This is a good article. Click here for more information.

Tom Wills

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Thomas Wentworth Wills)
Jump to: navigation, search
This article is about the Australian sportsman. For other people with the same name, see Thomas Wills (disambiguation).
Tom Wills
Tom Wills 1857.jpg
Wills, c. 1857
Born Thomas Wentworth Wills
(1835-08-19)19 August 1835
Molonglo Plain, New South Wales, Australia
Died 2 May 1880(1880-05-02) (aged 44)
Heidelberg, Victoria, Australia

Thomas Wentworth "Tom" Wills (19 August 1835 – 2 May 1880) was an Australian sportsman who is credited with being his country's first cricketer of significance and a pioneer of Australian rules football.

Born in the British colony of New South Wales to a wealthy family descended from convicts, Wills grew up in the bush on properties owned by his father, the pastoralist and politician Horatio Wills, in what is now the Australian state of Victoria. He befriended local Aborigines, learning their language and customs. At the age of 14, Wills was sent to England to attend Rugby School, where he became captain of its cricket team, and played an early version of rugby football. After Rugby, Wills represented the Cambridge University Cricket Club in the annual match against Oxford, and played in first-class matches for Kent and the Marylebone Cricket Club. An athletic all-rounder with devastating bowling analyses, he was regarded as one of the finest young cricketers in England.

Returning to Victoria in 1856, Wills achieved Australia-wide stardom as a cricketer, captaining the Victorian team to repeated victories in intercolonial matches. He played for many clubs, most notably the Melbourne Cricket Club, with which he had a fraught and complex relationship. In 1858 he called for the formation of a "foot-ball club" with a "code of laws" to keep cricketers fit during the off-season. After founding the Melbourne Football Club the following year, Wills and three other members codified the first laws of Australian rules football. He and his cousin H. C. A. Harrison spearheaded the sport as team captains and administrators.

In 1861, at the height of his fame, Wills joined his father on an eight-month trek into the Queensland outback to establish a family property. Two weeks after their arrival, Wills' father and 18 others were murdered in the largest massacre of settlers by Aborigines in Australian history. Wills survived and returned to Victoria in 1864. He continued to play football and cricket, and, in 1866–67, coached and captained an Aboriginal XI—the first Australian cricket team to tour England. In a career marked by controversy, Wills challenged cricket's amateur-professional divide, and was frequently accused of bending rules to the point of cheating. Called for throwing in 1872, he mounted a failed comeback four years later on the eve of the first Test cricket match, by which time his sporting glory belonged to a colonial past that seemed "like a distant land".[1] Psychological trauma from the massacre was worsened by his alcoholism. Now destitute, Wills was admitted to the Melbourne Hospital in 1880, suffering from delirium tremens, but shortly afterwards escaped and returned to his home on the city's margins, where he committed suicide by stabbing himself in the heart.

Wills fell into obscurity after his death, but has undergone a resurgence in Australian culture since the 1990s. He was an inaugural inductee into the Australian Football Hall of Fame, and is the subject of a statue outside the Melbourne Cricket Ground. Today he is characterised as an archetype of the tragic sports hero, and as a symbol of reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. The theory that he incorporated features of an Aboriginal game into Australian football has been hotly debated. According to biographer Greg de Moore, Wills "stands alone in all his absurdity, his cracked egalitarian heroism and his fatal self-destructiveness—the finest cricketer and footballer of the age."[2]

Family and early years[edit]

Tom Wills' middle name, Wentworth, comes from William Charles Wentworth, the famous statesman, explorer and "fighter for the rights of the Australian born". He served as a role model for Tom while growing up.[3]

Tom Wills was born on 19 August 1835 on the Molonglo Plain[a] near modern-day Canberra, in what was the British penal colony of New South Wales, as the elder child[b] of Horatio and Elizabeth (née McGuire) Wills.[4] Tom was a third-generation Australian of convict descent: his mother was born to convicts from Ireland, and his paternal grandfather was Edward Wills, an English highwayman whose death sentence was commuted to transportation, arriving in Botany Bay aboard the "hell ship" Hillsborough in 1799.[5] After receiving a conditional pardon in 1803, Edward amassed immense wealth through mercantile activity in Sydney with his free wife Sarah (née Harding).[6] He died in 1811, five months before Horatio's birth, and Sarah remarried to convict George Howe, owner of Australia's first newspaper, the Sydney Gazette.[7] During his tenure as the newspaper's editor, Horatio met Elizabeth, an orphan from Parramatta. They married in December 1833.[8] Seventeen months after his birth, Tom was baptised Thomas Wentworth Wills in the parish of St Andrew's, Sydney, in honour of statesman William Charles Wentworth.[3] Drawing on Wentworth's pro-Currency rhetoric and the emancipist cause, Horatio set forth a strident nationalist agenda in his journal The Currency Lad (1832–33), the first publication to call for an Australian republic.[9]

Wills grew up amongst Aboriginal tribes in the Mount William area of the Grampians, shown in this 19th-century painting by Eugene von Guérard.

Horatio took up pastoral pursuits in the mid-1830s and moved with his family to the sheep run "Burra Burra" on the Molonglo River.[10] Although athletic from an early age, Tom was prone to illness, and at one stage in 1839 his parents "almost despaired of his recovery".[11] In November 1840, in light of Thomas Mitchell's discovery of "Australia Felix", they overlanded south to the Grampians in the colony's Port Phillip District (now the state of Victoria); and, after establishing a run on Mount William, moved a few miles north through the foothills of Mount Ararat, named so by Horatio because "like the Ark, we rested there".[12] Horatio went through a period of intense religiosity while in the Grampians; at times his diary descends into incantation, "perhaps even madness".[13] He implored himself and Tom to base their lives upon the New Testament.[14]

Living under canvas, the Wills family settled on a large property named "Lexington" (near present-day Moyston) in an area inhabited by Djab wurrung Aboriginal clans.[15] Tom, as an only child, "was thrown much into the companionship of aborigines".[16] In an account of corroborees from childhood, his cousin H. C. A. Harrison[c] remembered Tom's ability to learn Aboriginal songs, mimic their voice and gestures, and "speak their language as fluently as they did themselves, much to their delight."[17] It is speculated that Tom may have also played Aboriginal sports.[18] Horatio wrote fondly of his son's kinship with Aborigines, and allowed local clans to live and hunt on Lexington.[19] However, like many frontiersmen in the area, Horatio was implicated in deadly conflict with Aborigines, the occurrence of which he blamed on "distant predatory tribes".[d]

Tom's first sibling, Emily, was born on Christmas Day 1842.[20] In 1846 Wills began attendance at William Brickwood's School in Melbourne. There he was looked after by Horatio's brother Thomas (Tom's namesake[3]), a Victorian separatist and son-in-law of the Wills family's partner in the shipping trade, convict Mary Reibey.[21] Tom played in his first cricket matches at school, and he came in contact with the Melbourne Cricket Club through Brickwood, the club's vice-president.[22] Wills returned to Lexington in 1849 where the family had grown to include siblings Cedric, Horace and Egbert.[23] Mainly self-educated, Horatio had ambitious plans for the education of his children, especially Tom:[14]

I now deeply vainly deplore my want of a mathematical and classical education. Vain regret! ... But my son! May he prove worthy of my experience! May I be spared for him—that he may be useful to his country—I never knew a father's care.

England[edit]

Rugby School[edit]

Daguerreotype of Wills, dating from his school years
Football at Rugby School, 1850s. Wills was singled out in the national press for his prowess on the field.

Wills' father sent him to England in February 1850, aged fourteen, to attend Rugby School, the most prestigious school in the country.[24] Horatio wanted Tom to study law and return to Australia as a "professional man of eminence".[25] He arrived in London after a five-month sea voyage. There, during school holidays, he stayed with his paternal aunt Sarah, who moved from Sydney after the death of her first husband, convict William Redfern.[24]

The reforms enacted by famed headmaster Thomas Arnold made Rugby the crucible of muscular Christianity, a "cult of athleticism" into which Wills was inculcated.[26] Wills took up cricket within a week of entering Evans House.[27] At first he bowled underhand, but it was considered outdated, so he tried roundarm bowling. He clean bowled a batsman with his first ball using this style and declared: "I felt I was a bowler."[28] Wills soon topped all of his house's cricket statistics.[29] At bat he was a "punisher" with a sound defence; however, in an era when graceful stroke-play was expected of a gentleman cricketer, he was deemed to have no style at all.[30] In April 1852, aged sixteen, Wills joined the Rugby School XI, and on his debut at Lord's a few months later, against the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC), he took a match-high 12 wickets.[31] That year he formed one half of a bowling attack that established Rugby as the greatest public school in English cricket.[31] In a prelude to his colonial career, he was accused of throwing by critics in the national media.[32] Rugby coach John Lillywhite, himself a key campaigner against throwing, defended his protégé. Wills survived the scandal.[33] He won fame for his performances and played with the leading cricketers of the age, as well as royalty.[34] William Clarke, his hero, invited him to join the touring All-England Eleven, but he remained at Rugby.[35] Then in 1855 he took over as Rugby XI captain, the most revered position within the school.[36]

"I know that if I [study] too hard I will become quite ill. We hardly get any play during school time."

— Wills to his father in an 1851 letter the size of a newspaper broadsheet. The pages are filled with his school cricket scores.[37]

Rugby, like other English public schools, had evolved its own variant of football.[38] The game in Wills' era—a rough and highly defensive struggle involving hundreds of boys—was confined to a competition amongst the houses.[39] Spanning the years he played, Wills is pivotal to any of the brief match reports in Bell's Life in London.[40] His creative play and "eel-like agility" baffled the opposition, and his penchant for theatrics endeared him to the crowds.[41] One journalist noted his use of "slimy tricks", a possible early reference to his gamesmanship.[41] As a "dodger" in the forward line, he was a long and accurate shot at goal and served as his house's kicker.[42] Wills also shone in the school's annual athletics carnival and his long-distance running ability in Hare and Hounds was unparalleled.[43]

Wills cut a dashing figure with "impossibly wavy" hair and blue, almond-shaped eyes that "[burnt] with a pale light".[44] By age 16 at 5'8" he was already taller than his father.[45] In Lillywhite's Guide a few years later he measured in at 5'10" and it was written that "few athletes can boast of a more muscular and well-developed frame".[46]

Consumed by sport, Wills, to his father's chagrin, showed little interest in academics.[47] It was said that he "could not bring himself to study for professional work" after "having led a sort of nomadic life when a youth in Australia".[48] Suffering from homesickness, he decorated his study with objects to remind him of Lexington, including Aboriginal weapons.[49] Horatio wrote to remind him of his childhood friends, the Djab wurrung: "They told me to send you up to them as soon as you came back."[50]

Libertine cricketer[edit]

Cricket information
Batting style Right-handed
Bowling style Right-arm slow
Role All-rounder
Domestic team information
Years Team
1854 Gentlemen of Kent
1855 Gentlemen of Kent and Surrey
1855–56 Marylebone Cricket Club
1855–56 Kent
1856 Kent and Sussex
1856 Gentlemen of Kent and Sussex
1856 Cambridge University
1856–76 Victoria
1864 G. Anderson's XI
Umpiring information
FC umpired 1 (1871)
Career statistics
Competition First-class
Matches 32
Runs scored 602
Batting average 12.28
100s/50s 0/1
Top score 58
Balls bowled 3731
Wickets 130
Bowling average 10.09
5 wickets in innings 15
10 wickets in match 3
Best bowling 7/44
Catches/stumpings 20/–
Source: CricketArchive, 24 April 2012

Wills had built a reputation as "one of the most promising cricketers in the kingdom".[51] Held aloft as Rugby's exemplar sportsman, his status as a cricketer came to define him.[52] In June 1855, nearing his 20th birthday, Wills finished his schooling. In a farewell note from his fellow students he was simply called "the school bowler".[53]

After leaving Rugby, and with a steady supply of money from his father, Wills wandered throughout Britain in pursuit of cricketing pleasure. He made first-class appearances for the MCC, Kent, and various Gentlemen sides, and also fell in with the I Zingari—the "gypsy lords of English cricket"—an amateur club known for its exotic costumes and hedonistic lifestyle.[54] Against Horatio's wishes, Tom did not continue his studies at Cambridge, but did play cricket for the university's team (as well as Magdalene College), most notably when rules were passed over to allow him to compete against Oxford in the 1856 University Match, Cambridge being "one man short".[55] In June, Wills played cricket at Rugby School for the last time, representing the MCC alongside Lord Guernsey, the Earl of Winterton, and Charles du Cane, governor-to-be of Tasmania.[56] Following a cricketing sojourn in Ireland, Wills, at the behest of Horatio, returned to England to prepare for his journey home.[57]

The last eighteen months had exposed Wills to "the richest sporting experience on earth".[58] His six years in England charted a way of life—one of drinking, profligate spending and playing games—that he would continue to lead until his death.[58]

Colonial hero[edit]

Wills returned to Australia aboard the Oneida steamship, arriving in Melbourne on 23 December 1856. The minor port city of his youth had risen to world renown as the booming financial centre of the Victorian gold rush.[59] Horatio, now a member of the Legislative Assembly in the Victorian Parliament, was living on "Belle Vue", a farm at Point Henry near Geelong, the Wills' family home since 1853.[60] In his first summer back in Melbourne, Wills stayed with his extended family, the Harrisons, at their home on Victoria Parade, and entered a Collins Street law firm to appease his father, but he seems never to have practiced; the few comments he made about law suggest it meant little to him.[61] "Tom was no dunce", writes Greg de Moore. He was "negotiating a path to greatness."[62]

The Australian colonies were described as "cricket mad" in the 1850s, and Victorians, in particular, were said to live "in an atmosphere of cricket".[63] Intercolonial contests, first held in 1851, provided an outlet for the at times intense rivalry between Victoria and New South Wales. With his reputation preceding him, Wills became the bearer of Victoria's hopes of winning its first match against the elder colony.[64] Victorian captain William Hammersley recalled the moment Wills first graced the Melbourne Cricket Ground (MCG) for a trial match, staged one week after his return:[46]

... the observed of all observers, with his Zingari stripe and somewhat flashy get up, fresh from Rugby and college, with the polish of the old country upon him. He was then a model of muscular Christianity.

Wills' batting style amused the crowd, but he still top scored with 57 not out.[65] In January, he travelled as part of the Victoria cricket team to Sydney to play against New South Wales on the Domain. Wills was the leading wicket-taker with 10 victims. Bowling fast round-arm, the Victorians regarded themselves as superior to their opponents, who used an "antiquated" underhand action. The latter style proved effective, giving New South Wales a 65-run win.[66] Wills spent the rest of the season playing for numerous clubs, most notably the Melbourne Cricket Club (MCC).[67]

Wills is shown preparing to bowl in an intercolonial match between Victoria and New South Wales, MCG, 1858. He captained Victoria to its first victory and was "an instant colonial hero".[68]

Parliament and business came to a standstill in Melbourne for the January 1858 intercolonial match between Victoria and New South Wales, held at the MCG. Captaining Victoria, Wills took 8 wickets, the most of his side, and on the second day, batting in the middle order, a ball hit an imperfection in the pitch and knocked him unconscious. He recovered, played on for two hours, and won the match at day's end with a top score of 49*.[69] The crowd rushed the field and chaired Wills off in triumph, and victory celebrations lasted for several days throughout the colony.[70] Now a household name and the darling of Melbourne's elite, Wills was proclaimed "the greatest cricketer in the land".[71]

Although Wills enjoyed his lofty amateur status, he liked to socialise with and support working class professional cricketers—an egalitarian attitude that sometimes led to conflict with sporting officialdom but endeared him to the common man.[72] Wills' allegiance to professionals was highlighted by an incident in Tasmania in February 1858 when the Launceston Cricket Club shunned professional members of his touring Victorian side. Infuriated, he spoke out against being "forsaken" in a "strange land". One week later, during a game in Hobart, Wills earned the locals' ire as he "[jumped] about exultantly" after maiming a Tasmanian batsman with a spell of hostile fast bowling.[73]

Wills was elected secretary of the MCC during the 1857–58 season.[74] It was a role in which he proved to be chaotic and disorganised. MCC delegates took issue with Wills' "continued non-attendance" at meetings, and when the club fell into debt, his poor administrative skills were blamed.[75] He acted on year-long threats in mid-1858 and deserted the MCC, leaving its records and amenities in a mess; to this day, the only minutes that cannot be found are from his secretaryship.[76] A lasting tension existed between Wills and the MCC's inner circle. According to Martin Flanagan, "It was a relationship which couldn't last as Wills only knew one way—his own."[77]

Football pioneer[edit]

Football in the Richmond Paddock, 1860s. The field's hard surface effected Wills' codification of the game.[78]

Wills was a compulsive writer to the press on cricketing matters and in the late 1850s his letters sometimes appeared on a daily basis.[79] An agitator like his father, he used language "in the manner of a speaker declaiming forcefully from a platform".[80] On 10 July 1858, the Melbourne-based Bell's Life in Victoria and Sporting Chronicle published a letter by Wills that is regarded as a catalyst for a new style of football, known today as Australian rules football.[81] Titled "Winter Practice", it begins:[82]

Now that cricket has been put aside for some few months to come, and cricketers have assumed somewhat of the chrysalis nature (for a time only 'tis true), but at length will again burst forth in all their varied hues, rather than allow this state of torpor to creep over them, and stifle their new supple limbs, why can they not, I say, form a foot-ball club, and form a committee of three or more to draw up a code of laws?

In endeavouring to bring his English sporting experience to Melbourne, Wills made the first public declaration of its kind in Australia: that football should be a regular and organised activity.[83] He went on to help foster football in Melbourne's schools. The local headmasters, his collaborators, were inspired in large part by Thomas Hughes' novel Tom Brown's School Days (1857), an account of life at Rugby School under the headship of Thomas Arnold.[84] Due to similarities between their sporting careers at Rugby, Wills has been called the "real-life embodiment" of fictitious hero Tom Brown.[85]

Wills' letter was alluded to two weeks later in an advertisement posted by his friend, professional cricketer and publican Jerry Bryant, for a "scratch match" held adjacent to the MCG at the Richmond Paddock. It was the first of several kickabouts held that year involving Wills, Bryant and other local cricketers.[86] One participant called the affair "football Babel"; a "short code of rules" were to be drawn up afterwards, however this does not seem to have occurred.[87] Another landmark game, played without fixed rules over three consecutive Saturdays and co-umpired by Wills and John Macadam, began on the same site on 7 August between forty Scotch College students and a like number from Melbourne Grammar.[88] The two schools have since competed annually.[89] Wills emerged as the standout figure in accounts of Melbourne football in 1858.[90] These early experimental games were more rugby-like than anything else—low-scoring, low-to-the-ground "gladiatorial" tussles.[91] The last recorded match of the year is the subject of the first known Australian football poem, published in Punch. Wills, the only player named, is reified as "the Melbourne chief", leading his men to victory against a side from South Yarra.[92]

Following a scratch match at the start of the 1859 football season, the Melbourne Football Club officially came into being on 14 May.[93] Three days later, Wills and three other members—journalists Hammersley and J. B. Thompson and teacher Thomas H. Smith—met at Bryant's Parade Hotel near the MCG to pen the club's rules.[94] Wills heads the list of signatories.[95] The men went over the rules of four English schools; Hammersley recalled Wills' preference for the Rugby game, but it was found to be confusing and too violent.[96] Subsequently, they rejected common features such as "hacking" (shin-kicking) and devised a simple code of ten rules suited to grown men and Australian conditions.[97] Wills, too, saw the need for compromise.[98] He wrote to his brother Horace: "Rugby was not a game for us, we wanted a winter pastime but men could be harmed if thrown on the ground so we thought differently."[95] Thompson and Hammersley's promotion of the new code, together with Wills' star power, encouraged the spread of football throughout Victoria.

Height of celebrity[edit]

Wills (far right) with professional members of the Victoria XI, 1859. He preferred the company of professionals in an era when they were shunned by amateurs of his social stature.

After falling out with the MCC, Wills moved freely about the colony, playing for any club of his choosing. He joined Richmond, serving as vice-president and raising the standard of its play to make it the premier Victorian club.[99] His presence greatly distorted the outcome of and betting on games, and his lack of loyalty to any one club was regarded with contempt by the MCC.[100]

Victoria reappointed Wills as captain for the January 1859 intercolonial match against New South Wales, held at the Domain. On the first day he broke his right middle finger while attempting a catch.[101] Undeterred, he top scored in the first innings with 15* and took 5/24 and 6/25, carrying Victoria to an upset win.[102] He resigned from the intercolonial match committee in protest after Thompson assailed him for not turning up to practice ahead of the next match against New South Wales.[103] During a follow-up practice game, players struggled in the day's heat, and ignoring calls to retire, Wills suffered from a near-fatal sunstroke. Hammersley wrote that Wills felt obliged to perform for the large crowd that had gathered to watch him.[104] Over 25,000 people attended the MCG in February 1860 to watch Victoria, captained by Wills, play New South Wales. Wills bowled unchanged in both innings, taking 6/23 and 3/16, and top scored with 20*. Victoria won by 69 runs.[105] The Melbourne media gave Wills the sobriquet "Great Gun of the Colony".[106] The Victorian Cricketers' Guide called him the ideal all-rounder.[107] The Sydney press, championing Wills as a native New South Welshman, agreed:[108]

Tall, muscular, and slender, Mr. Wills seems moulded by nature to excel in every branch of the noble game, ... on the field we find him the admiration of the ground, while in the combination of his successes, [his teammates] recognise with pride the still more arduous duties of an unwearied and most discreet captain.

"I think the ground should be free to all, so that the captain of each side could dispose of his forces in any position he likes; and when this is done, and the ball is carried on from one end of the ground to the other, by a succession of good, well-directed kicks, to the hands of those that the ball was intended for, ... it has a very pretty effect, and is the result of some skill."

— Wills on how football should be played[109]

Wills remained an influential figure in Australian football from 1859 to 1860.[110] While he fought for the adoption of many Rugby School customs—such as a free kick for marking, the use of an oval-shaped ball, and (unsuccessfully) a crossbar—he improvised on the field and devised innovative tactics and strategies, pushing the game in new directions. His exploitation of the code's lack of an offside law in 1860 has been cited as the point at which "the full potential of the sport started to be realised".[111]

At Wills' invitation, his cousin Harrison joined the footballing scene in 1859, quickly becoming a leading player and captain.[112] He looked up to Wills, terming him "the beau-ideal of an athlete"—high praise given that Harrison was the champion runner of Victoria.[113] Their presence in Geelong fuelled a local craze for football and ensured the Geelong Football Club's supremacy in the early 1860s.[114] In an era when players moved freely amongst clubs, Wills still represented Melbourne, and was the first captain and secretary of the Richmond Football Club (no connection with the AFL club) in 1860.[115] The code underwent revisions around this time, principally in response to the on-field actions of dominant players. "And there were none more dominant than Wills and Harrison", writes James Coventry.[116]

Queensland[edit]

Horatio Wills

With plans underway for the first tour of Australia by an English cricket team, Wills announced his retirement from sport. At the beckoning of his father, Wills agreed to leave Victoria to found a new family property, Cullin-la-ringo, on the Nogoa River in outback Queensland.[117] He prepared for six months in country Victoria where learnt the crafts of a squatter.[118] In his will, Horatio—showing a "deep understanding" of Tom's personality—wrote that his son would be removed from the station and receive a diminished inheritance in the event of "misconducting himself" as manager.[119]

In January 1861, Tom, Horatio and a party of employees and their families travelled by steamer to Brisbane, disembarked in Moreton Bay, and then, with livestock and supplies, set out on an eight-month trek through Queensland's rugged interior.[118] Food was scarce and Tom hunted native game to fend off starvation.[120] They suffered many other hardships and even death when, in Toowoomba, one of Horatio's men drowned.[120] On the Darling Downs over 10,000 sheep were collected.[121] The size of the Wills party attracted the attention of local Aborigines, and the two groups engaged in games of mimicry.[122] Wary of entering the region's frontier war, Horatio maintained a conciliatory attitude to the Aborigines.[123] The party reached Cullin-la-ringo, situated on Kairi Aboriginal land, in early October, and proceeded to set up camp.[124]

Cullin-la-ringo massacre[edit]

The Wills Tragedy, 1861, showing the aftermath of the deadliest attack on settlers by Aborigines in the Australian frontier wars

On the afternoon of 17 October, two weeks after their arrival, Horatio and eighteen of his party were murdered in the deadliest massacre of settlers by Aborigines in Australian history.[125] Tom was away from the property at the time, having been sent with two stockmen to collect supplies left en route to Cullin-la-Ringo. He returned several days later to a scene of devastation.[122] Despairing and in shock, Wills immediately wrote to H. C. A. Harrison in Melbourne: "... all our party except I have been slaughtered by the black's on the 17th. I am in a great fix no men."[126] Police, native police and vigilante groups from neighbouring stations swiftly tracked down and killed at least 70 local Aborigines; the total may have been 300.[127] Wills took refuge near Cullin-la-ringo, and though he desired to avenge his father's death, there is no evidence that he joined the reprisal raids.[128]

Conflicting reports reached the outside world and for a time it was feared that Tom had died.[129] In the press, Horatio was accused of ignoring warnings and allowing Aborigines to encroach on his property.[130] The retribution was also called excessive.[131] Tom vehemently defended his father against any perceived criticism.[130] Privately, in his first letter to Harrison, he admitted, "if we had used common precaution all would have been well".[132] It was later revealed that, prior to leaving the camp, Tom advised Horatio to be watchful of the local Aborigines, but according to Hammersley, "the old man prided himself on being able to manage the blacks ... and said they would never harm him."[133] The Queensland press, still in the wake of the massacre, suggested that Wills, "now a Queenslander", be approached to captain the colony's cricket team.[134]

Different reasons were put forward at the time to account for the Wills tragedy.[135] For many colonists, it confirmed the popular belief that Aborigines were bloodthirsty savages.[136] Tom never articulated his version of events in writing, but Cedric Wills wrote years later that it was an act of revenge for an attack made on local Aborigines by squatter Jesse Gregson. He quoted Tom as saying, "If the truth is ever known, you will find that it was through Gregson shooting those blacks; that was the cause of the murder."[132]

In the years following the massacre, Wills experienced flashbacks, nightmares and an irritable heart—features of what is now known as post-traumatic stress disorder. Having immersed himself in the drinking culture of colonial sport, he increased his alcohol consumption in a likely attempt to blot out memories and alleviate sleep disturbance.[137] Wills' sister Emily wrote of him two months after the massacre: "He says he never felt so changed in the whole course of his life".[138]

Riot and expulsion[edit]

Tom Wills, c. 1863

Wills vowed to stay on Cullin-la-ringo and fulfill his father's agrarian dream—words that, according to de Moore, "enshrined and imprisoned" Tom as the new head of the family.[139] Hypervigilant, he slept only three hours a night with a rifle beside his bed and watched for signs of another attack.[140] He began to rebuild the station pending the arrival of his uncle, William Roope, who took control of Cullin-la-ringo in December 1861, but soon left as a result of Wills acting "exceedingly ill" to him.[141] Wills struggled to cope with the harsh conditions and isolation of the outback. He went blind for weeks after contracting "sandy blight".

He went to Sydney in January 1863 to captain Victoria against New South Wales on the Domain. The match turned into a riot when the crowd invaded the field during a dispute over the Victorian umpire's impartiality. Wills, leading his men from the Domain, was struck in the face by a stone, and professionals George Marshall and William Greaves fled the city, reducing the Victorian side to nine players. Wills took eight wickets and top scored in both innings (25* and 17*), but Victoria lost by 84 runs. The Melbourne media castigated Wills for allowing the game to continue and called him a traitor when evidence surfaced that he agreed to play for New South Wales in the weeks prior to the match. He denied all accusations and wrote in an angry letter to The Sydney Morning Herald: "I for one do not think that Victoria will ever send an Eleven up here again."[142] Back in Victoria, he became engaged to Julie Anderson, a farmer's daughter from Skipton and friend of the Wills family. Her name does not appear in any of Wills' surviving letters; he rarely mentioned the women he courted, let alone his feelings towards them.[143] Wills stayed in Geelong for the start of the 1863 football season, breaking his promise of an early return to Cullin-la-ringo, much to the dismay of his mother and the holding's trustees.[144]

Wills finally returned to Queensland in May and was sworn in as a Justice of the Peace upon arrival in Brisbane.[145] Over the next few months, he reported at least three murders of local settlers by Aborigines, including that of a shepherd on Cullin-la-ringo.[146] He accosted government officials over the lack of protection against Aboriginal attacks and scorned "Brisbane saints" for sympathising with the plight of Aborigines in the Nogoa region.[147] With the cricket season approaching, Wills agreed to captain Queensland against New South Wales, and then left the station to lead a Victoria XXII at the MCG against George Parr's All-England Eleven.[148] In awe of his cross-continental dash to play cricket, the English thought it a madman's journey.[149] Wills arrived on the final day of the match to a thunderous reception, and joined the visitors on their Victorian tour.[150]

During the 1863–64 season, Wills' engagement to Anderson broke off, possibly due to his womanising,[151] and it was revealed that he had been squandering family finances on alcohol while claiming it as station expenditure. The trustees demanded that he stay in Victoria to answer for the property's runaway debt.[152] In response, Wills joined Parr's XI on a month-long tour New Zealand. He captained local teams against the English and filled the same role for Victoria at the tour's end in Melbourne.[153] He faced the trustees soon after. His mother struggled to condemn him but ultimately approved his dismissal from Cullin-la-ringo, thus fulfilling the premonition in Horatio's will.[154]

Return to Victoria[edit]

Football match between Geelong and Melbourne. The two clubs fought over which side "owned" Wills.

Wills stayed at the family home in Geelong. Always a black sheep of sorts, he now became increasingly estranged from his mother and sister Emily.[155] Family letters from mid-1864 reveal that Wills had a "wife"—a "bad woman" according to Emily. It is likely a reference to the already-married Sarah Barbor (née Duff). Born in Dublin, she is a mysterious figure, but is known to have remained Wills' lifelong partner. The de facto nature of their relationship, and even Barbor's existence, were probably kept secret from Wills' mother for a number of years.[156]

Throughout the 1865 football season, Wills played for and often captained Melbourne and Geelong, two of the game's most powerful clubs. At the end of a winter beset with public brawls over which team "owned" him, Wills moved to Geelong for the remainder of his career, prompting Bell's Life in Victoria to report that Melbourne had lost "the finest leader of men on the football field".[157] The following year, when the running bounce and other rules were formalised at a meeting of club delegates under Harrison's chairmanship, Wills was not present; his move to Geelong had rendered him peripheral to the process of rule-making in Melbourne.[158]

Intercolonials between Victoria and New South Wales resumed at the MCG on Boxing Day 1865, nearly three years since the Sydney riot. Sam Cosstick, William Caffyn and other Victorian professionals defected to the rival colony due to pay disputes with the MCC. Wills, leading the weakened Victorian side to an against-the-odds win, took 6 wickets and contributed 58—the first half century in Australian first-class cricket—to 285, a record intercolonial total.[159] Cheating allegations against Wills failed to endanger his status as a folk hero and "a source of eternal hope" for Victoria.[160]

Aboriginal cricket team[edit]

Wills (back row, center) with the Aboriginal XI outside the MCC pavilion of the MCG, December 1866

In May 1866, the MCC's minute book featured an unusual request: Roland Newbury, the club's pavilion keeper, wanted "use of the ground for two days ... for purpose of a match with the native black eleven".[161] It was the first intimation of a cricket match between the MCC and an Aboriginal team from Victoria's Western District.[162] The motive behind the match, scheduled for late December, was a financial one, and in August, Wills agreed to coach the Aborigines. Wills' reasons for accepting the role remain a mystery, but his need for money was likely a factor.[163] This was to mark the beginning of his transition from amateur to professional sportsman.[164]

Wills travelled inland in November to Edenhope and Harrow to convene the players from local pastoral properties, where they worked as station hands.[165] One of their employers, William Hayman, acted as the team's manager and "protector".[166] They were mostly Jardwadjali men who shared common vocabulary with the neighbouring Djab wurrung people, which enabled Wills to use the Aboriginal language he learnt as a child.[167] From their training ground at Lake Wallace, Wills, in a "tactical strike", boasted to the Melbourne press of the Aborigines' powers, especially the batsmanship of Mullagh,[e] spurring an anxious MCC to strengthen its ranks with players from outside the club.[168] Public sympathy was with the Aborigines when they arrived in Melbourne and over 10,000 spectators attended the MCG on Boxing Day to witness the match.[169] Wills captained the team in a losing struggle and afterwards spoke defiantly against the MCC's "treachery".[170]

It is unknown what Wills and the Aborigines made of the broader social and political dimensions of the enterprise.[171] Some of Wills' contemporaries were shocked that he would associate with Aborigines in the shadow of his father's death.[172] Others, such as this writer in The Empire, called him a hero:[173]

Although you may not be fully aware of the fact, allow me to tell you that you have rendered a greater service to the aboriginal races of this country and to humanity, than any man who has hitherto attempted to uphold the title of the blacks to rank amongst men.

Wills' arrest on the Albert Ground and subsequent incarceration marked the decline of his role within the team.

While Melburnians were enthralled by the Aborigines, the annual intercolonial contest between Victoria and New South Wales—usually the highlight of the season—failed to excite public interest, and Victoria's loss in Sydney was put down to Wills' absence.[174] The Aboriginal team embarked on a tour of Victoria, improving as it went. After an easy win in Geelong, Wills, without warning his mother, took the players to meet her at "Belle Vue".[175] Back in Melbourne in mid-January, two of the Aborigines, Bullocky and Cuzens, joined Wills in representing Victoria against a Tasmanian XVI.[176] The team's successes provoked a public discourse over past mistreatment of Aboriginal people and future relations between the races.[177] As the only white member, Wills' role took on a symbolic significance. His status as a 'native' (a native-born Australian) blurred the distinction between him and his 'native' teammates, and he was also noted for speaking in "their own lingo".[178] The "team jester" Jellico teased Wills: "He too much along of us. He speak nothing now but blackfellow talk."[179]

They went to Sydney in February to begin a planned tour of the colonies and overseas.[180] Aware of the tour's lucrative potential, Englishman Charles Lawrence, captain of New South Wales, invited the team to stay at his hotel on Manly Beach.[181] The first match against his club at the Albert Ground in Redfern came to a dramatic halt when Wills was arrested and briefly gaoled for a breach of contract.[182] He and W. E. B. Gurnett, the tour's promoter, had been competing to take over as manager.[183] Gurnett, a con artist, left the team stranded and broke, dashing any hope of a trip abroad.[184] Lawrence set up a "benefit" match, and by the end of the tour's New South Wales leg, had worked his way into the team to usurp Wills as captain.[185] No longer feted by the media, they returned to Victoria in May, and Wills was playing football within two weeks of reaching Geelong.[186] It has been said that he exercised a "bad influence" upon the Aborigines with his drinking habit.[187] Four players died over the course of the tour; at least one death, that of Watty, was officially linked to alcohol.[188]

The surviving members formed part of the Aboriginal team which Lawrence took to England in 1868, ten years before the first Australian XI classed as representative went overseas.[189] Wills resented Lawrence for reviving the team without him; his exclusion has been called the tragedy of his sporting career.[190]

Ambiguous professional[edit]

Portrait of Wills in the colours of the MCC, William Handcock, 1870, National Sports Museum collection

Without career prospects outside of sport, Wills joined the MCC as a professional at the start of the 1867–68 season; however, he wasn't openly referred to as such. Instead, the club devised the title of 'tutor' in order that he maintain the prestige of his amateur background.[191]

Played on the MCG, the December 1867 intercolonial between Victoria and New South Wales ended in a sound victory for the former, principally due to Wills' nine-wicket haul and Richard Wardill's century.[192] Wills had been Victoria's preferred captain for over a decade. Writing in his sports column, Hammersley claimed that, as a paid cricketer, Wills lacked "moral ascendancy" over amateurs.[193] When he lost the captaincy to Wardill, an amateur, on the eve of the March 1869 match against New South Wales, he refused to play under him, or, indeed, anyone else. The Victorians condemned Wills and resolved to go on without him, after which he retracted his decision not to play. This was the last intercolonial played on the Domain and Victoria recovered from Wardill's diamond duck to win by 78 runs. Wills scalped 7 wickets in a single innings.[193]

Wills announced in early 1869 that he would not play for Victoria again, even if the colony wanted him.[194] He planned to leave for Cullin-la-ringo, but his mother, still "very dissatisfied" with him, requested that he stay away from the property.[195] The MCC took him back and he continued to act as a tutor with the club.[196] Members of the recently returned Aboriginal XI, Mullagh and Cuzens, joined him as paid bowlers.[197] Barred from having Wills in matches against the MCC, Geelong was allowed to field an extra five men to make up for his loss.[196]

Wills' appearance had deteriorated; gaining weight, balding and generally unkempt, with "an alcoholic blush of his cheeks", he looked older than his years.[198] Describing his body as "stiff" during a cricket match in 1870, he hinted, for the first time, that his talent was fading.[199]

No-ball plot and downfall[edit]

For Mr. Wills to no-ball Mr. Wardill for throwing is like Satan reproving sin.

— William Hammersley[200]

Hardly a year had passed since Wills' return to Australia in 1856 without public comment on his suspect bowling action.[201] Australia's most famous and outspoken bowler to be accused of throwing, Wills became a "convenient caricature" upon which to cast blame for cheating in cricket.[202] His amateur status had protected him, as had the collusion between newspapers, spectators and clubs when he was a certain match-winner, but as his skills faded with age, the campaign against his throwing gathered strength.

In February 1870, Wills captained Victoria to a 265-run win over New South Wales at the MCG. The match featured Twopenny, an Aboriginal paceman who was said to have been recruited by opposing captain Lawrence as a foil to Wills' "chucks".[203] Comparing the two, the Melbourne press surmised: "Undoubtedly Wills throws sometimes, but there is some decency about it, some disguise."[204] In March, Victoria trounced a Tasmanian XVI in Launceston under Wills' leadership, though not without criticism of his bowling action.[205] The accusations of Wills' throwing were growing louder, and one-time ally Hammersley emerged as his most severe critic.[206] In the face of a looming crisis in his career, Wills openly admitted to throwing in his 1870–71 Australian Cricketers' Guide, and in so doing taunted his enemies to stop him.[207]

"If I cannot hit your wicket or make you give a chance soon, I'll hit you and hurt you if I can. I'll frighten you out."

The Australasian on Wills' physically dangerous deliveries[208]

A villainous Wills was held as inciting a plague of throwing and corrupting younger bowlers.[209] Throwing allowed him to increase pace, and he was criticised for introducing a style of fast bowling designed to injure and intimidate batsmen.[208] Nonetheless, the Victorian team reappointed him as captain for the March 1871 intercolonial match against New South Wales, held at the Albert Ground in Sydney. Wills' first innings top score of 39* was offset by his drunkenness on the field and a reluctance to bowl for fear of being called. Victoria won by 48 runs.[210] Not long after, Wills was no-balled for throwing for the first time in a club match.[208] Rumour spread that it was the result of a conspiracy against him.[211]

A series of superb club cricket performances removed any doubt that Wills would play for Victoria in the next intercolonial against New South Wales, scheduled for March 1872 on the MCG.[212] Before the game, representatives from both colonies met and signed a bilateral agreement designed to call Wills. When he opened the bowling, Wills became the first cricketer to be called for throwing in a major Australian match. Two more balls were ruled as throws in two overs, and Wills did not bowl again.[213] He was again no-balled when a Victorian side lost under his captaincy to a combined XIII from New South Wales, Tasmania and South Australia late in 1872.[214]

Hammersley had seemingly succeeded in his campaign to see Wills banished from intercolonial cricket.[215] In an exchange of personal attacks in the press, Wills implied that Hammersley was an architect of the no-ball plot, and protested that he and other English colonists were out to oppress native-born Australians.[216] Hammersley closed:[215]

You are played out now, the cricketing machine is rusty and useless, all respect for it is gone. You will never be captain of a Victorian Eleven again, ... Eschew colonial beer, and take the pledge, and in time your failings may be forgotten, and only your talents as a cricketer remembered. Farewell, Tommy Wills.

Grace and comeback attempt[edit]

An 1873 caricature of W. G. Grace. In his obituaries, Wills was referred to as "the Grace of Australia".[217]

W. G. Grace, the Victorian era's most famous cricketer, brought an English team to Australia in 1873–74. Wills was desperate to play for Victoria against Grace and rival cricketing factions fought over his possible inclusion. Hammersley, a selector, ensured his omission.[218] Wills toured with the team, playing for country sides.[219] Irked by Wills' constant presence, Grace remarked that he seemed to regard himself as a representative of the whole of Australia.[220] It was assumed that, on his homeward journey, Grace would play a final match in the South Australian capital of Adelaide, but he bypassed the city when Kadina, a remote mining town in the Copper Triangle, offered him more money. Wills coached the locals.[221] Played in an open, rock-strewn plain of baked earth, the game was deemed a farce. Wills made a pair and Grace later wrote derisively of the "old Rugbeian" as a has-been.[222] Grace neglected to mention that Wills bowled him, ending with 6/28.[223]

In Geelong, Wills was still idolised, though he seemed discontented, seeking any chance to earn money through cricket in the major cities.[224] He maintained an interest in the development of football, what he called "the king of games".[225] He continued to suggest rule changes, such as the push in the back rule to curb injuries, and, as captain of Geelong, had shaped the sport's playing style.[226] Utilising the young squad's speed and skill, Wills devised a revolutionary game plan—what he called "scientific football"—based on passing and running into open space.[227] He pioneered another tactical manoeuvre in Ballarat by ordering his players to flood the backline to prevent the home side from scoring. Having inicited the crowd, he and his men wasted time and deliberately kicking the ball out of bounds, inflaming the situation.[228] A few years later, in a rare act of diplomacy, Wills quelled tensions after a rival club used his "unchivalrous tactics" against Geelong.[229] He played his last football game in 1874.[230]

In his 1874–75 Australian Cricketers' Guide, Wills argued that the ailing Victoria XI needed a new captain. "No one reading his words could mistake its intent—what Victoria needed was Tom Wills", writes de Moore.[231] For the first time since his demise, selectors considered Wills for the next intercolonial against New South Wales. Noting his faded skills and tendency to throw, the Melbourne press lamented, "there is some sentimental notion afloat that as a captain he is peerless."[232] Pessimism gave way to hope as Wills promised a victory, and in February 1876 he led the Victorians onto the Albert Ground. He went for 0 and 4 and failed to pick up a wicket despite keeping himself on longer than any other Victorian bowler. He was blamed for Victoria's 195-run loss.[233] In turn, he laid the blame on his team-mates.[234]

By 1877, Wills' cricket career "had become a series of petty disputes in petty games" of "ever-deteriorating standards."[235] In a brief postscript to one of several rejected applications for employment at the MCC, Wills gave voice to professionals "left in the cold". It has been interpreted as "an unmistakable backhander for the club. To see Wills simply as a beggar would be to misunderstand him."[236]

Final years[edit]

Following his retirement as a footballer, Wills turned to umpiring and committee work, and despite his continued slide into debt, donated money and trophies for football competitions.[237] He served as Geelong's vice-president from 1873 to 1876, and was one of three delegates appointed by the club after the 1877 formation of the Victorian Football Association (VFA), but was dropped soon after for unknown reasons.[238] During the 1878 VFA season, he acted as central umpire, and defended his adjudication of a June match between Carlton and Albert Park in what would be his last public letter.[239] That year, Wills, broke and hounded by creditors, began selling his land in Geelong to help clear his debt, and moved with Sarah Barbor to South Melbourne.[240]

Wills held no positions of power at the South Melbourne Cricket Club and only occasionally appeared in local team lists.[241] He convinced the club to open its ground to football in winter.[242] Other clubs followed, and football adapted to an oval-shaped field.[243] By now, the sport had spread throughout Australasia, and Melbourne matches were attracting the world's largest football crowds yet seen.[244] In late 1878, the MCC rejected his last overture to the club, and his dwindling income from cricket was "finally asphyxiated".[245]

From February 1879 onwards, Wills lived with his de facto in Heidelberg, a small village on the outskirts of Melbourne. He rarely left it for the remainder of his life.[246] His alcoholism worsened, as did Sarah's, also a heavy drinker.[247] He coached the local cricket team, and, on 13 March 1880, played for the side in his last recorded game. His "chucks" were still noted.[248] In his last surviving letters, sent two days later to his brothers on Cullin-la-ringo, he wrote of Heidelberg as a place of exile—"I'm out of the world here"—and fantasised about escaping to Tasmania. Begging for money to help pay off debts, he promised, "I will not trouble any of you again".[249]

Suicide[edit]

Wills fled the Melbourne Hospital within hours of his admission.

Isolated and disowned by most of his family, Wills had become, in the words of cricket historian David Frith, "a complete and dangerous and apparently incurable alcoholic".[250] Contrary to legend, Wills was never incarcerated in a lunatic asylum.[251] He started to show signs of delirium tremens in late April, including paranoid delusions, and Sarah, fearing that a calamity was at hand, admitted him to the Melbourne Hospital on 1 May to be kept under restraint. Wills absconded soon after, returned home and the next day committed suicide by stabbing a pair of scissors into his heart three times.[252] The inquest, on 3 May, presided over by coroner Richard Youl, found that Wills "killed himself when of unsound mind from excessive drinking".[253] Wills was buried the next day in an unmarked grave in Heidelberg Cemetery at a private funeral attended by only six people: his brother Egbert, sister Emily and cousin Harrison; Harrison's sister Adela and her son Amos; and cricketer Verney Cameron.[254] His death certificate declared that his parents were unknown.[255] When asked by a journalist about her late son, Elizabeth Wills is reported to have denied that Tom ever existed.[f]

Personality[edit]

Wills struck his contemporaries as peculiar and at times narcissistic, with a prickly temperament, but also kind, charismatic and companionable.[256] Often embroiled in controversy, he seemed to lack an understanding of how his words and actions could repeatedly get him into trouble.[257] His obsession with sport was such that he showed little interest in anything else.[46] Through his research, journalist Martin Flanagan concluded that Wills was "utterly bereft of insight into himself",[258] and football historian Gillian Hibbins described Wills as "an overbearing and undisciplined young man who tended to blame others for his troubles and was more interested in winning a game than in respecting sporting rules."[259] Wills' family and peers, though angered by his misbehaviour, frequently forgave him.[260] It is unlikely that he sought popular favour, but his strong egalitarian streak helped solidify his folk hero status.[261] This affection for him, coupled with an understanding of his waywardness, found expression in the public motto: "With all thy faults I love thee still, Tommy Wills".[262]

As a young adult back in Australia, Wills developed a peculiar stream of consciousness style of writing that sometimes defied syntax and grammar.[263] His letters are laced with puns, oblique classical and Shakespearean allusions, and droll asides, such as this one about Melbourne in a letter to his brother Cedric: "Everything is dull here, but people are kept alive by people getting shot at in the streets".[264] The overall effect is one of "a mind full of energy and histrionic ideas without a centre".[265]

He could be dismissive, triumphant and brazen all within a single sentence. Whatever his inner world was, he rarely let it be known. Lines of argument or considered opinion were not developed. His stream of thought was in rapid flux and a string of defiant jabs. To give emphasis he underlined his words with a flourish. His punctuation was idiosyncratic. Language was breathless and explosive and he revelled in presenting himself and his motives as mysterious.

— Greg de Moore[264]

Unlike his provocative written language, Wills spoke in a breezy and laconic manner.[266] In one of his borderline "thought disordered" letters, it is evident that at times he entered a state of depersonalisation: "I do not know what I am standing on ... when anyone speaks to me I cannot for the life of me make out what they are talking about—everything seems so curious."[267] In 1884, Hammersley compared Wills' incipient madness and fiery glare to that of Adam Lindsay Gordon,[g] the Australian bush poet.[268] Wills' mental instability is a source for speculation: epilepsy has been suggested as a possible cause of his perplexed mental state, and a variant of bipolar illness may account for his disjointed thinking and flowery, confused writings.[269]

In 1923, the MCC discovered Tom's old cricket cap and put it on display in the Block Arcade, prompting Horace Wills to reflect: "My brother was the nicest man I ever met. Though his nature was care-free, amounting almost to wildness, he had the sweetest temper I have seen in a man, and was essentially a sportsman."[270]

Playing style and captaincy[edit]

'Great' athletes seem to be anointed every day; far rarer are those entitled to be considered 'original'. Tom Wills is such a figure in every respect.

Wills' 1860 "coup de main" has been described as "arguably the most important and influential tactical manoeuvre in the history of Australian football".[272]

Wills was the greatest Australian all-round cricketer of his era and "almost, if not quite, equal" to the best all-rounders of early Test cricket.[273] "The picture of the athlete" in his prime, "full to overflowing with animal vigor", Wills seemed indestructible.[274] Intensely competitive, Wills' win-at-all-costs mentality, his intimidation of opponents, and his bending and breaking of rules undermined the amateur ideal of friendly competition.[275] A natural born leader, he emboldened the less gifted on his team with his supreme confidence. Even in the face of imminent defeat, he never appeared to despair the fortunes of his side.[276] On the off-chance that he sought another player's opinion, he invariably followed his own mind,[277] and his resources at any critical juncture in a match were said to be always clever, and sometimes unique.[278] "As a judge of the game he never had a superior", wrote Britain's The Sportsman. The rarity of Wills' genius was compared to William Shakespeare's.[279]

As a bowler, Wills varied his pace and style considerably, and was quick to work out a batsman's weak points. He had in his repertoire "sparklers, rippers, fizzers, trimmers and shooters."[67] Noted for his deceptive slow deliveries, dropping mid-flight and big on break, Wills' fast round arm balls sometimes reared head-high from the pitch, terrorising his opponent. English batsman Sir David Serjeant said that Wills was the only bowler he ever feared.[280] Wills was a "peculiarly ugly" batsman with a dogged defence and a capacity for explosive hitting. His characteristic shots—cuts and to the leg side—ensured the primacy of defence.[281] He explained his stonewalling thus: "The ball can't get through the bat."[282] An outstanding fieldsman anywhere, Wills excelled in the slips and ran out batsmen with deadly accurate throwing.[283]

Wills was a "tear away" Australian rules footballer whose "pluck and skill", it was said, only George O'Mullane matched.[284] As at Rugby, he won praise as an elusive dodger and unrivalled drop kick, and excelled in different positions, moving from a follower and goal-scorer in the ruck to full back.[285] Of the early footballers, Wills was appraised as the greatest, most astute captain, and is credited with opening up the game to new tactics and skills and a more free-flowing style of play.[286] In July 1860—in what the press called a "coup de main", and what has since been recognised as a "tactical leap" that foreshadowed modern football—Wills breached the era's notional offside line by positioning his Richmond men down the field from defence to attack, who, by a series of short kick passes towards goal, succeeded in scoring.[287] That same month, captaining Melbourne to victory, he pioneered a rudimentary form of flooding; and in another win for the club, exploited the low player turnout by instructing his men to dart with the ball in open spaces.[288] Historian Bernard Whimpress called Wills an innovator who "would fit easily into today's game".[289] Historian Geoffrey Blainey writes: "How many of the tricks and stratagems of the early years came from this clever tactician we will never know."[290]

Legacy[edit]

The MCC erected a monument over Wills' unmarked gravesite on the centenary of his death. The epitaph reads: "Founder of Australian football and champion cricketer of his time".[292]

Australia's first celebrity sportsman, Wills began to fade from public consciousness within his own lifetime.[46] His dark reputation and suicide, and his links to convictism and frontier violence—sources of cultural cringe—have been posited as reasons for his descent into obscurity.[271] Academic Barry Judd called him "a ghost inhabiting the margins of written history".[293] Coinciding with a revival of interest in Australia's colonial past, Wills has risen "almost to a vogue", and is seen as a forerunner of today's self-destructive star athletes, some of those qualities that alienated his peers "being less shocking to a generation that likes its heroes flawed".[271] The subject of works in the arts, his story has been likened to Ned Kelly's as an epic and quintessentially Australian narrative.[294] After several attempts by different authors since the 1930s, a definitive biography was published in 2008, Greg de Moore's Tom Wills: First Wild Man of Australian Sport.[295]

Wills' unmarked gravesite was restored in 1980 with a headstone erected by the MCC and by public subscription.[292] He was inducted into the Sport Australia Hall of Fame in 1989[296] and was made an inaugural member of the Australian Football Hall of Fame in 1996. The Tom Wills Room in the MCG's Great Southern Stand serves as a venue for corporate functions.[297] A statue outside the MCG, sculpted by Louis Laumen and erected in 2001, depicts Wills umpiring the famous 1858 football match between Melbourne Grammar and Scotch College.[298] The AFL commemorated the 150th anniversary of the match by staging the Tom Wills Round during the 2008 AFL Season. The two schools played in a curtain raiser at the MCG ahead of the round opener between Melbourne and Geelong.[299] That same year, Victoria's busiest freeway interchange, the MonashEastLink interchange in Dandenong North, was named the Tom Wills Interchange.[300] Tom Wills Oval, inaugurated in 2013 at Sydney Olympic Park, serves as the training base for the Greater Western Sydney Giants of the AFL.[301]

Marngrook theory[edit]

Further information: Marngrook
Detail of an 1857 etching that shows Aboriginal boys kicking and catching a ball made from plant roots.[302]

Since the 1980s, it has been suggested that Wills played or observed an Aboriginal football game, Marngrook,[h] as a child growing up in the Grampians among the Djab wurrung, and incorporated features of this game into early Australian football.[303] The theory has provoked intense debate, amounting to a controversy dubbed "football's history wars".[304] In her essay "A Seductive Myth", published in the AFL's The Australian Game of Football Since 1858 (2008), Hibbins calls the proposed link an "emotional belief" lacking "any intellectual credibility".[305] She points out that neither Wills nor any of his fellow football founders mention Aboriginal games in existing documents, and states that there is no evidence of Marngrook being played in the vicinity where Wills grew up.[305] Since then, among the personal papers of ethnographer Alfred William Howitt, an interview has been found with a Mukjarrawaint man who recalls playing Marngrook in the Grampians.[304] Also, in his first-hand account of Aboriginal games, James Dawson, an Aboriginal rights activist, records the Djab wurrung word for football as "Min'gorm".[306] De Moore therefore argues that Marngrook was likely played around where Wills lived as a boy, "or, at the very least, that the local Aboriginal people knew of such a game". That Wills knew of Marngrook, he adds, is speculative at best.[307]

Proponents of a link point to similarities between the two games, such as drop punting the ball into the air and leaping, catching feats.[304] Jenny Hocking and Nell Reidy write that Wills, in adapting football to Melbourne's parklands, wanted a game that kept the players off the ground and the ball in the air. "It is here", they argue, "in the interstices between rugby and Australian football, that the influence of [Marngrook] can be seen most clearly".[304] Others have countered that until the 1870s, Australian football was aligned with rugby-style roots, and bore little resemblance to Marngrook.[308] According to de Moore, Wills was "almost solely influenced" by Rugby School football, with local conditions also having an effect.[307]

Flanagan promoted the Marngrook theory in his novel The Call (1996), a fictionalised account of Wills' life,[294] and argued in an essay addressed to Wills that he must have known Aboriginal games as it was in his nature to play: "There's two things about you everybody seems to have agreed on—you'd drink with anyone and you'd play with anyone."[309] He quotes Lawton Wills Cooke, a Wills family descendent, who said there was a story in the family's oral history about Tom playing Marngrook as a boy.[310] This claim was disputed by family historian T. S. Wills Cooke.[311] Despite the contentious nature of the Wills-Marngrook tradition, it has become part of football folklore, and in Moyston, the self-proclaimed "Birthplace of Australian Football", stands a monument commemorating Wills' upbringing in the area playing Marngrook.[312]

Father of football?[edit]

Statue outside the MCG of Wills umpiring the 1858 game between Melbourne Grammar and Scotch College. The plaque reads that Wills "did more than any other person—as a footballer and umpire, co-writer of the rules and promoter of the game—to develop Australian football during its first decade."[298]

The role of Wills and others in pioneering Australian football went largely unrecognised in their lifetimes as the sport had yet to develop a historical perspective.[313] By 1908, the year of football's jubilee celebrations, Wills' cousin Harrison was proclaimed "the father of football" for his reputation as a player, rule-maker and administrator.[314] Wills was the next most often recalled pioneer during this period,[315] and it was Harrison who said that his cousin initiated the sport when he "recommended that we Australians should work out a game of our own."[316]

It has been said that, due to his suicide, Wills was written out of the game's history, or at the very least downplayed as a significant figure.[313] One sportswriter opined in the 1980s that Wills had "received very little credit due to him in originating the game ... somehow he is forgotten today."[317] More recent histiography has elevated Wills to a position of pre-eminence.[313] Hibbins questions the significance of Wills' off-field contributions, such as his 1858 letter.[318] Echoing Hibbins' arguments, Roy Hay writes that Wills, while the sport's "catalyst", was "much more interested in playing and performing than in organising."[319] British historian Tony Collins even compared Wills to William Webb Ellis and Abner Doubleday, the apocryphal inventors of rugby and baseball respectively.[320] In response to Collins' suggestion that Wills "quickly faded from the footballing scene", ABC journalist James Coventry drew attention to his seventeen-year playing career (by far the longest of the pioneers), the influence he wielded as captain of various clubs for much of that time, and his administrative work. He concludes that Collins and other scholars have "perversely" devalued Wills' real contributions "in their rush to discredit [the Marngrook theory]".[321] Blainey said of Wills: "It is far too much to say that he founded the game, but it would be too little to say that he was simply one among many founders."[322]

See also[edit]

Footnotes[edit]

a. ^ Tom Wills' birthplace is a matter of some conjecture as there is a dearth of reliable archival information on the subject, and the precise whereabouts of his parents are difficult to pinpoint during the period around 1835.[323] Molonglo is given as his birthplace in an 1869 biographical piece in which William Hammersley, the author, states that Wills had furnished him with notes.[324] A common alternative is Parramatta.[323] When Victorians claimed Wills as one of theirs, he liked to boast that he was a "Sydney man"—a reference to the colony of his birth.[325]

b. ^ Tom had eight siblings: Emily Spencer Wills (1842–1925), Cedric Spencer Wills (1844–1914), Horace Spencer Wills (1847–1928), Egbert Spencer Wills (1849–1931), Elizabeth Spencer Wills (1852–1930), Eugenie Spencer Wills (1854–1937), Minna Spencer Wills (1856–1943) and Hortense Sarah Spencer Wills (1861–1907).[326]

c. ^ Tom Wills and H. C. A. Harrison shared Sarah Howe as a grandmother.[327] Harrison was born ten months after Wills in New South Wales and as a young boy overlanded to the Port Phillip District, where he often visited the Wills family at Lexington.[328] They became brothers-in-law in 1864 when Harrison married Emily Wills.[329]

d. ^ George Augustus Robinson, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in the Port Philip District, listed Horatio as having murdered several Aboriginal men and women. The closest Horatio came to admitting that he had killed Aborigines was in a letter to Governor Charles La Trobe: "... we shall be compelled in self defence to measures that may involve us in unpleasant consequences".[330]

e. ^ The Aborigines went by sobriquets given to them by their white employers in the Western District.[331] Named after the station where he worked, Mullagh's real name was Unaarrimin.[332]

f. ^ This story was related in the following piece of Wills family oral history: "Elizabeth Wills refused to attend [the funeral] nor would she acknowledge Tom after his death as she was very religious and considered [suicide] a great sin. ... A reporter asked Elizabeth about her son. "Which son?" she asked. "Thomas" said the reporter. "I have no son called Thomas" was the old lady's reply".[333]

g. ^ Gordon suffered a demise similar to that of Wills, committing suicide in 1870.[268] He describes Wills as a daring sportsman in his 1865 long poem "Ye Wearie Wayfarer".[334]

h. ^ Each Indigenous language group played its own variant of football and with its own name.[304] "Marngrook", from the Gunditjmara language, is used as a generic term for Aboriginal football.[335]

References[edit]

  1. ^ de Moore 2005, p. 371.
  2. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 326.
  3. ^ a b c de Moore 2011, p. 8.
  4. ^ Mandle 1976.
  5. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 3, 6; Howard & Larkins 1981, p. 38.
  6. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 6.
  7. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 13.
  8. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, pp. 108–109.
  9. ^ McKenna 1996, pp. 23–25.
  10. ^ Judd 2007, p. 114; de Moore 2011, p. 8.
  11. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 173; de Moore 2011, pp. 8–9.
  12. ^ Molony 2000, pp. 137–139; Wills Cooke 2012, p. 37.
  13. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 190; Judd 2007, pp. 115–116.
  14. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 15.
  15. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 37, 53; de Moore 2011, p. 10.
  16. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 165.
  17. ^ Hibbins & Mancini 1987, p. 79.
  18. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 322–323.
  19. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 331–332; Wills Cooke 2012, pp. 37–39.
  20. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 14.
  21. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 15–16; Judd 2007, p. 111.
  22. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 16.
  23. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 18.
  24. ^ a b de Moore 2011, pp. 18–19.
  25. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 52.
  26. ^ Judd 2007, pp. 133–135.
  27. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 23.
  28. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 24.
  29. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 43.
  30. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 40, 44; de Moore 2011, p. 49.
  31. ^ a b de Moore 2008, p. 37.
  32. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 38–39.
  33. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 38; de Moore 2011, pp. 32–33.
  34. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 65; Gorman 2011, p. 131.
  35. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 47.
  36. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 43; de Moore 2011, p. 32.
  37. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, pp. 174–176; de Moore 2011, p. 331.
  38. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 43.
  39. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 45; de Moore 2011, pp. 44–45.
  40. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 48.
  41. ^ a b de Moore 2008, p. 49.
  42. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 50; de Moore 2011, p. 46.
  43. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 51–55.
  44. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 50, 57.
  45. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 28.
  46. ^ a b c d Hammersley, William (1869). Wikisource link to Mr Thomas W. Wills: A Biographical Sketch. Wikisource. 
  47. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 40–42, 47–48.
  48. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 334.
  49. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 25.
  50. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 33.
  51. ^ Inglis 1993, p. 127.
  52. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 44.
  53. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 50.
  54. ^ Flanagan 2008, p. 546; de Moore 2011, pp. 51–52, 57.
  55. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 52–53, 334.
  56. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 51.
  57. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 53.
  58. ^ a b de Moore 2008, p. 32.
  59. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 54.
  60. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 55–57.
  61. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 64, 113.
  62. ^ de Moore 2012, p. 16.
  63. ^ Mandle 1973, p. 225; Hibbins 2013, pp. 110–111.
  64. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 57–58.
  65. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 58.
  66. ^ Clowes 2007, pp. 6–7; de Moore 2011, p. 60.
  67. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 62.
  68. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 365.
  69. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 78–80.
  70. ^ Judd 2007, pp. 141–142; de Moore 2011, pp. 80–81.
  71. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 85–86.
  72. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 72–76.
  73. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 83–84.
  74. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 72.
  75. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 86.
  76. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 92.
  77. ^ Judd 2007, p. 152, 335.
  78. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 94.
  79. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 77–78.
  80. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 8; de Moore 2011, p. 119.
  81. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 2–3.
  82. ^ Bell's Life in Victoria, 10 July 1858.
  83. ^ Hess 2008, p. 8; de Moore 2011, p. 87.
  84. ^ Blainey 2003, pp. 28–30, 207.
  85. ^ Judd 2007, p. 135.
  86. ^ Hess 2008, p. 8, 10; Pennings 2011, p. 14.
  87. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 22; Coventry 2015, p. 9.
  88. ^ Blainey 2003, pp. 15–18.
  89. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, p. 9.
  90. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 91.
  91. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, p. 13; Pennings 2013, p. 1.
  92. ^ Hess 2008, p. 16; de Moore 2011, pp. 91–92.
  93. ^ Hibbins Ruddell, p. 5.
  94. ^ Hess 2008, p. i.
  95. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 101.
  96. ^ Hibbins Ruddell, p. 7.
  97. ^ Hibbins Ruddell, pp. 14–15.
  98. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 325.
  99. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 95–96.
  100. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 76–77, 95–96.
  101. ^ "Grand National Cricket Match". The Sydney Morning Herald (Sydney). 21 January 1859. p. 5. Retrieved 14 April 2016.
  102. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 96–97.
  103. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 106.
  104. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 106–107.
  105. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 107.
  106. ^ Judd 2007, p. 142.
  107. ^ Clowes 2007, p. 10.
  108. ^ "Grand National Cricket Match". The Sydney Morning Herald (Sydney). 27 January 1859. p. 12. Retrieved 7 August 2015.
  109. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 12.
  110. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 104.
  111. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 10.
  112. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 27, 30.
  113. ^ Blainey 2003, pp. 68–69; De Moore 2011, p. 105.
  114. ^ Pennings 2012, p. 29–31.
  115. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, p. 8, 12.
  116. ^ Coventry 2015, pp. 29–30; Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, pp. 16–18.
  117. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 111–112.
  118. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 115.
  119. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 114–115.
  120. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 116.
  121. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 117.
  122. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 121.
  123. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 118.
  124. ^ Reid 1981, pp. 70–71.
  125. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 3; de Moore 2011, pp. 120–122.
  126. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 122.
  127. ^ Reid 1981, pp. 74–75; de Moore 2011, p. 130.
  128. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 125, 130.
  129. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 126.
  130. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 131.
  131. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 130, 341.
  132. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 134.
  133. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 129–130, 133.
  134. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 128.
  135. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 125.
  136. ^ Reid 1981, p. 79.
  137. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 136–137; de Moore 2008, pp. 214–217.
  138. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 136.
  139. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 193; de Moore 2011, pp. 134–135.
  140. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 137; de Moore 2012, p. 17.
  141. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 141–142.
  142. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 149–151.
  143. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 153–155, 171.
  144. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 155.
  145. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 156.
  146. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 134–135.
  147. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 131–132; de Moore 2011, pp. 157–158.
  148. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 159.
  149. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 160.
  150. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 161.
  151. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 163–164.
  152. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 222; de Moore 2011, p. 161.
  153. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 164–165.
  154. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 166–168.
  155. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 201; de Moore 2011, pp. 169–170.
  156. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 171–172, 345–346.
  157. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 173, 176–177.
  158. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, p. 22; de Moore 2011, p. 181.
  159. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 178–180.
  160. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 85, 89; de Moore 2011, pp. 179–180.
  161. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 136.
  162. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 181.
  163. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 137.
  164. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 182–183.
  165. ^ Mallett 2002, pp. 18–20.
  166. ^ Mallett 2002, pp. 23–24.
  167. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 184.
  168. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 184; de Moore 2008, p. 140.
  169. ^ "M.C.C. vs. Ten Aboriginals with T. W. Wills". Bell's Life in Victoria and Sporting Chronicle (Melbourne). 29 December 1866. p. 2. Retrieved 25 January 2016.
  170. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 188–189.
  171. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 209.
  172. ^ de Moore 2012, p. 17.
  173. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 198–199.
  174. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 190.
  175. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 191.
  176. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 199–200.
  177. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 197–198; de Moore 2008, pp. 146–147.
  178. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 152; de Moore 2011, p. 185.
  179. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 196–197.
  180. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 192, 200–201.
  181. ^ Mallett 2002, pp. 26–27.
  182. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 154–159.
  183. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 348.
  184. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 205.
  185. ^ Mallett 2002, p. 28; de Moore 2011, p. 206.
  186. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 207.
  187. ^ Mallett 2002, p. 29.
  188. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 240–241; Mallett 2002, p. 28.
  189. ^ Mallett 2002, p. 25, 29.
  190. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 214; Flanagan 2008, p. 548.
  191. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 210–212.
  192. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 214.
  193. ^ a b de Moore 2011, pp. 218–219.
  194. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 222.
  195. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 232.
  196. ^ a b de Moore 2011, pp. 222–223.
  197. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 142.
  198. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 187, 226; de Moore 2008, p. 218.
  199. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 232.
  200. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 230.
  201. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 76.
  202. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 113–114.
  203. ^ Mallett 2002, p. 79.
  204. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 224.
  205. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 225.
  206. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 77; de Moore 2011, p. 231.
  207. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 85.
  208. ^ a b c de Moore 2008, p. 84.
  209. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 80–81.
  210. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 231–232.
  211. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 233-234.
  212. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 241.
  213. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 241–242.
  214. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 244.
  215. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 247.
  216. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 87; de Moore 2011, p. 242.
  217. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 7.
  218. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 251.
  219. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 253.
  220. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 194.
  221. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 254–255.
  222. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 262–263.
  223. ^ Molony 2000, p. 143.
  224. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 272–273.
  225. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 271.
  226. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 268.
  227. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 31–33.
  228. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 268–269.
  229. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 353.
  230. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 270.
  231. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 274.
  232. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 276.
  233. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 277.
  234. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 278.
  235. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 282.
  236. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 281–282.
  237. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 270-271.
  238. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 282, 353.
  239. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 289–290.
  240. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 286, 292.
  241. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 290.
  242. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 288–289.
  243. ^ Hess 2008, p. 44.
  244. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 108.
  245. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 291.
  246. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 294–296.
  247. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 301.
  248. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 297.
  249. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 299–301.
  250. ^ Frith 2011, p. 167.
  251. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 318.
  252. ^ de Moore 2008, pp. 266–268.
  253. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 308–310.
  254. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 310.
  255. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 291.
  256. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 3; de Moore 2011, p. xvii; Blainey 2003, p. 8.
  257. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 193.
  258. ^ Judd 2007, p. 151.
  259. ^ Hibbins 2008, pp. 38–39.
  260. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 108.
  261. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 78, 237.
  262. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 235.
  263. ^ de Moore 2011, p. xvii, 69.
  264. ^ a b de Moore 2008, p. 184.
  265. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 69.
  266. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 185.
  267. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 184; de Moore 2011, p. 66.
  268. ^ a b de Moore 2008, p. 299.
  269. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 68, 335.
  270. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 317–318.
  271. ^ a b c Haigh 2009, p. i.
  272. ^ Coventry 2015, pp. 6–7.
  273. ^ "The Intercolonial Match". The Australasian (Melbourne). 23 December 1882. p. 10. Retrieved 29 April 2015.
  274. ^ "Thomas Wentworth Wills". Leader (Melbourne). 8 May 1880. p. 13. Retrieved 15 January 2016.
  275. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 7.
  276. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 39.
  277. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 97.
  278. ^ "Tom Wills". The Press (Christchurch). 25 May 1880. p. 3.
  279. ^ Hedley 1888, p. 7.
  280. ^ "Early Interstate Cricket". The Argus (Melbourne). 15 November 1924. p. 9. Retrieved 29 April 2015.
  281. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 40.
  282. ^ "Cricket". Otago Witness (Dunedin). 7 January 1887. p. 21.
  283. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 38.
  284. ^ Pennings 2012, p. 39; Pennings 2013, p. 1.
  285. ^ Coventry 2015, pp. 34–35; de Moore 2011, p. 172, 176, 367.
  286. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, p. 8; de Moore 2011, pp. 104–105.
  287. ^ Coventry 2015, pp. 6–7; de Moore 2011, pp. 104–105.
  288. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 12, 26; de Moore 2011, pp. 104–105.
  289. ^ Whimpress, Bernard (4 August 2015). "Time and Space Review", The Newtown Review of Books. Retrieved 6 March 2016.
  290. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 207.
  291. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 211.
  292. ^ a b Thomas Wentworth Wills, Monument Australia. Retrieved 13 May 2013.
  293. ^ Judd 2007, p. 121.
  294. ^ a b Flanagan 2011.
  295. ^ Watt, Jarrod (28 July 2008). "Investigating the death of the father of football", ABC South West Victoria. Retrieved 12 January 2015.
  296. ^ Thomas Wills, Sport Australia Hall of Fame. Retrieved 23 February 2015.
  297. ^ Tom Wills Room, Melbourne Cricket Ground. Retrieved 4 September 2013.
  298. ^ a b First Australian Rules Game, Monument Australia. Retrieved 7 June 2013.
  299. ^ Harris, Amelia (7 August 2008). "Original and still the best", Herald Sun. Retrieved 15 August 2013.
  300. ^ Ballantyne, Adrian (3 March 2008). "Legend rules the road", Dandenong Leader. Retrieved 15 August 2013.
  301. ^ Tom Wills Oval, Sydney Olympic Park Authority. Retrieved 22 May 2013.
  302. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 322.
  303. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, p. 8.
  304. ^ a b c d e Hocking & Reidy 2016.
  305. ^ a b Hibbins 2008, p. 45.
  306. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 97.
  307. ^ a b de Moore 2011, p. 323.
  308. ^ Collins 2011, p. 10.
  309. ^ Flanagan 2008, p. 543.
  310. ^ Flanagan, Martin (27 December 2008). "A new chapter in the legend of Tom Wills", The Age. Retrieved 21 October 2012.
  311. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 180.
  312. ^ Hirst 2010, p. 55.
  313. ^ a b c de Moore 2011, p. 324.
  314. ^ Hibbins & Ruddell 2009, pp. 12–13.
  315. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 323–324.
  316. ^ Harrison, H. C. A. (12 August 1914). "Australian Game: Its Birth in the Commonwealth". Winner (Melbourne). p. 8. Retrieved 3 May 2016.
  317. ^ Coventry 2015, p. 27.
  318. ^ Hibbins 2008, p. 32.
  319. ^ Hay 2008, p. 29.
  320. ^ Collins 2011, p. 11.
  321. ^ Coventry 2015, pp. 28–29.
  322. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 206.
  323. ^ a b de Moore 2008, p. 171.
  324. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 328.
  325. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 81–82.
  326. ^ Wills Cooke 2012, p. 250.
  327. ^ Hibbins & Mancini 1987, p. 5.
  328. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 68–69.
  329. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 172–173.
  330. ^ de Moore 2011, pp. 11–14.
  331. ^ de Moore 2011, p. 192.
  332. ^ Mallett 2002, p. 18.
  333. ^ de Moore 2008, p. 303.
  334. ^ Blainey 2003, p. 210.
  335. ^ Hirst 2010, p. 54.

Bibliography[edit]

Books

Journals

Theses

Webpages

External links[edit]