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==The war's beginnings==
==The war's beginnings==
===Russian and Polish–Lithuanian intervention, dissolution of the Livonian Order===
===Russian and Polish–Lithuanian intervention, dissolution of the Livonian Order===
When the [[Livonian Confederation]] turned to the [[Polish–Lithuanian union]] for protection in the [[Treaty of Pozvol]], this was regarded by Ivan IV as ''[[casus belli]]''.<ref>De Madariaga (2006). p. 127.</ref> In 1558, he reacted with the invasion of Livonia. Many Livonian fortresses surrendered without resistance to the Russian troops, who took Dorpat in May, Narva in July,<ref>Frost (2000). p. 24.</ref> and laid siege to Reval. Reinforced by 1,200 [[landsknecht]]e, 100 gunners and ammunition from Germany, Livonian forces successfully retook [[Rakvere|Wesenberg]] (Rakvere) along with some other fortresses and raided Russian territory, yet Dorpat, Narva and many lesser fortresses remained in Russian hands.<ref name=Frost25>Frost (2000). p. 25.</ref> The initial Russian advance was led the [[Qasim Khanate|Khan of Kasimov]], with two other Tartar princes. Its force included Russian [[boiar]]s, Tartar and pomest'e cavalry and [[cossack]]s.<ref name="Stevens85">Stevens (2007). p. 85.</ref> Cossacks at this time were mostly armed foot soldiers.<ref>Frost (2000) p. 50.</ref> The goal of Tsar Ivan was to gain vital access to the [[Baltic Sea]].<ref name="Stevens85"/>
When the [[Livonian Confederation]] turned to the [[Polish–Lithuanian union]] for protection in the [[Treaty of Pozvol]], this was regarded by Ivan IV as ''[[casus belli]]''.<ref>De Madariaga (2006). p. 127.</ref> In 1558, he reacted with the invasion of Livonia. His forces were aided by local peasants, who saw them as liberators from their German feudal oppressors.<ref name="Oakley1992">{{cite book|author=Stewart P. Oakley|title=War and peace in the Baltic, 1560-1790|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=l_bSjtWNvpkC&pg=PA26|accessdate=13 April 2011|year=1992|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=9780415024723|page=26}}</ref> Many Livonian fortresses surrendered without resistance to the Russian troops, who took Dorpat in May, Narva in July,<ref>Frost (2000). p. 24.</ref> and laid siege to Reval. Reinforced by 1,200 [[landsknecht]]e, 100 gunners and ammunition from Germany, Livonian forces successfully retook [[Rakvere|Wesenberg]] (Rakvere) along with some other fortresses and raided Russian territory, yet Dorpat, Narva and many lesser fortresses remained in Russian hands.<ref name=Frost25>Frost (2000). p. 25.</ref> The initial Russian advance was led the [[Qasim Khanate|Khan of Kasimov]], with two other Tartar princes. Its force included Russian [[boiar]]s, Tartar and pomest'e cavalry and [[cossack]]s.<ref name="Stevens85">Stevens (2007). p. 85.</ref> Cossacks at this time were mostly armed foot soldiers.<ref>Frost (2000) p. 50.</ref> The goal of Tsar Ivan was to gain vital access to the [[Baltic Sea]].<ref name="Stevens85"/>


Prompted by the Russian invasion, landmeister Wilhelm von Fürstenburg fled to Poland–Lithuania, and was replaced by [[Gotthard Kettler]]. In June 1559, the estates of Livonia came under Polish–Lithuanian protection by the first [[Treaty of Vilnius (1559)|treaty of Vilnius]] (Vilna). The Polish ''[[sejm]]'' refused to agree to the treaty, believing it to be a matter affecting only the [[Grand Duchy of Lithuania]].<ref name="Bain84"/> In January 1560, Sigismund sent an ambassador, Martin Volodkov, to the court of Ivan IV in Moscow in an attempt to stop the rampage the Russian cavalry were carrying out in rural part of Livonia.<ref>Bain (1971). p. 117.</ref>
Prompted by the Russian invasion, landmeister Wilhelm von Fürstenburg fled to Poland–Lithuania, and was replaced by [[Gotthard Kettler]]. In June 1559, the estates of Livonia came under Polish–Lithuanian protection by the first [[Treaty of Vilnius (1559)|treaty of Vilnius]] (Vilna). The Polish ''[[sejm]]'' refused to agree to the treaty, believing it to be a matter affecting only the [[Grand Duchy of Lithuania]].<ref name="Bain84"/> In January 1560, Sigismund sent an ambassador, Martin Volodkov, to the court of Ivan IV in Moscow in an attempt to stop the rampage the Russian cavalry were carrying out in rural part of Livonia.<ref>Bain (1971). p. 117.</ref>

Revision as of 20:34, 13 April 2011

Livonian War

Siege of Narva by the Russians in 1558 by Boris Chorikov, 1836.
Date1558–1583
Location
Estonia, Livonia, Ingria, Russia
Result Danish–Norwegian, Polish–Lithuanian and Swedish victory
Territorial
changes		 Cession of: Estonia to Sweden, Livonia, Courland and Semigallia to Poland–Lithuania, Ösel to Denmark–Norway
Belligerents

Livonian Confederation
Denmark–Norway

Sweden Sweden
Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
(before 1569 the Polish–Lithuanian union)		 File:Russia01.gif Tsardom of Russia
Kingdom of Livonia
Commanders and leaders
Gotthard Kettler
Denmark Frederick II
Sweden Eric XIV
Stefan Batory		 File:Russia01.gif Ivan IV
Magnus of Livonia

The Livonian War (1558–1583) was fought for the control of Old Livonia, the territory of present-day Estonia and Latvia. The Tsardom of Russia faced a variable coalition of Denmark–Norway, the Kingdom of Sweden and the union (later commonwealth) of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland.

The period 1558–1578 saw a period of Russian dominance in the region, marked by early successes at Dorpat (Tartu) and Narva and the dissolution of the Livonian Confederation. The Confederation's collapse brought Poland–Lithuania into conflict with Russia. Sweden and Denmark both intervened between 1559 and 1561: Swedish Estonia was established under constant invasion from Russia, and the Frederick II of Denmark bought the old Bishopric of Ösel–Wiek which he placed under the control of brother Magnus of Holstein. After Magnus expanded his Livonian holdings, he established the Kingdom of Livonia, which existed as a Russian client until Magnus' defection in 1576.

Stefan Batory, after becoming king of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania eventually turned the tide of the war, with successes between 1578 and 1581, including the joint Swedish–Poland–Lithuanian offensive at the Battle of Wenden. This was followed by a long campaign through Russia, before a long and difficult siege of Pskov. The war between Poland–Lithuania and Russia was concluded favourably for the former with the Truce of Jam Zapolski in 1582, with Russia losing all the holdings it had in Livonia and Polotsk to Poland–Lithuania. The following year, Sweden and Russia signed the Truce of Plussa, where Sweden gained most of Ingria and northern Livonia and kept the Duchy of Estonia. Russia was left in humiliating defeat at the hands of western powers it considered its own equal or subordinate, and upon Ivan IV's death in 1584, Russia was left with no gains and became increasingly isolated from western politics and influence.[1]

Prelude

Livonia before the war

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By the mid-16th century, Old Livonia was a region with a prospering economy,[2] organised in a decentralised and religiously divided federation.[3] It consisted of territories of the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order, the prince-bishoprics of Dorpat, of Ösel–Wiek and of Courland, the Archbishopric of Riga and the city of Riga.[2][4] Besides Riga, the cities of Dorpat and Reval (Tallinn) as well as the knightly estates enjoyed privileges enabling them to act nearly independently.[4] The only common institutions of the Livonian estates were the regularly held common assemblies (landtag).[2] The political division was not only in administration, there were also persistent rivalries between the archbishop of Riga and the landmeister of the order for hegemony.[2][4] The order itself was divided since the Protestant Reformation had spread to Livonia in the 1520s – the transformation of Livonia into a Lutheran region was a gradual process resisted by part of the order who in various degrees remained sympathetic to Roman Catholicism.[5] On the eve of the Livonian war, Livonia had a weak administration subject to internal rivalries, lacked a powerful defense or outside support, and was surrounded by monarchies pursuing expansive policies. This volatile region is described by Robert I. Frost as follows: "Racked with internal bickering and threatened by the political machinations of its neighbours, Livonia was in no state to resist an attack."[6]

The order's landmeister and gebietiger[nb 1] as well as the Livionian estates were all lesser nobles, who guarded their privileges and influence by preventing the creation of a powerful higher noble class.[7] This concept failed only in the archbishopric of Riga:[8] Albert (Albrecht) of Brandenburg–Ansbach, the former Prussian hochmeister who had secularised the southern Teutonic Order state and established himself as duke in Prussia in 1525 through the Treaty of Cracow, succeeded in installing his brother Wilhelm von Brandenburg as archbishop of Riga, with Christoph von Mecklenburg as his coadjutor.[9] Wilhelm and Christoph were to pursue Albert's interests in Livonia, among which was the establishment of a hereditary Livonian duchy styled after the Prussian model,[9] while at the same time the order agitated its re-establishment in Prussia ("Rekuperation"),[10] opposed secularization and the implementation of a hereditary duchy[8] and opposed making the landmeister office hereditary.[7]

Aspirations of Livonia's neighbours

At the time of the outbreak of the Livonian War, the Hanseatic League had already lost its monopoly in the profitable and prospering Baltic Sea trade.[11] While still participating and increasing sales, it shared the market with Western European mercenary fleets, most notably from the Dutch Seventeen Provinces.[11] The Hanseatic vessels were no match for contemporary warships,[12] and since the league was not able to maintain a larger navy,[13] it left its Livonian members Riga, Reval and its trading partner Narva without suitable protection.[14] The most powerful navy in the Baltic Sea was based in the Kingdom of Denmark, which controlled the entrance to the Baltic Sea,[12] raised the Sound Dues[13] and held the strategically important Baltic Sea islands of Bornholm and Gotland.[12]

The Kingdom of Sweden's access to the Baltic trade was severely limited by the long bar of Danish territories in the south and her lack of sufficient all-year ice-free ports.[15] Sweden however prospered due to the export of timber, iron and most notably copper, had a growing navy at her disposal[15] and was separated from the Livonian ports only by the Gulf of Finland.[16] Sweden sought to expand into this area already before the Livonian War, but the intervention of the Russian tsar temporarily stalled these efforts through the Russo-Swedish War of 1554–7, which culminated in the Treaty of Novgorod.[15]

The Polish king and Lithuanian Grand Duke Sigismund II Augustus as well as Albert, Duke of Prussia, supported their relative Wilhelm von Brandenburg, archbishop of Riga, in his conflicts with the Livonian Order's landmeister Wilhelm von Fürstenberg.[17] Wilhelm von Brandenburg had to rely on outside support since his support in Livonia was weak[17] – among his few Livonian supporters was landmarschall Jasper von Munster, with whom he planned an attack on his opponents in April 1556 that would involve military aid from both Sigismund and Albert.[18] Sigismund however hesitated to participate in that action, fearing that this would leave Lithuanian Kiev exposed to a pending Russian attack.[18] When the plan became known to Wilhelm von Fürstenberg, he led a force into the archbishopric of Riga, capturing the main strongholds Kokenhusen and Ronneburg in June 1556.[18] Jasper von Munster was able to flee to Lithuania, but Wilhelm von Brandenburg and Christoph von Mecklenburg were captured and detained at Adsel and Treiden, triggering a diplomatic mission for their release by the Pomeranian dukes, the Danish king,[18] emperor Ferdinand I and the estates of the Holy Roman Empire.[19] A cross-party meeting in Lübeck to solve the conflict was scheduled for 1 April 1557, but was cancelled due to quarrels between Sigismund and the Danish envoys.[19] The killing of Sigismund's envoy Lancki by the landmeister's son was used as an excuse by Sigismund to invade the southern portion of Livonia with an excessive army of around 80,000, forcing the disagreeing parties to reconcile at his camp in Pozvol in September 1557 by creating a mutual defensive and offensive alliance (Treaty of Pozvol), primarily aimed at Russia.[20]

The Tsardom of Russia, which became Livonia's eastern neighbour by absorbing the principalities of Novgorod (1478) and Pskov (1510),[21] had grown stronger after annexing the khanates of Kazan (1552) and Astrakhan (1556). The conflict between Russia and the Western powers was exacerbated by Russia's isolation from sea trade. Nor could the tsar hire qualified labour in Europe. In 1547, Hans Schlitte, the agent of Tsar Ivan IV, employed handicraftsmen in Germany for work in Russia. However all these handicraftsmen were arrested in Lübeck at the request of Livonia.[22] The new Ivangorod port built by Tsar Ivan on the eastern shore of the Narva River in 1550 was considered unsatisfactory.[23] Tsar Ivan IV demanded that the Livonian Confederation pay about 6,000 marks to keep the Bishopric of Dorpat, based on the claim that every adult male had paid Pskov one mark whilst Pskov had been an independent state. They eventually promised to pay this sum to Ivan by 1557, but were dismissed from Moscow when they failed to do so.[23] Ivan continued to point out that the existence of the order required his goodwill, and was quick to threaten them with military force if necessary. Ivan aimed to establish a corridor between the Baltic and the new territories on the Caspian Sea for if Russia were to embark on open conflict with major western powers, it would need more sophisticated weaponry to be imported.[23]

The war's beginnings

Russian and Polish–Lithuanian intervention, dissolution of the Livonian Order

When the Livonian Confederation turned to the Polish–Lithuanian union for protection in the Treaty of Pozvol, this was regarded by Ivan IV as casus belli.[24] In 1558, he reacted with the invasion of Livonia. His forces were aided by local peasants, who saw them as liberators from their German feudal oppressors.[25] Many Livonian fortresses surrendered without resistance to the Russian troops, who took Dorpat in May, Narva in July,[26] and laid siege to Reval. Reinforced by 1,200 landsknechte, 100 gunners and ammunition from Germany, Livonian forces successfully retook Wesenberg (Rakvere) along with some other fortresses and raided Russian territory, yet Dorpat, Narva and many lesser fortresses remained in Russian hands.[27] The initial Russian advance was led the Khan of Kasimov, with two other Tartar princes. Its force included Russian boiars, Tartar and pomest'e cavalry and cossacks.[28] Cossacks at this time were mostly armed foot soldiers.[29] The goal of Tsar Ivan was to gain vital access to the Baltic Sea.[28]

Prompted by the Russian invasion, landmeister Wilhelm von Fürstenburg fled to Poland–Lithuania, and was replaced by Gotthard Kettler. In June 1559, the estates of Livonia came under Polish–Lithuanian protection by the first treaty of Vilnius (Vilna). The Polish sejm refused to agree to the treaty, believing it to be a matter affecting only the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.[20] In January 1560, Sigismund sent an ambassador, Martin Volodkov, to the court of Ivan IV in Moscow in an attempt to stop the rampage the Russian cavalry were carrying out in rural part of Livonia.[30]

Russian atrocities in Livonia. Printed in "Zeyttung" published in Nuremberg in 1561.

Ivan IV gained ground in further campaigns during the years 1559 and 1560.[27] Between these campaigns, Russian and Livonian forces signed a six-month truce in 1559 while Russia fought in the Russo-Crimean Wars. Russian successes followed similar patterns: a multitude of small campaigns, with sieges where musketmen played a key role in destroying wooden defences and with the effective use of artillery.[28] Ivan IV's forces took important fortresses like Fellin (Viljandi), yet lacked the means to gain the major cities Riga, Reval or Pernau.[27]

After the Battle of Ērģeme (Ermes) of August 1560, where the Livonian knights suffered a disastrous defeat against Ivan IV's forces. Eric XIV, the new king of Sweden, rejected Kettler's requests for assistance, leading Kettler to turn to Sigismund.[31] The weakened Livonian Order was dissolved by the second Treaty of Vilnius in 1561. The order assigned its lands, secularised as Duchy of Livonia and Duchy of Courland and Semigallia, to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Kettler became the first duke of Courland, in doing so converting to Lutheranism.[20] Included in the treaty was the Privilegium Sigismundi Augusti by which Sigismund guaranteed the Livonian estates privileges including religious freedom with respect to the Augsburg Confession, the Indigenat (Polish: Indygenat), and continuation of the traditional German administration.[32] The terms regarding religious freedom forbade any regulation of the Protestant order by religious or secular authorities.[33]

Part of the Lithuanian nobles opposed the Polish–Lithuanian union, and offered the Lithuanian crown to Ivan IV.[34] Ivan IV publicly advertised this option, either because he took the offer seriously, or because he needed time to strengthen his Livonian troops.[35] Throughout 1561, a Russo-Lithuanian truce was respected by both sides, which was scheduled to expire in 1562.[35]

Danish and Swedish interventions

In return for a loan and guarantee of its protection, Bishop Johann von Münchhausen signed a treaty on the 26 September 1559 giving Frederick II of Denmark the right to nominate the bishop of Ösel–Wiek, an act which amounted to the sale of these territories for 30,000 thalers.[36] Frederick II nominated his brother, Duke Magnus of Holstein, who took possession in April 1560, prompting Sweden to once again attempt to mediate a peace in the region, lest Danish efforts create more insecurity for Sweden.[37] Magnus at once pursued own interests, purchased the Bishopric of Courland without Frederick's consent and tried to expand into Harrien–Wierland (Harju and Virumaa), bringing him into direct conflict with Eric.[27]

The city council of Reval turned to Eric XIV for help against other troops. In 1561, Swedish forces arrived and the noble corporations of Harrien–Wierland and Jerwen (Järva) yielded to Sweden, forming the Duchy of Estonia.[38] Sweden hoped to establish itself on the eastern side of the Baltic, which was dominated by Denmark and thus control trade to Russia. This helped to precipitate the Northern Seven Years' War.[39] Already in 1561, Frederick II had protested against Swedish presence in Reval, claiming historical rights relating to Danish Estonia.[35] When Erik XIV's forces seized Pernau in June 1562 and his diplomats tried to arrange Swedish protection for Riga, this brought him in conflict with Sigismund.[35]

Sigismund maintained close relations to Erik XIV's brother, John, Duke of Finland (later John III). In October 1562, John married Sigismund's sister, Catherine, thereby preventing her marrying Ivan IV.[40] While Erik XIV had approved the marriage, he was upset when John lent Sigismund 120,000 dalers and received seven Livonian castles as security.[41] This incident led to John's capture and imprisonment in August 1563 on Erik XIV's behalf, whereupon Sigismund allied with Denmark and Lübeck against Erik XIV in October.[35]

The war from 1562 to 1570

While the initial war years were characterised by intensive fighting, a period of low-intensity warfare began in 1562, lasting until 1570 when fighting intensified again.[42] Denmark, Sweden and to some extend Poland–Lithuania were occupied with the Nordic Seven Years' War (1563–1570) in the Western Baltic,[43] but Livonia remained strategically important.[27] Both Ivan IV and Eric XIV showed signs of mental disorder.[44] Ivan IV and his oprichina turned against part of the tsardom's nobility and people starting in 1565, leaving Russia in a state of political chaos and civil war.[35]

Russian war with Poland–Lithuania

The Russo-Lithuanian truce expired in 1562, and Ivan IV rejected Sigismund's offer for an extension.[35] The tsar had used the truce to build up his forces in Livonia, and invaded Lithuania.[35] His forces raided Vitebsk and, after a series of border clashes, took Polotsk in 1563.[35] Lithuanian victories came at the Battle of Ula in 1564[35] and at Czasniki (Chashniki) in 1567, a period of intermittent conflict between the two sides; Ivan continued to gain ground among the towns and villages of central Livonia but was held at the coast by the other powers.[45] The defeats of Ula and Czasniki, along with the defection of Andrey Kurbsky led Ivan IV to move his capital to the Alexandrov Kremlin and have the perceived opposition against him repressed by his oprichniki.[35]

Map of Poland and Lithuania after the Union of Lublin in 1569.

A "grand" party left Lithuania for Moscow in May 1566.[46] Lithuania was prepared to split Livonia with Russia, with a view to a joint offensive to push Sweden out of the area. This was seen as a sign of weakness by Russian diplomats, who therefore suggested that Russia should take the whole of Livonia, including Riga, through the ceding of Courland in southern Livonia and Polotsk on the Lithuanian–Russian border.[47] It was the transfer of Riga, and the surrounding entrance to the River Dvina that troubled the Lithuanians, since much of their trade depended on safe passage through it; they had already built fortifications to protect it.[47] Ivan expanded his demands in July, calling for Ösel in addition to Dorpat and Narva. No agreement was forthcoming, and after a ten-day break in negotiations during which time various Russian meetings were held (including the zemsky sobor, the Assembly of the Land) to discuss the issues at stake.[47] Within the Assembly, the church's representative stressed the need to 'keep' Riga (it not yet having been conquered);[48] the Boyars were less keen on an overall peace with Lithuania, and noted the danger a joint Polish-Lithuanian state might pose. Talks were thus halted, and hostilities returned upon the ambassadors' return to Lithuania.[49]

In 1569, the Treaty of Lublin unified Poland and Lithuania into the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, and in June 1570 a three-year truce was signed with Russia.[50] In 1572, Sigimund II, the Commonwealth's first king, died, leaving the Polish throne without a clear successor for the first time since 1382. This became the first free election in Polish history. Much of Lithuania, still annoyed at the permanent union with Poland, wished to elect Ivan IV to the Polish–Lithuanian throne, in the hope of preventing further Russian raids into Lithuania. The electors rejected this, instead electing Henry of Valois (Henryk Walezy), brother of King Charles IX of France.[51]

Russian war with Sweden

In 1565, a seven-year truce was signed between Russia and Sweden.[46] Eric XIV of Sweden was overthrown in 1568 after he killed several nobles in the Sture Murders (Sturemorden) of 1567, and was replaced by his half-brother John III.[52] At the time of his ascession, both Russia and Sweden had other problems, and were anxious to avoid an expensive war in Livonia.[53] Ivan IV had requested the return of John's wife, Catherine Jagellonica to Russia, supposedly fearing John's death whilst incarcerated by his brother, and in July 1569 John sent a party to Russia, led by Paul Juusten, Bishop of Åbo.[54] The bishop arrived in Novgorod in September, following the arrival in Moscow of the ambassadors sent to Sweden in 1567 by Ivan to retrieve Catherine. Ivan refused to meet with the party himself, forcing them to negotiate instead with the Governor of Novgorod.[54] The Tsar requested that Swedish envoys should greet the governor as 'the brother of their king', but Juusten refused to do so. The Governor ordered that the Swedish party be attacked, their clothes and money taken, they be deprived of their food and drink and that they be paraded naked through the streets;[54] furthermore, they were to be moved to Moscow. Fortunately for the Swedes, they were being transferred at the same time Ivan and his oprichniki were on their way to assault Novgorod.[50]

On return to Moscow in May 1570, Ivan refused to meet the Swedish party, and with the signing of a three-year truce in June 1570 with the Commonwealth no longer feared war with Poland–Lithuania.[50] Russia considered the return of Catherine to be a precondition of any deal. The Swedes agreed to meet in Novgorod to discuss this.[50] According to Juusten, the Russian demands were to abandon their claim to Reval; to provide two or three hundred cavalry when required; to pay 10,000 thaler in direct compensation; to surrender Finish silver mines near the border with Russia and to allow the Tsar to style himself "Lord of Sweden". The Swedish party left with an ultimatum from Ivan that Sweden should cede its part of Livonia, or else there would be war.[55] Juusten was left behind. John rejected Ivan's demands, and thus war broke out anew.[56]

Impact of the Northern Seven Years' War

Quarrels between Denmark and Sweden had led to the contemporary Northern Seven Years' War in 1563, concluded in 1570 by the Treaty of Stettin.[57] The war was primarily fought in western and southern Scandinavia, involving important naval battles in the Baltic.[57] When in 1565 Danish-held Varberg surrendered to Swedish forces, 150 mercenaries were excepted from a massacre of the garrison when they entered from Danish into Swedish service.[58] Among them was Pontus de la Gardie,[58] who became an important Swedish commander in the Livonian War thereafter.[59] Another incident affecting Livonia was the naval campaign of Danish admiral Peter or Per Munck, who bombarded Swedish Reval from sea in July 1569.[60]

Under the Treaty of Stettin, Sweden agreed to turn over her possessions in Livonia for a payment by Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II.[61] However, Maximilian failed pay the compensation promised to Sweden, and therefore lost his influence on the Baltic affairs. The terms of the treaty regarding Livonia were ignored, and thus the Livonian War continued.[62] From Ivan's point of view, this merely enabled the powers involved to come to some alliance against him, now no longer fighting each other.[63]

From 1570 to 1577: Russian dominance and Kingdom of Livonia

Map of Livonia in 1573

John III (King of Sweden) faced a Russian offensive on his positions in Estonia during the early 1570s.[64] Reval withstood a Russian siege in 1570 and 1571,[65] but several smaller towns were taken by Russian forces. The Russian advance was concluded with the sacking of Weissenstein (Paide) in 1573. After the capture, the Russian forces roasted alive some of the leaders of Weissenstein's Swedish garrison, including its commander, triggering John to mount a retaliatory campaign centred on Wesenberg.[64] In November 1573, the army left for Wesenberg,[66] under the overall command of Klas Åkesson Tott (the Elder) and field command of Pontus de la Gardie.[64] There were Russian raids into Finland, including one as far as Helsingfors (Helsinki) in 1572; a two-year truce on this front was signed in 1575.[67]

This counter-offensive was stalled in the siege of Wesenberg in 1574 when German and Scottish units of the Swedish army turned against each other.[64] The failure of the siege has also been put down to the bitter winter conditions and the difficulty faced, particularly by infantry, in fighting in them.[68] The war in Livonia therefore became a greater burden for Sweden. By the end of 1573, Sweden's German mercenaries were owed 200,000 daler. John gave them the castles of Hapsal, Leal and Lode as security; when he failed to pay his debts, they were sold to Denmark.[67]

However, Magnus' efforts to besiege Reval, then controlled by Sweden, were failing. Support from neither Ivan nor from Magnus' brother, Frederick II of Denmark was forthcoming.[63] Ivan had responsibilities elsewhere and the Frederick's reluctance came perhaps from the newly-found Swedish–Danish unity, and unwillingess to invade Livonia on behalf of Magnus, whose state was a vassal of Russia. The siege was abandoned in March 1561.[63] Swedish actions in the Baltic were escalated, with the passive backing of Sigismund, as John's brother-in-law.[63]

Meanwhile, the Crimean Tatars devastated Russian territories and burnt down Moscow in the Russo-Crimean Wars. Drought and epidemics had fatally affected the economy, and oprichnina had thoroughly disrupted the government. Following the defeat of Crimean and Nogai forces in 1572, the oprichnina was wound down and thus the way Russian armies were formed also changed.[69] Ivan IV had introduced a new strategy, relying on tens of thousands of native troops, cossacks and tartars, instead of a few thousand skilled troops and mercenaries, as practiced by his adversaries.

The year of 1576 marked the height of Ivan's campaign, and another 30,000 Russian soldiers crossed into Livonia in 1577.[52] The Danish part of Livonia was devastated in retaliation for the Danish acquisition of Hapsal, Leal and Lode. Danish influence in Livonia ceased, as Frederick accepted deals with Sweden and Poland to end nominal Danish involvement.[67] Swedish forces were besieged in Reval and central Livonia was raided as far as Dünaburg (Daugavpils), formally under Polish–Lithuanian superiority since the Treaty of Vilnius in 1561.[64] The conquered territories submitted to Ivan or his vassal, Magnus,[64] declared monarch of the Kingdom of Livonia in 1570.[52] Magnus defected from Ivan IV during the same year,[70] having started to subordinate castles without consulting the tsar. When Kokenhusen (Koknese) submitted to Magnus to avoid fighting Ivan IV's army, the tsar sacked it and executed its German commanders.[52] The campaign then focussed on Wenden (Cēsis, Võnnu), "the heart of Livonia", which as the former capital of the Livonian Order was not only of strategic importance, but also a symbol for Livonia itself.[64]

The final war years

Swedish and Polish–Lithuanian alliance and counter-offensives

The Siege of Polotsk, 1579, in a contemporary illustration.
The campaigns of Stefan Batory: the red line marks the greatest extent of Russian occupation; the blue line the approximate border after the Treaty of Jam Zampolski.

In 1576, the Transylvanian prince Stefan Batory became king of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania after a short and sharp civil war against the Habsburg Emperor Maximilian II, following the double election of Batory's fiancèe Anna Jagiellon and Maximillian II in 1575.[71] Batory, ambitious to expel Ivan IV from Livonia, was constrained by the opposition of Danzig (Gdansk), which resisted Batory's accession with Danish support.[72] Batory ended the ensuing Danzig War of 1577 by conceding further autonomy rights to the city in turn for a payment of 200,000 zloty; for another 200,000 zloty payment, he appointed Hohenzollern George Frederick as administrator of Prussia and secured the latter's military support in the planned campaign against Russia.[72]

Swedish king John III and Stefan Batory allied against Ivan IV in December 1577, despite problems. The death of Sigimund had meant John's wife, Catherine, stood for a substantial inheritance which had not been resolved.[73] Poland also claimed the whole of Livonia, without acceptance of Swedish lands. The 120,000 daler lent in 1562 had not been repaid, despite Sigismund's intention to pay it.[73]

By November, Lithuanian forces had started an offensive from the south and captured Dünaburg.[74] A Polish–Swedish force took the town and castle of Wenden in early 1578.[75] Russian forces tried to retake the town in February, but failed.[74] What followed was a Swedish offensive, targeting Pernau (Pärnu), Dorpat and Novgorod among others. In September, Ivan responded by sending in an army of 18,000 men, who recaptured Oberpahlen (Põltsamaa) from Sweden and then marched on Wenden.[74][75] Upon their arrival at Wenden, the Russian army laid siege to the town, but was met by a relief force of around 6,000. In the ensuing Battle of Wenden, Russian casualties were severe, and armaments and horses captured. Ivan IV was for the first time seriously defeated in Livonia.[75]

Batory accelerated the formation of the hussars, a new well-organised type of cavalry to replace the feudal levy. Similarly, he improved an already effective artillery system, and also recruited cossacks. Batory gathered 56,000 troops, 30,000 from Lithuania,[76] together for his first assault on Russia at Polotsk, among a wider campaign. The city fell on 30 August 1579; Ivan had kept Russia's reserves in Pskov and Novgorod to guard against a Swedish invasion.[76] Batory then appointed a close ally and powerful member of his court, Jan Zamoyski, to lead a force of 48,000, 25,000 from Lithuania, against the fortress of Velikie Luki, capturing it on September 5, 1580.[76] No other significant resistance was met, and garrisons such as Sokol, Velizh and Usvzat fell quickly.[77] The force then besieged Pskov in 1581, a well-fortified and heavily defended fortress. Batory's financial support from the Polish parliament was also failing. Batory hoped to lure Russian forces in Livonia out into open field, but they did not so, and winter began to fall on Batory's men. Not realising that the Polish–Lithuanian advance was fading, Ivan signed the Truce of Jam Zapolski.[76]

The failure of a Swedish siege of Narva in 1579 led to Pontus de la Gardie replacing Henrik Klasson Horn as commander-in-chief. Kexholm and Padis were taken by Swedish forces in 1580.[78] In 1581, along with the fall of Wesenberg, a mercenary army hired by Sweden recaptured the strategic city of Narva.[78] It was a target of John III's campaigns, since it could be attacked by both land and sea, making use of Sweden's considerable fleet.[1] Arguments over formal control in the long term hampered any alliance with Poland.[1] Following la Gardie's taking of the city, and in retaliation for previous Russian massacres,[79] 7,000 Russians were killed according to Russow's contemporary chronicle.[80] Narva was followed by the fall of Ivangorod, Jama and Koporye.[81] Sweden was content with its gains in Livonia.[81]

Truces of Jam Zapolski and Plussa

These developments led to the signing of the peace Truce of Jam Zapolski in 1582 between Russia and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, lead in negotiations by Jesuit papal legate Antonio Possevino.[81] It was a humiliation for the Tsar, in part because he was the one requesting it. Russia would surrender to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth all areas in Livonia it still held and the city of Dorpat; Polotsk would be kept under the Commonwealth's control. In return, Velike Luki would be returned from Batory's control to Russia.[81] Any conquests made from Sweden could be kept, with Narva being specifically mentioned. Possevino made a half-hearted attempt to get John III's wishes discussed, but this was vetoed by the Tsar, probably in alignment with Batory.[81] The armistice, which fell short of a full peace arrangement, was to last ten years; it was renewed twice, in 1591 and 1601.[82] Batory attempted to put pressure on Sweden to relinquish its gains in Livonia, particularly Narva, but failed.[81]

John decided to end the war with Russia, and in 1583 the war ended when the Tsar concluded the Truce of Plussa (Plyussa, Pljussa, Plusa) with Sweden.[83][81] Russia relinquishing most of Ingria and leaving Narva and Ivangorod under Swedish control.[83] The Russo-Swedish truce was scheduled to last three years, but was later extended until 1590.[83] During the negoiations, Sweden made vast demands of Russian territory, including Novgorod. Whilst these were likely demands to de dropped during the negotiations, it was perhaps symbolic of greater Swedish pretensions in the region.[81]

Aftermath

South of the Düna (Daugava) river, the post-war Duchy of Courland and Semigallia experienced a period of political stability based on the Treaty of Vilnius, which only in 1617 was modified by the Formula regiminis and Statuta Curlandiæ, granting the indigenous nobles additional rights at the duke's expense.[84] North of the Düna, Batory reduced the priviledges Sigismund had granted the Duchy of Livonia, regarding the regained territories as the spoils of war.[85] Riga's privileges had already been reduced by the Treaty of Drohiczyn in 1581.[86] German gradually replaced Polish as the administrative language, and the Baltic German administration was reduced by the establishment of voivodeships. [32] The local clergy and the Jesuits in Livonia embraced the counter-reformation.[33] Batory assisted by granting revenues and estates confiscated from Protestants to the Roman Catholic Church and by initiating a largely unsuccessful recruitment campaign for Catholic colonists.[87] These measures however failed to achieve a conversion of the Livonian population, and alienated the Livonian estates from Poland–Lithuania.[87]

Map showing Sweden in the Baltic, 1560 to 1721. Dates are those of occupation, and those in brackets dates of loss.

In 1590, the Russo-Swedish truce of Plussa expired and fighting resumed.[83] The Russo-Swedish War of 1590–5 was ended by the Treaty of Teusina (Tyavzino, Tyavzin), in which Sweden had to cede Ingria and Kexholm to Russia.[88] During the same period, the Swedish–Polish alliance began to crumble when the Polish king and grand duke of Lithuania Sigismund III, who as son of John III of Sweden (died 1592) and Catherine Jagellonica, was the successor to the Swedish throne, met with the resistance of a party led by his uncle, Charles of Södermanland (later Charles IX), who claimed regency in Sweden for himself.[88] The result was a civil war in Sweden, starting in 1597, and the war against Sigismund from 1598 to 1599, which ended with the deposition of Sigismund by the Swedish riksdag.[88]

In 1600, the conflict spread to Livonia: Sigismund tried to incorporate Swedish Estonia into the Duchy of Livonia, whereupon the local nobles turned to Charles for protection.[89] Charles expelled the Polish forces from Estonia[89] and invaded the Livonian duchy, starting a series of Polish–Swedish wars.[90] At the same time, Russia was in a state of civil war as the Russian throne was vacant and none of the many claimants prevailed (called the "Time of Troubles"); this conflict became entangled with the Livonian campaigns when Swedish and Polish–Lithuanian forces intervened on opposite sides, the latter starting the Polish–Muscovite War.[90] Charles IX's forces were expelled from Livonia[91] after major setbacks at the battles of Kircholm (1605)[92] and Klushino (1610),[91] his successor Gustavus Adolphus however retook Ingria and Kexholm in the Ingrian War (formally ceded in the Treaty of Stolbovo, 1617)[91] as well as the bulk of the Duchy of Livonia: in 1617, when Sweden had recovered from the Kalmar War with Denmark, several Livonian towns were captured, yet only Pernau could be kept after a Polish–Lithuanian counter-offensive;[93] a second campaign however which started with the capture of Riga in 1621 expelled the Polish–Lithuanian forces from most of Livonia, where the dominion of Swedish Livonia was created.[89] After Swedish forces then advanced through Royal Prussia, Poland–Lithuania accepted the Swedish gains in Livonia in the Treaty of Altmark in 1629.[94]

Danish Estonia was ceded to Sweden in the Treaty of Brömsebro (1645), which ended the Torstenson War, a theatre of the Thirty Years' War.[95] It was kept after the Treaty of Copenhagen in 1660.[96] Only in 1710 did the situation change again, when Estonia and Livonia capitulated to Russia during the Great Northern War, formalised in the Treaty of Nystad (1721).[97]

Notes

  1. ^ The order was led by a hochmeister, an office since 1525 executed by the deutschmeister responsible for the bailiwicks in the Holy Roman Empire; the order's organisation in Livonia was led by a circle of gebietigers headed by a landmeister elected from their midst.

Sources

References

  1. ^ a b c Oakley (1993). p. 34.
  2. ^ a b c d Rabe (1989). p. 306.
  3. ^ Dybaś (2009). p. 193.
  4. ^ a b c Bülow (2003). p. 73.
  5. ^ Kreem (2006). p. 46, pp. 51–53.
  6. ^ Frost (2000). p. 2.
  7. ^ a b Kreem (2006). p. 50.
  8. ^ a b Kreem (2006). p. 51.
  9. ^ a b Körber (1998). p. 26.
  10. ^ Kreem (2006). p. 46.
  11. ^ a b Frost (2000). p. 3.
  12. ^ a b c Frost (2000). p. 5.
  13. ^ a b Frost (2000). p. 6.
  14. ^ Frost (2000). p. 4.
  15. ^ a b c Frost (2000). p. 7.
  16. ^ Bain (1971). p. 84.
  17. ^ a b Hartmann (2005), p. XIII.
  18. ^ a b c d Hartmann (2005), p. XIV.
  19. ^ a b Hartmann (2005), p. XV.
  20. ^ a b c Bain (1971). p. 84.
  21. ^ Frost (2000). p. 10.
  22. ^ Karamzin (1826). p.405
  23. ^ a b c De Madariaga (2006). p. 124.
  24. ^ De Madariaga (2006). p. 127.
  25. ^ Stewart P. Oakley (1992). War and peace in the Baltic, 1560-1790. Psychology Press. p. 26. ISBN 9780415024723. Retrieved 13 April 2011.
  26. ^ Frost (2000). p. 24.
  27. ^ a b c d e Frost (2000). p. 25.
  28. ^ a b c Stevens (2007). p. 85.
  29. ^ Frost (2000) p. 50.
  30. ^ Bain (1971). p. 117.
  31. ^ Bain (2006). p. 118.
  32. ^ a b Tuchtenhagen (2005), p. 36.
  33. ^ a b Kahle (1984), p. 17 Cite error: The named reference "Kahle17" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  34. ^ Frost (2000). pp. 25–26.
  35. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Frost (2000). p. 26.
  36. ^ Pauker (1854), p. 289.
  37. ^ Bain (2006). p. 56.
  38. ^ Eriksson (2007). pp. 45–46.
  39. ^ Elliott (2000). p. 14.
  40. ^ Oakley (1993). p. 27.
  41. ^ Roberts (1968). p. 209.
  42. ^ Frost (2000). p. 77.
  43. ^ Frost (2000). p. 30ff.
  44. ^ Frost (2000). pp. 26–27.
  45. ^ Bain (1971). p. 123.
  46. ^ a b De Madariaga (2006). p.195.
  47. ^ a b c De Madariaga (2006). p.196.
  48. ^ De Madariaga (2006). p.202.
  49. ^ De Madariaga (2006). p.196.
  50. ^ a b c d De Madariaga (2006). p.262.
  51. ^ Bain (1971). pp. 90–91.
  52. ^ a b c d Frost (2000). p. 27.
  53. ^ Roberts (1968). p. 255.
  54. ^ a b c De Madariaga (2006). p.261.
  55. ^ De Madariaga (2006). p. 271.
  56. ^ De Madariaga (2006). p. 272.
  57. ^ a b Frost (2000). pp 29–37.
  58. ^ a b Frost (2000). p. 76.
  59. ^ Frost (2000). pp. 44, 51.
  60. ^ Frost (2000). p. 36.
  61. ^ Nordstrom (2000). p. 36.
  62. ^ Peterson (2007). p. 90
  63. ^ a b c d De Madariaga (2006). p.264.
  64. ^ a b c d e f g Peterson (2007). pp. 91–93.
  65. ^ Black (1996).
  66. ^ Fisher (1907).
  67. ^ a b c Roberts (1968). p. 258.
  68. ^ Frost (2000).
  69. ^ De Madariaga (2006). pp. 277–278.
  70. ^ Oakley (1993). p. 37.
  71. ^ Stone (2001). pp. 122–123.
  72. ^ a b Stone (1991), p. 123.
  73. ^ a b Roberts (1968). p. 260.
  74. ^ a b c Frost (2000). p. 28.
  75. ^ a b c Peterson (2007). p. 94.
  76. ^ a b c d Stone (2001), pp. 126–127.
  77. ^ Solovyov (1791)
  78. ^ a b Roberts (1968). p. 263.
  79. ^ Solovyov (1791). p. 881.
  80. ^ Frost (2000). p. 80, referring to Russow, B. (1578): Chronica der Provintz Lyfflandt, p. 147.
  81. ^ a b c d e f g h Roberts (1968). p. 264.
  82. ^ Wernham (1968). p. 393.
  83. ^ a b c d Frost (2000). p. 44.
  84. ^ Dybaś (2006), p. 110.
  85. ^ Dybaś (2006), p. 109.
  86. ^ Tuchtenhagen (2005), p. 37.
  87. ^ a b Tuchtenhagen (2005), p. 38.
  88. ^ a b c Frost (2000). p. 45.
  89. ^ a b c Steinke (2009), p. 120.
  90. ^ a b Frost (2000). p. 46.
  91. ^ a b c Frost (2000). p. 47.
  92. ^ Frost (2000). pp. 62, 64ff.
  93. ^ Frost (2000). p. 102.
  94. ^ Frost (2000). p. 103.
  95. ^ Frost (2000). pp. 103–104.
  96. ^ Frost (2000). p.183.
  97. ^ Kahle (1984), p. 18.

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External links

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