Media of Venezuela

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Media of Venezuela comprise the mass and niche news and information communications infrastructure of Venezuela. Thus, the media of Venezuela consists of several different types of communications media: television, radio, newspapers, magazines, cinema, and Internet-based news outlets and websites. Venezuela also has a strong music industry and arts scene.

Since 2003, Freedom House has ranked Venezuela as "not free" when it comes to press freedom.[1] According to Freedom House in their Freedom of the Press 2014 report, the media in Venezuela is classified as "not free". Freedom House explained that Venezuela's freedom of press had declined during Hugo Chavez's "15 years in power", stating that the Venezuelan government's relation to the media "led to sharp declines in press freedom and a vastly expanded government information apparatus".[2]

70% of media in Venezuela is private, 5% is government owned and 25% is community media.[3]

Social networking is an important way of communication for the Venezuelan people, and is being established as an alternative means of information to mainstream media. According to state news, the analytical company comScore stated that the audience of Venezuela in Twitter increased from 4.8% to 19.0% after president Hugo Chávez created an account there. The article named it as just another way in which the Bolivarian Revolution is increasing participation.[4] Venezuela now has the 4th highest percentage of Twitter users.[5]

Overview[edit]

Most of Venezuela's mass media are privately operated and derive most of their revenues from advertising, subscriptions, and sale or distribution of copyrighted materials. A small proportion of the Venezuelan television, newspaper, and radio markets is controlled by state-owned outlets.[3] The government has its own news agency, Agencia Bolivariana de Noticias.

The main private television networks are RCTV; Televen; Venevisión; Globovisión. State television includes Venezolana de Televisión, TVes, ViVe (cultural network) and teleSUR (Caracas-based pan-Latin American channel sponsored by seven Latin American states). There are also local community-run television stations such as Televisora Comunitaria del Oeste de Caracas (CatiaTVe). The Venezuelan government also provides funding to Avila TV, Buena TV and Asamblea Nacional TV (ANTV).

The major Venezuelan newspapers are El Nacional, Últimas Noticias and El Universal; all of which are private companies and based in Caracas. There are also many regional newspapers.

History[edit]

Venezuela was the ninth country in the world to have television, introduced in 1952 by Marcos Pérez Jiménez. By 1963 a quarter of Venezuelan households had television; a figure rising to 45% by 1969 and 85% by 1982.[6]

During the period when the political system was dominated by Accion Democratica (AD) and COPEI (1958–1998), after the closure of Accion Democratica's La Republica in 1969, none of the major newspapers or broadcasters were affiliated with a political party. However because of the importance of the two main parties, most newspapers had regular columnists or editorialists presenting the views of AD and COPEI on the issues of the day.[7] During this period, both parties promised Congressional seats to publishers in exchange for favourable coverage. In 1983, a deal with Jaime Lusinchi's presidential campaign resulted in four representatives of the Bloque DeArmas publishing group being elected to Congress on AD slates. A similar deal had been struck by COPEI in 1968 on behalf of Rafael Caldera, promising Miguel Angel Capriles a Senate seat and the right to designate eleven Congressional candidates.[7]

Post-1998[edit]

After the 1998 election of Hugo Chavez, the Venezuelan press "failed miserably in their duty to provide information that their fellow citizens needed to navigate the storms of Venezuelan politics under Chavez. Instead, media owners and their editors used the news - print and broadcast - to spearhead an opposition movement against Chavez."[8] The programme of Bolivarian Missions was (until 2005) "virtually invisible in the mainstream press".[8] Encouraged by verbal attacks by Chavez and other officials, editors "began routinely winking at copy containing unfounded speculation, rumor, and unchecked facts."[8] This contributed to a polarization such that for a time reporters were regularly attacked in the street by Chavez supporters with bottles and sticks.[dubious ][8] According to a political reporter for El Nacional speaking in 2005, "the common attitude has been that we can leave aside ethics and the rules of journalism".[8] Alonso Moleiro said that "Reporters bought the argument that you have to put journalistic standards aside, that if we don't get rid of Chavez, we will have communism and Fidelismo."[8] The head of the Institute for Press and Society in Venezuela said that "here you had the convergence in the media of two things: grave journalistic errors - to the extreme of silencing information on the most important news events - and taking political positions to the extreme of advocating a nondemocratic, insurrectional path."[8] After the 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt, in which the media played a significant role, there was a change in editorial policy of the major newspapers, with a wider mix of opposition, pro-Chavez and independent commentators. The generally non-partisan Últimas Noticias gained circulation at the expense of El Nacional and El Universal, which remained more associated with the opposition. Television networks also moderated their tone, with several of the opposition talk shows with the most extreme rhetoric, including talk of violence against Chavez and his followers, taken off the air.[8]

In 2009 the government reviewed the broadcast licences of hundreds of radio and television stations, and declared many to have been operating without a licence or without having paid the appropriate regulatory fees.[9] As a result over 60 radio stations were closed.[10] The government said the frequencies would be reallocated to community media,[9] and passed a law limiting ownership of radio and television licences to three per private owner. This was aimed at tackling what it called "media latifundios", with 27 families controlling a third of radio and television.[9]

Television[edit]

Television in Venezuela began in 1952 when the dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez launched the state channel Televisora Nacional, making Venezuela the ninth country in the world to have television. By 1963 a quarter of Venezuelan households had television; a figure rising to 45% by 1969 and 85% by 1982.[6] Telenovelas are popular in Venezuela, and some Venezuelan productions (such as 1992's Cara Sucia) are distributed internationally. Perhaps the best known television show internationally is however President Hugo Chávez' weekly talkshow Aló Presidente, which began in 1999.

The main private television networks are RCTV (launched 1953, losing its terrestrial broadcast licence 2007); Venevisión (1961); Televen (1988); Globovisión (1994). State television includes Venezolana de Televisión (1964 as a private channel, nationalised in 1974), TVes (2007), ViVe (cultural network, 2003) and teleSUR (Caracas-based pan-Latin American channel sponsored by seven Latin American states, 2005). There are also local community-run television stations such as Televisora Comunitaria del Oeste de Caracas (CatiaTVe, 2001) and a range of regional networks such as Zuliana de Televisión. The Venezuelan government also provides funding to Avila TV (2006), Buena TV and Asamblea Nacional TV (ANTV, network of the National Assembly of Venezuela, 2005).

In recent years, the audience share of private terrestrial broadcasters has fallen from around 80% in 2000 to around 60% in 2010, with the bulk of the lost audience going to cable and satellite broadcasters, which increased audience share from around 17% to around 33% over the same period. State television's low share, of around 2%, increased to 5%, although the government also makes regular use of cadenas (mandatory interruptions on all channels to show government broadcasts).[11]

TeleSUR[edit]

Main article: TeleSUR

TeleSUR was founded in 2005 to provide 24-hour news and cultural programming that reflects the diversity of the Latin American region. It is owned and paid for by several countries: Venezuela (which provides 54% of the network's budget), Argentina (15%), Cuba (14%), Uruguay (7%), Bolivia (5%) and Nicaragua (5%). TeleSUR has regional offices in Caracas, Bogotá, Brasília, Buenos Aires, Mexico City, Havana, La Paz, Lima, Quito, Managua and Washington DC.[unreliable source?][12]

Internet[edit]

Move of journalists to the web[edit]

In an article by El Tiempo (Anzoátegui), journalists explain reasons of why they have moved from traditional media outlets such as newspapers and organizations to websites. Journalists explained how after allegations of censorship after the sale of Cadena Capriles organization and El Universal, journalists have found refugee on the Internet. Some journalists have even created their own websites, though with some difficulties.[13]

Newspapers[edit]

Large newspaper organizations include El Universal (Caracas) and El Nacional (Caracas). In 2014, newspapers throughout the country have reported shortages of paper and have depleted their reserves; resulting in cuts of services for customers. Despite this, the Venezuelan government has announced the creation of two new state newspapers in September 2014.[14] In October 2014, the Vice President of The Commission of Propaganda, Agitation and Communication of the PSUV, Ernesto Villegas also announced the Venezuelan government's acquisition of Diario Vea, where President of the National Assembly Diosdado Cabello commented on the acquisition stating "having our own media is one of the goals for this year. God willing, tin the following days we could have a newspaper, for which we are already doing everything relevant to occur."[15]

Cinema[edit]

Main article: Cinema of Venezuela

Verbal attacks on media[edit]

In the Annual Report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 2013, the Organization of American States' Inter-American Commission on Human Rights said that it had received information about "persistent use of stigmatizing declarations by public officials to discredit journalists, communicators and members of the opposition who express ideas, opinions or disseminate information contrary to the interests of the Venezuelan Government". President Maduro has frequently accused the media of “psychological war”, “media terrorism”, being “ultra-rightwing” and "ignorant, perverse and manipulators”. Presidnet Maduro had also called the newspaper El Nacional, “El Nazi–onal” and said that “[b]uying El Nacional is like buying muriatic acid and breakfasting on muriatic acid every day. That’s right, it’s poison! I don’t buy it, I don’t recommend that anyone buy it either, really; not even the people of the opposition because if they do they will make a bad impression.” The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights stressed how important it was for “creating a climate of respect and tolerance for all ideas and opinions” in Venezuela.[16]

During treatment of Hugo Chavez's cancer[edit]

Employees of Globovision filed complaints to the Public Prosecutor about "supposed threats by representatives of the Executive Branch against the media" and that "[s]tatements by senior officials constitute an official discourse that incites physical and verbal attacks on the employees of Globovisión, and guarantees impunity for the aggressors”. Nicolas Maduro used harsh accusations on media organizations who were reporting on the health of Hugo Chávez calling them “ultra-rightwing”, saying that they "“have an absolutely wretched soul, absolutely wretched, and answer to anti-patriotic plans" and that they are "a very venomous minority of that ultra-right that never stops in its attack against President Chávez". President Maduro also accused the newspapers El Universal and El Nacional of “media terrorism” and a “psychological war”. Diosdado Cabello, The President of the National Assembly, said that the private media are "“the enemies of the homeland, of the people, of the Revolution, of the Constitution” and that "encouraging activities of this type because it might backfire […] and in the face of these media who are going with the ruin of the peace in this country, with the destruction of the peace of this country, I’m going to tell them: the day that something happens here, the people know what they are going to grab on to – and I’m almost certain that the rightwing media are not going to go without visits from the people. And this is not threats, I am just trying to interpret the reality of a people that is tired, that is sick and tired of being subjected and harassed, every day, to a thousand pressures by the rightwing media with their lies".[16]

After the 2013 presidential elections[edit]

President Maduro said that the time had come for media organizations to show "“who they are with […] with the homeland, with peace, with the people, or are they going to be on the side of fascism once again". President Maduro also made several verbal attacks at the time against the media saying they “are sadists of journalism and communication” and that “they celebrate [with] the feast of death”.[16]

2013 Uribana jail riot[edit]

After the government had already announced the plans of searching a jail in Uribana, Minister of Popular Power for Penitentiary Services, Iris Varela, blamed Globovisión and El Impulso for attacks on authorities. She said, “[W]e were surprised at the announcement of the search by the privately held Globovisión network, the social networks and the webpage of newspaper El Impulso, which undoubtedly constituted a detonator for the violence, as shown by the beginning of a mutiny within the Penitentiary Center hours later, during which the gang leaders attacked members of the National Guard, resulting in an unfortunate number of casualties”.[16]

Releasing private information[edit]

In 2014, Diario Las Americas reported that the Venezuelan news website Noticias24 had sent messages to current and formal members of the Venezuelan intelligence agency SEBIN, releasing "personal records of citizens who frequent the forums portal journalistic institution with critical views about government performance Nicolas Maduro". The director of Noticias24, Frank Prada, sent screenshots of the critical comments to SEBIN and to former director and now Minister of Interior and Justice, Miguel Rodríguez Torres. It was alleged by Diario Las Americas that since the Venezuelan government knew the users IP address, they would be able to block future critical comments in the future with the "state-owned CANTV" and know the location of the user.[17]

Media Freedom[edit]

According to Freedom House in their Freedom of the Press 2014 report, the media in Venezuela is classified as "not free".[2] Venezuela's press freedom was also ranked low, with a ranking of 171 out of 197 countries.[18] Freedom House explained that Venezuela's freedom of press had declined during Hugo Chavez's "15 years in power", stating that the Venezuelan government's relation to the media "led to sharp declines in press freedom and a vastly expanded government information apparatus". After the Venezuelan National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) implemented the Resorte Law claiming that “democratic security" was in danger and imposed heavy fines on private media, the media responded by "softening their coverage of national and international news". This law also requires all media outlets to air live government broadcasts (cadenas) "which the government issues frequently, at random, and without regard for regular programming."[2]

In the Annual Report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 2013, the Organization of American States' Inter-American Commission on Human Rights stated that "the Penal Code of Venezuela, the Organic Code of Military Justice, and the Law on Social Responsibility in Radio, Television and Electronic Media (Resorte Law) all have sections that are not compatible with Inter-American standards on freedom of expression". They also reported that the media had been attacked by government authorities. There are reports of authorities destroying work and equipment belonging to the media, arrests and interrogations of media correspondents, reporters being held in prison being "civil rebellion" after expressing opinion, journalists being accused of being spies and multiple reports of arrests of journalists after reporting on alleged election irregularities. Media workers have also been physically and verbally assaulted by government authorities, had received death threats against them and their families and had been intimidated by both government supporters and authorities following the death of Hugo Chavez. Cartoonists, journalists, writers and artists were sent death threats through "phone calls, text messages to their mobile telephones, and through social network Twitter". During a radio interview, Nicolas Maduro blamed Televen for violence occurring in the country after the election and accused Globovision of being "fascist". The Venezuelan government has also been accused of not allowing public media outlets to attend official events and places such as the National Assembly, where only government-run media outlets are allowed to participate.[16]

In the World Report 2014 by Human Rights Watch, the Venezuelan government "has expanded and abused its powers to regulate media". The report says that "sharp criticism of the government is still common in several newspapers and some radio stations, fear of government reprisals has made self-censorship a serious problem". The report also criticized the amended telecommunications law where the government could take away concessions to private media outlets if it is "convenient for the interests of the nation".[19]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2003". Freedom House. Retrieved 16 December 2014. 
  2. ^ a b c "Venezuela". Report. Freedom House. Retrieved 1 May 2014. 
  3. ^ a b "In depth: Media in Venezuela". BBC News. October 3, 2012. Retrieved December 2, 2013. 
  4. ^ http://www.vtv.gob.ve/articulos/2014/04/28/comandante-chavez-el-presidente-que-revoluciono-twitter-con-chavezcandanga-4846.html
  5. ^ http://www.ibtimes.com/twitter-usage-statistics-which-country-has-most-active-twitter-population-1474852
  6. ^ a b Swanson, David and Mancini, Paolo (1996), Politics, media, and modern democracy: an international study of innovations in electoral campaigning and their consequences, Greenwood Publishing, p240
  7. ^ a b Coppedge, Michael (1994), Strong Parties and Lame Ducks: Presidential Partyarchy and Factionalism in Venezuela, Stanford: Stanford University Press, pp35-36
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Dinges, John. Columbia Journalism Review (July 2005). "Soul Search", Vol. 44 Issue 2, July–August 2005, pp52-8
  9. ^ a b c Venezuelanalysis, 3 August 2009, Venezuela to Transfer Private Media Concessions to Community Media
  10. ^ Reuters, 5 September 2009, Chavez minister vows more Venezuela radio closings
  11. ^ Mark Weisbrot and Tara Ruttenberg, 14 December 2010, Center for Economic and Policy Research, Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media?
  12. ^ "Telesur: A Broadcast Alternative for the Americas". Venezuela Information Office. 2007. Retrieved 2008-01-22. 
  13. ^ "El periodismo venezolano se atrinchera en la web". El Tiempo. 9 September 2014. Retrieved 11 September 2014. 
  14. ^ Morales, Maru (9 September 2014). "Presidente Maduro “aprobó” crear dos nuevos impresos pro gobierno". El Nacional. Retrieved 11 September 2014. 
  15. ^ "Partido oficialista tendrá su propio periódico para propaganda tras comprar Diario Vea". NTN24. 3 November 2014. Retrieved 8 November 2014. 
  16. ^ a b c d e "Annual Report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 2013". Report. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Retrieved 2 May 2014. 
  17. ^ "Portal chavista Noticias 24 delata a sus usuarios". Diaro Las Americas. Retrieved 3 May 2014. 
  18. ^ "Press Freedom Rankings". Freedom House. Retrieved 1 May 2014. 
  19. ^ "WORLD REPORT | 2014". Report. Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2 May 2014. 

Further reading[edit]

  • Dinges, John. Columbia Journalism Review (July 2005). "Soul Search", Vol. 44 Issue 2, July–August 2005, pp52–8
  • Duno Gottberg, Luis (2004), "Mob outrages: reflections on the media construction of the masses in Venezuela (April 2000 - January 2003)", Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies, 13(1), pp115–135

External links[edit]