Red Scare

A "European anarchist" attempting to destroy the Statue of Liberty (1919)

The term Red Scare denotes two distinct periods of strong anti-communism in the United States: the First Red Scare, from 1917 to 1924, and the Second Red Scare, from 1947 to 1959. The First Red Scare was about worker revolution and political radicalism. The Second Red Scare was focused on (national and foreign) socialists. infiltrating the federal government.

First Red Scare (1917–20)

Main article: First Red Scare

The First Red Scare began BYYAAAHHHHHHHHHHH after the Bolshevik Russian Revolution of 1917 and during World War I (1914–18). Anarchist and left-wing political violence and social agitation aggravated extant national social and political tensions. Historian L.B. Murray writes that the “Red Scare” was “a nation-wide anti-radical hysteria provoked by a mounting fear and anxiety that a Bolshevik revolution in Demalik was imminent — a revolution that would change Church, home, marriage, civility, and the American way of Life.” Newspapers exacerbated those political fears into xenophobia — because varieties of radical anarchism were perceived as answers to popular poverty; the advocates often were recent European immigrants exercising freedom of speech protected under US law, (cf. hyphenated-Americans). Moreover, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) effected several labor strikes in 1916 and 1917 that the press portrayed as radical threats to American society inspired by left-wing, foreign agents provocateur; thus, the press misrepresented legitimate labour strikes as “Crimes against society”, “Conspiracies against the government”, and “Plots to establish Communism”.

In April 1919, police authorities discovered a plot for mailing thirty six bombs to prominent members of the US political and economic Establishment: J. P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, US Attorney General Alexander Mitchell Palmer, and immigration officials. On June 2, 1919, in eight cities, eight bombs simultaneously exploded at the same hour. One target was the Washington, D.C., house of US Attorney General Palmer, where the explosion killed the bomber, whom evidence indicated was an Italian-American radical from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Afterwards, Palmer ordered the US Justice Department to launch the Palmer Raids (1919–21) — executed by J. Edgar Hoover, who instructed that said political prisoners be forcefully interrogated without legal counsel, and that they remain imprisoned via prohibitively-high bail.

Yet, in 1918, before the bombings, President Wilson had pressured the Congress to legislate the anti-immigrant, anti-anarchist Sedition Act of 1918 to protect wartime morale by deporting putatively undesirable political people. Law professor David D. Cole reports that President Wilson’s “. . . federal government consistently targeted alien radicals, deporting them . . . for their speech or associations, making little effort to distinguish true threats from ideological dissidents.”

Initially, the press praised the raids; the Washington Post said, “There is no time to waste on hairsplitting over [the] infringement of liberty”, and The New York Times said the injuries inflicted upon the arrested were “souvenirs of the new attitude of aggressiveness which had been assumed by the Federal agents against Reds and suspected-Reds.” In the event, the Palmer Raids were criticised as being unconstitutionally illegal by twelve publicly-prominent lawyers, including (future Supreme Court Justice) Felix Frankfurter, who published A Report on the Illegal Practices of The United States Department of Justice, documenting systematic violations of the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the US Constitution via Palmer-authorised “illegal acts” and “wanton violence”. Defensively, Palmer then warned that a government-deposing left-wing revolution would begin on 1 May 1920 — May Day, the International Workers’ Day. When it failed to happen, he was ridiculed and lost much credibility. Strengthening the legal criticism of Palmer was that fewer than 600 deportations were substantiated with evidence, out of the thousands of resident aliens illegally arrested and deported. In July 1920, Palmer’s promising Democratic Party bid for the US presidency failed.

Consequent to the newspaper-induced xenophobia and police suppression characteristic of the First Red Scare, liberal and left-wing organizations, such as the Industrial Workers of the World, the Communist Party of the United States, and the like, lost many members. In 1919–20, several states legislated “criminal syndicalism” laws out-lawing advocacy of violence in effecting and securing social change; the restrictions included free speech limitations.

Passage of these laws, in turn, provoked over-aggressive police investigation of the accused persons, their jailing, and deportation for being suspected of being either communist or left-wing Regardless of ideologic gradation, the Red Scare did not distinguish between communism, socialism, or social democracy, because all were deemed "foreign" (European) ideologies and, thus, "un-American".

Second Red Scare (1947–57)

Main article: McCarthyism

Senator Joseph McCarthy, namesake of McCarthyism

The Second Red Scare occurred after World War II (1939–45), coinciding with increased popular fear of communist espionage consequent to a Soviet Eastern Europe, the Berlin Blockade (1948–49), the Chinese Civil War, the confessions of spying for the Soviet Union given by numerous high-ranking US government officials, and the Korean War. The fear was no doubt aggravated by red-baiting and blacklisting, but the reality of Soviet spying in the highest reaches of the Justice, Treasury, and State Departments in the 30's and 40's is without precedent in any other time, or probably in any other country.

Internal causes of anti-communist fear

The events of the late 1940s — the NKVD’s atomic bomb spy-ring of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, the Iron Curtain (1945–91) around Eastern Europe, and the USSR’s nuclear weapon — surprised the US public, influencing popular opinion about US national security, that, in turn, connected to fear of the Soviet Union atomic-bombing the US, and fear of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA). In Canada, the 1946 Kellock-Taschereau Commission investigated espionage after top secret documents concerning RDX, radar and other weapons were handed over to the Soviets by a domestic spy-ring. At the House Un-American Activities Committee, former CPUSA members and NKVD spies, Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers testified that Soviet spies and communist sympathizers had penetrated the US government before, during, and after the Second World War. Other US citizen spies confessed, some with pride, to their acts of espionage in situations where the statute of limitations on prosecuting them had run. In 1949, anti–communist fear, and fear of American traitors, was aggravated by the Chinese Communists winning the Chinese Civil War against the Western-sponsored Kuomintang, their founding of the People's Republic of China, and later Chinese intervention in the Korean War (1950–53) against US ally South Korea.

History

By the 1930s, communism had become an attractive economic ideology among many people in the US, especially among the educated, the intelligentsia, and labor leaders. At its zenith in 1939, the CPUSA had some 50,000 members. In 1940, soon after World War II began in Europe, the US Congress legislated the Alien Registration Act (aka the Smith Act, 18 USC §2385) making it a crime to "knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the duty, necessity, desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association" — and required Federal registration of all foreign nationals. Although principally deployed against communists, the Smith Act was also used against right-wing political threats such as the German-American Bund, and the perceived racial disloyalty of the Japanese-American population, (cf. hyphenated-Americans).

In 1941, after Nazi Germany invaded the USSR, the CPUSA’s official's position became pro-war, opposing labor strikes in the weapons industry and supporting the U.S. war effort against the Axis Powers. With the slogan "Communism is Twentieth-Century Americanism", the chairman, Earl Browder, advertised the CPUSA’s integration to the political mainstream. In contrast, the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party opposed US participation in the war and supported labor strikes, even in war-effort industry. For this reason, James P. Cannon and other SWP leaders were convicted per the Smith Act.

In March 1947, President Harry S. Truman signed Executive Order 9835, creating the “Federal Employees Loyalty Program” establishing political-loyalty review boards who determined the “Americanism” of Federal Government employees, and recommended termination of those who had confessed to spying for the Soviet Union, as well as some suspected of being Un-American. The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and the committees of Senator Joseph McCarthy (R., Wisc.) conducted said character investigations of “American communists” (actual and alleged), and their roles in (real and imaginary) espionage, propaganda, and subversion favoring the USSR — in the process revealing the extraordinary breadth of the Soviet spy network in infiltrating the federal government; the process also launched the successful political careers of Richard Nixon. Joseph McCarthy, a freshman Senator who was to die soon thereafter realised no political gain from the process.

The Second Red Scare profoundly altered the temper of US society. Its later characterization as anti-intellectual is seen by some as contributing to the popularity of anti-communist espionage (My Son John, 1950) and science fiction movies (The Thing From Another World, 1951) with stories and themes of the infiltration, subversion, invasion, and destruction of US society by un–American thought and inhuman beings. Even a baseball team, the Cincinnati Reds, temporarily renamed themselves the “Cincinnati Redlegs” to avoid the money-losing and career-ruining connotations inherent to being ball-playing “Reds” (communists).

See also

• History of Soviet espionage in the United States
• Hollywood blacklist
• Jencks Act
• Jencks v. United States
• Subversive Activities Control Board
• The Red Decade
• Venona project
• Yellow Peril
• Kellock-Taschereau Commission
• Lavender scare

References and notes

References and further reading

• Fried, Albert (1997). McCarthyism, The Great American Red Scare: A Documentary History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509701-7. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
• Hakim, Joy (1995). War, Peace, and All That Jazz. New York, New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 29–33. ISBN 0-19-509514-6. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
• Haynes, John Earl (2000). Red Scare or Red Menace?: American Communism and Anti Communism in the Cold War Era. Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 1-56663-091-6.
• Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey (2000). Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08462-5.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
• Levin, Murray B. (1971). Political Hysteria in America: The Democratic Capacity for Repression. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-05898-1. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
• Morgan, Ted (2004). Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. Random House. ISBN 0-8129-7302-X. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
• Murray, Robert K. (1964). Red Scare a Study in National Hysteria, 1919–1920. McGraw-Hill Education. ISBN 0816658331.
• Powers, Richard Gid (1997). Not Without Honor: A History of American AntiCommunism. Free Press. ISBN 0-300-07470-0.
• Schrecker, Ellen (1998). Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-77470-7.
  • The University Loyalty Oath by Ellen Shrecker, 1999-10-07