][7][8][9][10]

Al Jazeera, established in 1996, has played a significant role in shaping regional and international perspectives. The network, funded by the Qatari government, has been critical of various Middle Eastern governments and has provided a platform for diverse viewpoints. It has faced accusations of bias and incitement, but it declares to be committed to freedom of expression. Al Jazeera English, launched in 2006, is noted for its different editorial approach compared to the Arabic channel.[3]

In 2022, concerns were raised about Qatar's involvement in a $1.2 billion deal related to a property owned by Jared Kushner's family. The deal involved Brookfield Asset Management, with potential indirect funding from the Qatari Investment Authority. Questions about conflicts of interest and policy impacts arose due to Kushner's role in U.S. foreign policy. Kushner's fund also received significant investments from Qatar and Saudi Arabia.[11][12][13]

Education

Carnegie Mellon University in Qatar

As of 2023, Qatar was the largest foreign donor to US universities, having donated between 2001 and 2021 US$4.7 billion in open donations.[14] Some of these schools are considered amongst the most prestigious in the US and include Ivy league universities. Qatar donated US$103 million to Virginia commonwealth university, US$760 million to Georgetown University to build a school of politics, US$700 million to Texas A&M, US$740 million to Carnegie Mellon University, $602 million to Northwestern University.[14] Yale University, and Yale staff have received undisclosed donations from Qatar according to the Tablet.[15] Cornell, in 2015, opened a medical school in Education City in Qatar.[16] Northwestern University, opened a school for journalism in Qatar.[16] Georgetown university, HEC Paris, Virginia Commonwealth, Texas A&M, Carnegie Mellon University all have campuses in Qatar.[17]

University College London which had opened a campus in 2010 in Qatar was criticized for Qatar's poor treatment of employees, in Qatar in general and in the campus itself, Concerns were raised regarding the combability of American universities that promote Free Speech and liberal values with the Qatari absolute monarchy and human rights violations. Kelly Brown, a spokeswoman for Texas A&M, claimed Texas A&M has transparent agreements with Qatar that accord with U.S. and international laws. “No public funds are spent toward the Qatar campus,” she told The Free Press.[14] All intellectual property developed by Texas A&M in Qatar is owned by the Qatar foundation, owned by the Qatari royal family.[18] Charles Asher Small of ISGAP recounted to reporter Eli Lake that the donations and support of Western universities was part of a larger soft power campaign in Western countries, with Qatar holding 750 - US$1000 billion worth of assets worldwide.[14] In 2020 USNEWS revealed that American universities did not reveal US$6 billion in funding, prime donors included Qatar, China and Saudi Arabia.[19] In 2023, it was revealed that 200 American universities hid US$13 billion in illegal donations, with Qatar being the most significant funder.[20][21]  

Institutes

The Brookings Institution in Washington received financial support from Qatar, notably a $14.8 million grant in 2013 for the Brookings Doha Center. While another grant in 2017 followed, its exact amount remains undisclosed, as Brookings does not specify foreign contributions. In 2021, Brookings ended its association with the Doha Center, shifting focus to "digital and global engagement." The closure coincided with an FBI investigation into former Brooking's president John Allen, who left amid revelations of unregistered lobbying for Qatar. Allen had advocated against the Saudi-led blockade of Qatar during his tenure. The Justice Department closed the investigation in January 2022 without pressing charges.[14][22]  

Other think tanks, such as the Stimson Center, have received Qatari funding, as revealed in a 2020 report from the Center for International Policy.[14] In 2022, the Qatari Embassy granted the Stimson Center $615,000 for a program labeled as "protecting people." When asked, Caitlin Goodman, a representative for the center, declined to comment on whether there were any plans to reevaluate their ties with Qatar. Goodman said that the center's scholars and their research maintain their integrity and independence and is not influenced by donors.[14]

Sportswashing

2022 FIFA World Cup

The 2022 World Cup in Qatar was marked by substantial investments in infrastructure, including new transit systems, upscale accommodations, and upgraded facilities. The Qatari government aimed to showcase its economic and technological advancements, using the event as a platform to attract millions of visitors and captivate billions of viewers worldwide. Critics argued that Qatar used the event to engage in "sportswashing," a tactic where a state leverages international sports to enhance its public image and divert attention from Qatar's treatment of labor, discriminatory practices other policies. Critics argued that the mistreatment and exploitation of migrants in the construction and hospitality sectors include unfair wage practices, confiscation of passports, substandard and overcrowded living conditions, and, when individuals raise complaints, employer reprisals and detention by Qatari authorities. 6500 migrants have died between Qatar's successful world cup bid to the FIFA 2022 World cup.[23][24][25] Coined in 2015, the term implies that autocratic regimes invest in sports to manipulate information and rehabilitate their reputations. “Sportswashing” is said to have been used by Mussolini's Italy and by Nazi Germany through the 1936 Olympic games. Qatar has been similarly accused of using the World Cup in order to advance its soft power goals.[23][26][27]  

One week after Qatar won the bid to host the 2022 FIFA tournament, the Qatar Foundation (QF), Qatar's development nonprofit, carried out a $220 million deal to sponsor FC Barcelona's kits. Within six months, an entity of Qatar's sovereign wealth fund, the Qatar Investment Authority (QSI), invested up to $58 million to acquire ownership of the French club Paris Saint-Germain. Shortly afterwards, Qatar's media conglomerate, Al Jazeera, spent $130 million to secure broadcasting rights for top-tier Ligue 1 matches in French households. These initiatives have continued to gain momentum in the subsequent years, with renowned players like Lionel Messi, Neymar, and Kylian Mbappé sporting shirts featuring a logo of Qatar Airways, owned by the Qatari government.[23] Qatar, in anticipation of potential criticism is said to have offered fans incentives to attend the World Cup, whilst requiring them to participate in choreographed performances and report any criticism on social media.[23][28][29]

Qatar Airways, with the symbol of the 2022 FIFA World Cup

Other sports

Qatar has invested heavily in clubs, competitions, and confederations across six continents in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Qatar has been criticized as employing modern sportswashing focuses on engaging foreign audiences on their home turf unlike historical approaches that relied on staging events. Qatar utilized diverse channels such as commentary, commerce, and community involvement, aligning with football's value chain to connect with global audiences. Qatar is said to collaborate with intermediaries, including state-owned enterprises and government-organized NGOs, to secure multimillion-dollar deals globally.[23]  

According to the Journal of Democracy the two main types of intermediaries are state-owned enterprises such as QSI and beIN Sports (previously a subsidiary of Al Jazeera), and non-governmental organizations organized by the government, like the Qatar Foundation. These intermediaries according to the Journal of Democracy, leverage the flexibility of globalization's regulatory landscape, turning sports investments into profitable ventures that contribute to Qatar's economic diversification beyond its reliance on oil and gas.[23] Financial gains are not the sole rewards of sportswashing; there are also reputational benefits. Sportswashing which is said to involve the leveraging of sports' bankability to misinform and manipulate global audiences. Critics argued that Influencers, using the example of celebrity athlete David Beckham, Qatar's world cup ambassador, in 2019, may share testimonials praising certain aspects of a country, such as Qatar's World Cup facilities, to advance favorable narratives.[23][30]

However, these references may contradict reports of migrant exploitation, including wage discrimination and passport confiscation, revealing discrepancies.[23][30] Another aspect of Qatar's alleged sportswashing involved the use of sports to displace damaging content. In these cases, emerging sports stories act as smokescreen in order overshadow other events. Critics argue that with each World Cup milestone, audiences become less aware and concerned about the state's misdeeds. Yet, a study analyzing British newspapers found overwhelmingly negative coverage of Qatar's World Cup, suggesting that the event has not displaced damaging content as much as observers might believe. The critics argue that Qatari efforts to shape foreign media coverage of its tournament have included updated permit terms for international film crews and restricting recording at certain locations. However, this control may trigger the "Olympic catch-22," where sporting events spotlight the unflattering side of closed societies. A Sunday Times report found that an Indian criminal network was hired by Qatar to hack into the emails of prominent critics of Qatar's World Cup.[23][31] Critics in contrast have also suggested that these techniques are not as effective as thought by some.[23]  

Foreign assets

Qatar strategically employs economic soft power through significant overseas investments managed by its sovereign wealth fund, the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA). Since its establishment in 2005, the QIA has acquired notable assets outside Qatar, including Harrods, J. Sainsbury, Porsche, International Airlines Group, Heathrow Airport, and the French football club Paris Saint-Germain.[3][14]

Qatari Diar, the real estate subsidiary of QIA, has also made substantial investments in London properties. Qatar has played a host to influential economic events, such as the 2001 World Trade Organization's ministerial conference and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development quadrennial conference in 2012. This economic prowess positions Qatar as an 'entrepreneurial state,' capable of leveraging international investments to boost its domestic economy. Notable figures, including King Charles and Boris Johnson, have recognized Qatar's economic influence, and the country has pledged a significant investment in the UK amid concerns over the economic impacts of Brexit. These resources are crucial Qatar claims to showcase its commercial expertise and attractiveness to foreign investors, which it says it does in order to create a dynamic and diversified economy beyond fossil fuel dependency.[3] Charles Asher Small of ISGAP told to the Free Press that Qatar holds between 750 billion to US$1 trillion in value of assets in Western countries saying "They are investing in major Fortune 500 corporations, Heathrow Airport [in London], the Empire State Building".[14] Qatar also owns or has major shareholding in Deutche bank and Barclay's Bank.[32]  

Foreign relations

Al Udeid Air Base

Qatar's political soft power is also rooted in its extensive network of foreign relationships. Al Udeid Air Base, serving as the United States Central Command headquarters since 2003, has facilitated ties with over 18 nations in the Middle East and central Asia. The base hosts a significant American military presence and has seen a $6 billion contract for the sale of 36 F-15 fighter jets to Qatar. Simultaneously, Qatar maintains close relations with entities like Iran, the Taliban, Al Qaeda, Hamas, and the Muslim Brotherhood, often having strained or conflict-oriented ties with the West. Leveraging these diverse connections, Qatar as both partial ally to the West and supporter of militant groups positioned itself as a continuous mediator and conflict negotiator between the West and the militant groups it supports, as shown through its involvement in agreements like the 2008 Doha Agreement in Lebanon and the release of a US journalist from captivity in Syria in 2014. In terms of outcomes, Qatar aims to be perceived as a valuable and supportive strategic partner and a go-to government in specific issue areas like defense, security, and trade. Its mediation efforts, such as securing the release of kidnapped Israeli soldiers in 2014, contribute to building issue-specific power.[3]

Charles Small of ISGAP in an interview to the Free Press said regarding Qatar's funding of the Muslim brotherhood whilst engaging the West in soft power, “Their soft power is aimed at demonizing Israel as well as promoting anti-Western and anti-democratic discourse to weaken the West. Antisemitism is the fuel to light that fire,”[14] Qatar's foreign policy of maintaining relations with various groups has faced criticism, with accusations that the state is a major financial supporter of 'terrorist' organizations. Germany's minister for international development in 2014 pointed to Qatar as a key financier of ISIS fighters.[33]  Qatar's support for the Muslim Brotherhood, particularly providing refuge to its leaders after the overthrow of President Morsi in 2013, led to strained relations with neighboring countries. In 2017, a coalition of states blockaded Qatar, citing concerns over its backing of the Muslim Brotherhood and other "extreme Islamist" groups, as well as growing ties with Iran. The demands to lift the blockade included severing ties with militant organizations, which Qatar denied, asserting the accusations were politically motivated. Some reports suggested that the Gulf crisis was triggered by neighboring nations feeling threatened by Qatar's success in securing the 2022 World Cup bid, rather than its association with militant groups.[3]

Media

Al Jazeera media network

Al Jazeera was established in 1996 by Qatar's Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani.  The foundation of the channel according to Council on foreign relations, was part of Sheikh Hamad's broader strategy to reduce Qatar's reliance on Saudi Arabia and to establish diversified relationships with countries like Iran and Israel, as well as with various Islamist political organizations such as Hamas or Al-Qaeda.[34][35] The network's inception aimed at providing a Qatari perspective directly into Arab homes, bypassing regional governments with its bold and investigative journalism. Al Jazeera was envisioned as a counterpoint to the predominantly state-controlled media in the region, often provoking displeasure among powerful regional governments due to its critical reporting and the inclusion of a viewpoints favoring Qatari policy and unfavorable to several mid east governments.[35][36] Al Jazeera receives most of its funding from the Qatari government.

In the 1990s, Al Jazeera compiled positive reports on Saddam Hussein's regime. Mid east countries including Jordan logged complaints against Qatar due to Al Jazeera.[36] By the Arab spring in 2011, Al Jazeera's audience included 250 million households in 130 countries, rivalling CNN and the BBC. Al Jazeera broadcast and fully focused the protests on Egypt, dedicating substantial airtime to the protests. In the Syrian civil war, Al Jazeera's broadcasts according to Edward was criticized for favoring the factions Qatar supplied weapons to and supported.[36] When the Arab revolutions reached Bahrain, a neighboring country only a few miles from Qatar, Al Jazeera's broadcasts were far more restrained and received far less airtime according to Edward.[36] In the week Saudi Arabia intervened in Bahrain, only one Al Jazeera article was published about the subject.[36]

Al Jazeera is among the few stations in the region that air debates directly from the Israeli parliament as well as allow Israeli guests, however a frequent guest said the following on the interviews "We’re never invited to long interview shows but always short interviews of three and a half minutes. They’re [Al Jazeera] unwilling to engage in real dialogue, but instead use Israelis as fig leaves".[36]

Al Jazeera's programming has notably affected the United States' perspective and relations with Qatar and Al Jazeera. The network's coverage, including broadcasts of Osama bin Laden, perceived support for Iraqi resistance, and links to the Muslim Brotherhood, has raised concerns in Washington. Furthermore, the channel's airing of disturbing images of Afghan children allegedly killed by U.S. bombs intensified these tensions. In October 2001, then U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell directly requested the Qatari government to moderate Al Jazeera's content. President George W. Bush, in his 2004 State of the Union address, indirectly criticized Al Jazeera for spreading "hateful propaganda." The U.S. military has been involved in two incidents where Al Jazeera's offices were bombed – in Kabul in 2001 and Baghdad in 2003 – both claimed as accidental. Former President Donald Trump said to a campaign aide that he enjoyed watching the channel, although he seldom mentioned it during his presidency.[36]

U.S. officials have often criticized Al Jazeera for not sufficiently challenging anti-American guests or providing enough pro-American perspectives with anti-American guests left unchallenged at times. Although Al Jazeera asserts that American officials are welcome to participate in its programs, there have been instances, such as with National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, where interviews have focused on controversial topics like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, potentially alienating Arab audiences. This incident was viewed by some, including a veteran Egyptian TV anchor, as detrimental to America's image even before the interview concluded. Al Jazeera has also been seen as intertwining Palestinian issues with the Iraq war, often casting the United States in a negative light.[36]

Contrary to some American officials' beliefs, Al Jazeera has not significantly fueled anti-American sentiment. A 2012 Zogby poll revealed that younger Arabic-speaking individuals exposed to satellite TV, including Al Jazeera, tend to be less anti-American than older generations. In Egypt and Saudi Arabia, those who watch satellite TV have a more favorable view of Americans compared to those who do not.[36]

In early June 2017, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia, which included the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Bahrain, severed diplomatic relations with Qatar and imposed an embargo. A primary condition set by this coalition for the restoration of diplomatic ties was the shutdown of Al Jazeera, the internationally renowned news broadcaster funded by Qatar. This demand was part of a broader set of conditions aimed at re-establishing diplomatic relations. However, Qatar rejected these conditions, refusing to close Al Jazeera, a channel that has significantly increased Qatar's influence in the Middle East and on a global scale according to CFR, enabling it to pursue an independent foreign policy distinct from the larger members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).[35]

Al Jazeera's editorial stance has been influential in shaping the network's identity and Qatar's standing. It focused on underreported social issues and provided a platform for dissident voices, frequently adopting a critical stance towards governments across the region. Such coverage led to accusations from Saudi Arabia and other countries of inciting terrorism. Al Jazeera, in defense, has said it is committed to freedom of expression.[35] In 2013, the Al Jazeera Berlin correspondent left Al Jazeera, stating he felt that the Qatari government was overtly influencing Al Jazeera.[37]

Al Jazeera expanded its reach with the proliferation of satellite dishes across the Middle East and North Africa, absorbing the staff of a defunct BBC Arabic-language network and distinguishing itself from Western media by concentrating on Arab events. It further extended its global presence with an English-language channel in 2006 and briefly ventured into the U.S. market with Al Jazeera America in 2013, though this operation was discontinued.[35]

The network's extensive coverage of the Arab Spring in 2011, which amplified dissident voices and documented government crackdowns, further strained its relationships with Gulf monarchies and Egypt. Al Jazeera's reporting often mirrored Qatar's support for groups like the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, challenging the governments in the region. Despite diplomatic efforts and ongoing tensions, Qatar has consistently defended Al Jazeera's operation, viewing its closure as a non-negotiable matter in diplomatic negotiations.[35] Al Jazeera is broadcast to 310 million homes as of 2017.[35]

Al Jazeera English

Al Jazeera English, launched in 2006, has been observed to have a significantly different approach compared to its Arabic counterpart. Analysts have noted substantial differences in tone, story selection, and overall coverage between the two channels. An analyst remarked that Al Jazeera English does not closely resemble its Arabic-speaking parent channel in its style and content.[36]

For instance, the Arabic channel of Al Jazeera has broadcast some controversial reports without challenge, such as a claim that Jewish New Yorkers received advance warnings about the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center. It also aired commentators who blamed Jews for the 9/11 attacks. These types of provocative reports, however, were not featured on Al Jazeera English.[36]

Additionally, a study highlighted that while Al Jazeera's Arabic coverage shows a close alignment with Qatar's foreign policy, especially regarding events in Saudi Arabia, such a correlation is not evident in the content of Al Jazeera English. This suggests that Al Jazeera English maintains a different editorial stance and content strategy, possibly aiming for a broader, more international audience, and not closely mirroring the political perspectives of Qatar, unlike its Arabic counterpart.[36]

beIN Sports

beIN Sports

beIN Sports, a Qatari multinational network of sports channels, is owned and operated by beIN, a media group based in Qatar. Initially known as Al Jazeera Sports and a part of Al Jazeera Media Network, beIN Sports was established to expand Qatar's influence in the global sports broadcasting market.[38] The network, under the leadership of Chairman Nasser Al-Khelaifi and CEO Yousef Obaidly, has played a pivotal role in the commercialization of sports in Qatar. It's recognized as the dominant sports channel in the MENA region and operates in several countries worldwide, including France, the United States, Canada, Australia, and various Asian nations. The network's global expansion began with acquiring broadcasting rights for French football's Ligue 1 and other major sports leagues and tournaments, establishing its presence in the European sports broadcasting market.[39][40][41][42][43]

beIN Sports' portfolio includes broadcasting rights for major football leagues like La Liga, Serie A, and the UEFA Champions League, alongside other sports such as rugby, cricket, motorsports, and tennis. The network's growth included creating an Olympic Channel in the MENA region and acquiring Digiturk, a Turkish media platform. As an offshoot of Al Jazeera, beIN Sports has leveraged its parent company's extensive broadcasting experience to establish a significant footprint in sports media. The introduction of beIN Connect, an over-the-top content service, further expanded its reach, allowing global audiences access to live and on-demand sports content.[44][45][46][47]

Funds, institutions and foundations

Qatar Foundation

The Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development, founded in 1995 by then-Emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani and Moza bint Nasser Al-Missned, is a prominent state-led and owned non-profit in Qatar. Its focus lies in promoting education, science, research, and community development. The foundation has actively engaged numerous international universities to set up campuses in Qatar and has ventured into commercial investments as well. While its efforts are seen as influential in various sectors.[48] The Qatar Foundation, which was established as a non-profit in 1995, later rebranded as a "private institution for public benefit," allowing it to present itself as a private entity free from governmental restrictions while remaining under the Emir of Qatar's ownership, thus enabling the state to disguise state funding as private sector contributions.[49]

Among its educational achievements, the foundation has established multiple Qatar Academy branches, the Awsaj Academy for students with learning challenges, and the Academic Bridge Program, which offers post-secondary educational opportunities. Additionally, it partnered with the RAND Corporation to operate the RAND-Qatar Policy Institute from 2003 to 2013.

The Qatar Foundation assisted in the establishment branches of eight international and one local university near Doha since 1998. These include Virginia Commonwealth University, Weill Cornell Medicine-Qatar, Texas A&M University at Qatar, Carnegie Mellon University Qatar, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar, Northwestern University in Qatar, and Hamad Bin Khalifa University (HBKU). HEC Paris in Qatar launched the country's first EMBA in 2011, and University College London Qatar operated from 2011 to 2020. The foundation's substantial donations to these universities have raised concerns and prompted investigations by the US Education Department.[50]

In addition to its educational ventures, the Qatar Foundation sponsors the World Innovation Summit for Education (WISE), an annual event in Doha since 2009. The universities on its campus run various research programs and collaborate with QF's applied research bodies. QF also maintains partnerships with the Royal Society and the James Baker Institute at Rice University.[51]

Qatar Sports Investment

Founded in 2005 and based in Doha, Qatar Sports Investments (QSI) is a closed shareholding organization believed to be owned by Qatar's finance ministry and the Qatar Olympic Committee. As a subsidiary of the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), QSI reinvests its revenues into Qatar's sports, leisure, and entertainment sectors. Led by Chairman Nasser Al-Khelaifi and Vice Chairman Adel Mohammed Tayyeb Mustafawi, QSI has expanded its influence in international sports, notably acquiring Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) in 2011 and becoming its sole owner by 2012. Additionally, its portfolio includes Burrda, a sports brand, and NextStep Marketing. In October 2022, QSI bought a 21.67% stake in S.C. Braga for €80 million and expressed interest in acquiring West Ham United in early 2023. In 2023, QSI also ventured into padel by acquiring the World Padel Tour to establish a new global circuit starting in 2024.[52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59]

Qatar National Bank

Qatar National Bank QPSC, founded on June 6, 1964, and headquartered in Doha, Qatar, specializes in both commercial and Islamic banking services. Its operations are divided into four main segments: Corporate Banking, Consumer Banking, Asset & Wealth Management, and International Banking. The Corporate Banking segment offers a variety of services including loans, deposits, investment advisory, and risk management activities, which involve debt securities and derivatives. Consumer Banking focuses on providing a broad range of products and services to retail customers, including loans and deposits. The Asset & Wealth Management segment caters to high net worth clients with services like asset management, brokerage, and custody. Lastly, the International Banking segment serves both corporate and individual customers in the bank's international branches, offering loans, deposits, and other related services.[60][61]

Qatar National Bank (QNB), with a brand value of US$7.7 billion, is the most valuable banking brand in the Middle East and Africa. The bank's strategic sponsorship of the 2022 FIFA World Cup significantly boosted its international profile. Watched by millions worldwide the event helped QNB's global visibility. A notable example of QNB's sports-related marketing strategy is its sponsorship of the prestigious Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) football club in France. This high-profile partnership has been instrumental in elevating QNB's brand recognition on the global stage.[62][61]

QNB sponsored players such as Neymar jr, football associations such as PSG, Asian football confederation, Qatar national football team, World athletics, the Asian Games in 2006, PSG Esports, FINA  / CNSG Marathon swim world series 2020 and more.[61]

Ooredoo

Ooredoo, an international telecommunications corporation, is primarily owned by the Qatar Telecom (Qtel) Group. Sheikh Faisal Bin Thani Al Thani, who also manages "Asia-Pacific & Africa investments" at the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), Qatar's sovereign wealth fund, serves as the chairman of Ooredoo's board. The company is particularly invested in the field of esports, notably through its sponsorship of the esports tournament "Ooredoo nation – Gamers land." [61][63]

Besides its involvement in esports, Ooredoo also supports various other initiatives, including sponsoring Lionel Messi and his 'The Leo Messi Foundation', backing Camp des Loges, the training facility of Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), and sponsoring the Doha Diamond League, a prestigious track and field event. It also sponsored and worked with Zinedine Zidane, the Tunisian football team, Myanmar football federation, Muscat Club, Al Nasr, the clubs: Arsenal FC, FC Barcelona, FC Internatzionale Milano and other organisations.[61][63]

Qatar Airways

A Qatar Airways plane, part of Qatar's global branding. Qatar Airways is owned by the Qatari government.

Qatar Airways, a government-owned airline of Qatar, is led by CEO Akbar Al Baker, who also holds positions as the chairman of Qatar Tourism (Visit Qatar) and CEO of Hamad International Airport.[61][64]

Renowned internationally, Qatar Airways maintains visibility through its high-profile sponsorships. This includes partnerships with organizations like FIFA and several prominent football clubs, including Bayern Munich, Paris Saint-Germain, and A.S. Roma. The airline is also a sponsor of the NBA team Brooklyn Nets.[61] As well as sponsoring and partnering with CONCACF, CONMEBOL, FIFA 2018, FIFA Women's 2019 cup and FIFA 2022 and more.[61][65]

Other instituions

Other institutions that have advanced Qatari soft power, especially in the sports field  include: the Aspire Zone foundation, Commercial Bank of Qatar, Visit Qatar, QatarEnergy, Qatar Racing and Equestrian Club, Qatar petroleum and more...[61]

High profile US figures and elections

Jared Kushner

In 2022, the Senate Finance Committee Chairman, Ron Wyden, raised concerns about the potential involvement of Qatar in a $1.2 billion rescue deal for a property owned by Jared Kushner's family. The property, located on Fifth Avenue, was part of a 99-year lease agreement in 2018 with Brookfield Asset Management, a Toronto-based firm with extensive real estate holdings globally. This deal, initially seen as a solution to financial issues surrounding the property, allowed the Kushner family to pay off substantial debt and buy out a partner.[12] Kushner's fund had received hundreds of millions of dollars from Qatar and the UAE according to the New York Times.[13][66]

Wyden accused Brookfield of evasiveness regarding the transaction, particularly about whether a Qatar-linked entity, the Qatari Investment Authority, indirectly funded the deal through Brookfield Property Partners. The Qatari Investment Authority was reportedly the fund's second-largest investor at the time.[12] Wyden expressed deep concern about the potential conflict of interest and violation of federal statutes, given Kushner's involvement in policies impacting Qatar. Former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson testified that Kushner's foreign engagements often conflicted with other U.S. government officials' views, including his stance on the Qatar blockade. Kushner's investment fund had also received a $2 billion investment from Saudi Arabia according to the Guardian.[12]

In 2023 following the Israel-Hamas war, Jared Kushner organized a meeting between Jewish American businessmen and the Qatari prime minister.[67][68]

Bill Gates Foundation

Qatar development fund has committed 50 million $ to the Gates foundation.[69] In 2022, Gates foundation and Qatar announced a joint 200 million $ to climate adaptive agriculture.[70]

Lobbying

The U.S. Justice Department disclosed that political consultants Barry P. Bennett and Douglas Watts provided misleading information about their lobbying activities for Qatar. Bennett, a former adviser to Donald Trump's 2016 campaign, led a covert lobbying campaign to promote Qatar's interests while disparaging a rival nation, believed to be either Saudi Arabia or the UAE due to their involvement in Yemen. In 2017, Bennett's firm, Avenue Strategies, received $2.1 million from Qatar for lobbying efforts. Bennett faces two criminal charges, but the case will be dismissed after he fulfills the terms of a deferred prosecution agreement, including a $100,000 fine. Watts violated the Foreign Agents Registration Act by failing to disclose his lobbying work for a foreign government. Their operations included the creation of Yemen Crisis Watch, a company conducting a public relations campaign against Qatar's unnamed adversaries. This involved lobbying Congress and the Trump administration, social media campaigns, publishing articles, and producing a TV documentary. The case is part of wider investigations into Qatar's influential lobbying during the Trump era, marked by a blockade from neighboring countries.[71][72] Qatar's lobbying in 2017 was said to be aimed to influence American politicians and professionals regarding Qatar's diplomatic row with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.[73][74]

Funding of mosques in Europe, the Americas, Asia and Africa

Qatar is a contributes to mosques internationally. The 2020 book "Qatar Papers" by Christian Chesnot and Georges Malbrunot recounted that Qatar Charity has financed 140 Islamic religious centers in Europe, totaling €71 million, to advance the Muslim Brotherhood's ideology. Qatar Charity's official website indicates its involvement in approximately 60 countries across Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America, executing 12,882 projects. The financial support for Qatar Charity primarily comes from the royal family of Qatar.[75]

See also

References

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  2. ^ "Tuition of terror: Qatari money flowed into U.S. universities - and now it's fueling violence". ctech. 2023-10-30. Retrieved 2024-01-22.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h Cite error: The named reference :0 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  4. ^ Bokat-Lindell, Spencer (2022-12-14). "Opinion | The Qatar World Cup Is Peak 'Sportswashing.' But Will It Work?". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331.
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