|Part of a series on|
|State monopoly capitalism|
In public choice theory and in economics, rent-seeking involves seeking to increase one's share of existing wealth without creating new wealth. Rent-seeking results in reduced economic efficiency through poor allocation of resources, reduced actual wealth-creation, lost government revenue, increased income inequality, and (potentially) national decline.
Attempts at capture of regulatory agencies to gain a coercive monopoly can result in advantages for the rent seeker in a market while imposing disadvantages on (incorrupt) competitors. This constitutes one of many possible forms of rent-seeking behavior.
The idea of rent-seeking was developed by Gordon Tullock in 1967, while the expression rent-seeking itself was coined in 1974 by Anne Krueger. The word "rent" does not refer specifically to payment on a lease but rather to Adam Smith's division of incomes into profit, wage, and rent. The origin of the term refers to gaining control of land or other natural resources.
Georgist economic theory describes rent-seeking in terms of land rent, where the value of land largely comes from government infrastructure and services (e.g. roads, public schools, maintenance of peace and order, etc.) and the community in general, rather than from the actions of any given landowner, in their role as mere titleholder. This role must be separated from the role of a property developer, which need not be the same person.
Rent-seeking is an attempt to obtain economic rent (i.e., the portion of income paid to a factor of production in excess of what is needed to keep it employed in its current use) by manipulating the social or political environment in which economic activities occur, rather than by creating new wealth. Rent-seeking implies extraction of uncompensated value from others without making any contribution to productivity. The classic example of rent-seeking, according to Robert Shiller, is that of a feudal lord who installs a chain across a river that flows through his land and then hires a collector to charge passing boats a fee (or rent of the section of the river for a few minutes) to lower the chain. There is nothing productive about the chain or the collector. The lord has made no improvements to the river and is not adding value in any way, directly or indirectly, except for himself. All he is doing is finding a way to make money from something that used to be free.
In many market-driven economies, much of the competition for rents is legal, regardless of harm it may do to an economy. However, some rent-seeking competition is illegal – such as bribery or corruption.
Rent-seeking is distinguished in theory from profit-seeking, in which entities seek to extract value by engaging in mutually beneficial transactions. Profit-seeking in this sense is the creation of wealth, while rent-seeking is "profiteering" by using social institutions, such as the power of the state, to redistribute wealth among different groups without creating new wealth. In a practical context, income obtained through rent-seeking may contribute to profits in the standard, accounting sense of the word.
The paradox is that rent-seekers wanting political favors can bribe politicians at a cost much lower than the value of the favor to the rent-seeker. For instance, a rent seeker who hopes to gain a billion dollars from a particular political policy may need to bribe politicians only to the tune of ten million dollars, which is about 1% of the gain to the rent-seeker. Luigi Zingales frames it by asking, "Why is there so little money in politics?" because a naive model of political bribery and/or campaign spending should result in beneficiaries of government subsidies being willing to spend an amount up to the value of the subsidies themselves, when in fact only a small fraction of that is spent.
Several possible explanations have been offered for the Tullock paradox:
- Voters may punish politicians who take large bribes, or live lavish lifestyles. This makes it hard for politicians to demand large bribes from rent-seekers.
- Competition between different politicians eager to offer favors to rent-seekers may bid down the cost of rent-seeking.
- Lack of trust between the rent-seekers and the politicians, due to the inherently underhanded nature of the deal and the unavailability of both legal recourse and reputational incentives to enforce compliance, pushes down the price that politicians can demand for favors.
An example of rent-seeking in a modern economy is spending money on lobbying for government subsidies in order to be given wealth that has already been created, or to impose regulations on competitors, in order to increase market share. Another example of rent-seeking is the limiting of access to lucrative occupations, as by medieval guilds or modern state certifications and licensures. Taxi licensing is a textbook example of rent-seeking. To the extent that the issuing of licenses constrains overall supply of taxi services (rather than ensuring competence or quality), forbidding competition by livery vehicles, unregulated taxis and/or illegal taxis renders the (otherwise consensual) transaction of taxi service a forced transfer of part of the fee, from customers to taxi business proprietors.
The concept of rent-seeking would also apply to corruption of bureaucrats who solicit and extract "bribe" or "rent" for applying their legal but discretionary authority for awarding legitimate or illegitimate benefits to clients. For example, tax officials may take bribes for lessening the tax burden of the taxpayers.
Regulatory capture is a related term for the collusion between firms and the government agencies assigned to regulate them, which is seen as enabling extensive rent-seeking behavior, especially when the government agency must rely on the firms for knowledge about the market. Studies of rent-seeking focus on efforts to capture special monopoly privileges such as manipulating government regulation of free enterprise competition. The term monopoly privilege rent-seeking is an often-used label for this particular type of rent-seeking. Often-cited examples include a lobby that seeks economic regulations such as tariff protection, quotas, subsidies, or extension of copyright law. Anne Krueger concludes that "empirical evidence suggests that the value of rents associated with import licenses can be relatively large, and it has been shown that the welfare cost of quantitative restrictions equals that of their tariff equivalents plus the value of the rents".
Economists such as the chair of British financial regulator the Financial Services Authority Lord Adair Turner have argued that innovation in the financial industry is often a form of rent-seeking.
Development of theory
Recent studies have shown that the incentives for policy-makers to engage in rent-provision is conditional on the institutional incentives they face, with elected officials in stable high-income democracies the least likely to indulge in such activities vis-à-vis entrenched bureaucrats and/or their counterparts in young and quasi-democracies.
Critics of the concept point out that, in practice, there may be difficulties distinguishing between beneficial profit-seeking and detrimental rent-seeking.
Often a further distinction is drawn between rents obtained legally through political power and the proceeds of private common-law crimes such as fraud, embezzlement and theft. This viewpoint sees "profit" as obtained consensually, through a mutually agreeable transaction between two entities (buyer and seller), and the proceeds of common-law crime non-consensually, by force or fraud inflicted on one party by another. Rent, by contrast with these two, is obtained when a third party deprives one party of access to otherwise accessible transaction opportunities, making nominally "consensual" transactions a rent-collection opportunity for the third party. The high profits of the illegal drug trade are considered rents by this definition, as they are neither legal profits nor the proceeds of common-law crimes.
People accused of rent-seeking typically argue that they are indeed creating new wealth (or preventing the reduction of old wealth) by improving quality controls, guaranteeing that charlatans do not prey on a gullible public, and preventing bubbles.
From a theoretical standpoint, the moral hazard of rent-seeking can be considerable. If "buying" a favorable regulatory environment seems cheaper than building more efficient production, a firm may choose the former option, reaping incomes entirely unrelated to any contribution to total wealth or well-being. This results in a sub-optimal allocation of resources – money spent on lobbyists and counter-lobbyists rather than on research and development, on improved business practices, on employee training, or on additional capital goods – which retards economic growth. Claims that a firm is rent-seeking therefore often accompany allegations of government corruption, or the undue influence of special interests.
Rent-seeking can prove costly to economic growth; high rent-seeking activity makes more rent-seeking attractive because of the natural and growing returns that one sees as a result of rent-seeking. Thus organizations value rent-seeking over productivity. In this case there are very high levels of rent-seeking with very low levels of output. Rent-seeking may grow at the cost of economic growth because rent-seeking by the state can easily hurt innovation. Ultimately, public rent-seeking hurts the economy the most because innovation drives economic growth.
Government agents may initiate rent-seeking – such agents soliciting bribes or other favors from the individuals or firms that stand to gain from having special economic privileges, which opens up the possibility of exploitation of the consumer. It has been shown that rent-seeking by bureaucracy can push up the cost of production of public goods. It has also been shown that rent-seeking by tax officials may cause loss in revenue to the public exchequer.
Mancur Olson traced the historic consequences of rent seeking in The Rise and Decline of Nations. As a country becomes increasingly dominated by organized interest groups, it loses economic vitality and falls into decline. Olson argued that countries that have a collapse of the political regime and the interest groups that have coalesced around it can radically improve productivity and increase national income because they start with a clean slate in the aftermath of the collapse. An example of this is Japan after World War Two. But new coalitions form over time, once again shackling society in order to redistribute wealth and income to themselves. However, social and technological changes have allowed new enterprises and groups to emerge in the past.
A study by Laband and John Sophocleus in 1988 estimated that rent-seeking had decreased total income in the USA by 45 percent. Both Dougan and Tullock affirm the difficulty of finding the cost of rent-seeking. Rent-seekers of government-provided benefits will in turn spend up to that amount of benefit in order to gain those benefits, in the absence of, for example, the collective-action constraints highlighted by Olson. Similarly, taxpayers lobby for loopholes and will spend the value of those loopholes, again, to obtain those loopholes (again absent collective-action constraints). The total of wastes from rent-seeking is then the total amount from the government-provided benefits and instances of tax avoidance (valuing benefits and avoided taxes at zero). Dougan says that the "total rent-seeking costs equal the sum of aggregate current income plus the net deficit of the public sector".
Mark Gradstein writes about rent-seeking in relation to public goods provision, and says that public goods are determined by rent seeking or lobbying activities. But the question is whether private provision with free-riding incentives or public provision with rent-seeking incentives is more inefficient in its allocation.
The economist Joseph Stiglitz has argued that rent-seeking contributes significantly to income inequality in the United States through lobbying for government policies that let the wealthy and powerful get income, not as a reward for creating wealth, but by grabbing a larger share of the wealth that would otherwise have been produced without their effort. Piketty, Saez, and Stantcheva have analyzed international economies and their changes in tax rates to conclude that much of income inequality is a result of rent-seeking among wealthy tax payers.
- Client politics
- Competition law
- Crony capitalism
- Elasticity of supply
- Intellectual property
- Landed gentry
- Land monopoly
- Land value tax
- Law of rent (Ricardo)
- Legal plunder
- The Logic of Collective Action
- Occupational licensing
- Patent troll
- Rentier state
- Royalty payment
- Software patent
- Tragedy of the anticommons
- Unearned income
- Value capture
- IMF. "Rent-seeking and Endogenous Income Inequality" (PDF). Retrieved 2014-04-30.
- David R. Henderson. "Rent Seeking". Econlib.org.
- Krueger, Anne (1974). "The Political Economy of the Rent-Seeking Society". American Economic Review. 64 (3): 291–303. JSTOR 1808883.
- "Rent-Seeking". Investopedia. 2003-11-25. Retrieved 2016-10-27.
- Robert Shiller. The Best, Brightest and Least Productive?, Project Syndicate
- Robert Schenk. "Rent Seeking". CyberEconomics. Archived from the original on January 3, 2006. Retrieved 2007-02-11.
- Conybeare, John A. C. (1982). “The Rent-Seeking State & Revenue Diversification,” World Politics, 35(1): 25–42.
- Tullock, Gordon (1980), "Efficient rent-seeking", in Buchanan, J.; Tollison, R.; and Tullock, G., Toward a theory of the rent-seeking society, College Station: Texas A&M Press, pp. 97–112
- Connes, Richard. "Loss Aversion and the Tullock Paradox". SSRN .
- Zingales, Luigi (2014), A Capitalism for the People: Recapturing the Lost Genius of American Prosperity, Basic Books, pp. 75–78, ISBN 9780465038701
- Sample, John. "An Introduction to Rent Seeking".
- McTaggart, Douglas (2012). Economics. Pearson Higher Education. p. 224. ISBN 978-1-4425-5077-3.
- Chowdhury, Faizul Latif (2006). Corrupt Bureaucracy and Privatization of Tax Enforcement. Pathak Shamabesh, Dhaka. ISBN 984-8120-62-9.
- Feenstra, Robert; Taylor, Alan (2008). International Economics. Worth Publishers, New York. ISBN 978-0-7167-9283-3
- Charles Kershaw Rowley (1988). The Political Economy of Rent-Seeking. Springer. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-89838-241-9.
- Lanier Saperstein (1997). "Copyrights, Criminal Sanctions and Economic Rents: Applying the Rent Seeking Model to the Criminal Law Formulation Process". The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. Northwestern University. 87 (4): 1470–1510. doi:10.2307/1144023. JSTOR 1144023.
- Krueger, Anne. O (1974). "The Political Economy of the Rent Seeking Society", The American Economic Review, 64(3): 291–303.
- Turner, Adair (19 April 2012). "SECURITISATION, SHADOW BANKING AND THE VALUE OF FINANCIAL INNOVATION" (PDF). Johns Hopkins University. SCHOOL OF ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (THE ROSTOV LECTURE ON INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS). Retrieved 10 January 2013.
- Turner, Adair (17 March 2010). "WHAT DO BANKS DO, WHAT SHOULD THEY DO AND WHAT PUBLIC POLICIES ARE NEEDED TO ENSURE BEST RESULTS FOR THE REAL ECONOMY?" (PDF). CASS Business School: 27. Retrieved 10 January 2013.
- Tullock, Gordon (1967). "The Welfare Costs of Tariffs, Monopolies, and Theft". Western Economic Journal. 5 (3): 224–32. doi:10.1111/j.1465-7295.1967.tb01923.x.
- Hamilton , Alexander (2013), Small is beautiful, at least in high-income democracies: the distribution of policy-making responsibility, electoral accountability, and incentives for rent extraction , World Bank.
- Pasour, E.C. "Rent Seeking: Some Conceptual Problems and Implications" (PDF). The Review of Austrian Economics.
- Eisenhans, Hartmut (1996). State, class, and development. Radiant Publishers. ISBN 978-81-7027-214-4.
- Murphy, Kevin M., Andrei Shleifer, and Robert W. Vishny (1993). "Why is Rent-Seeking So Costly to Growth?," The American Economic Review, 83(2): 409–14.
- Michael Dauderstädt, Arne Schildberg (editors), ed. (2006). Dead Ends of Transition: Rentier Economies and Protectorates. Campus Verlag. ISBN 978-3-593-38154-1.
- Niskanen, William (1971). Bureaucracy and Representative Government. Aldine-Atherton, Chicago.
- Mokyr, Joel and John V. C. Nye. 2007. "Distributional Coalitions, the Industrial Revolution, and the Origins of Economic Growth in Britain". Southern Economic Journal, 74(1):50–70.
- Leeson, Peter T. The Invisible Hook: The Hidden Economics of Pirates. Princeton University Press. 2009. p. 191.
- Dougan, William R. (1991). "The Cost of Rent Seeking: Is GNP Negative?" Journal of Political Economy, 99(3): 660–664.
- Gradstein, Mark (1993). "Rent Seeking and the Provision of Public Goods," The Economic Journal, 103(420): 1236–1243.
- Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2012-06-04). The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future. p. 32. Norton. Kindle Edition.
- Lind, Michael (March 22, 2013). "How rich "moochers" hurt America". Salon. Retrieved 7 April 2013.
- Piketty, Thomas, Emmanuel Saez, and Stefanie Stantcheva (2011), "Optimal Taxation of Top Labor Incomes: A Tale of Three Elasticities", CEPR Discussion Paper 8675, December.
- Chowdhury, Faizul Latif (2006). Corrupt Bureaucracy and Privatization of Tax Enforcement (A Rent Seeking Bureaucracy ed.). Pathak Shamabesh, Dhaka. pp. 25–34. ISBN 984-8120-62-9.
- Ikeda, Sanford (2008). "Rent Seeking". In Hamowy, Ronald. The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE; Cato Institute. pp. 422–23. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n259. ISBN 978-1412965804. LCCN 2008009151. OCLC 750831024.
- Krueger, Anne (1974). "The Political Economy of the Rent-Seeking Society". American Economic Review. 64 (3): 291–303. JSTOR 1808883.
- Tullock, Gordon (1987). "Rent seeking". The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics. 4. Palgrave Macmillan. 147–49. ISBN 0-333-37235-2.
- Tullock, Gordon (2005). The Rent-Seeking Society: The Selected Works of Gordon Tullock, Vol. 5.