Talk:American Revolutionary War: Difference between revisions
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::- part-2. ARW {{tq|purchased British-manufactured goods that maintained its industrial growth}} = <u>Mays cited</u> ''"they purchased British-manufactured goods in markets to maintain industrial growth", <small>(11 words paraphrased to 9 = 2 fewer words)</small>. |
::- part-2. ARW {{tq|purchased British-manufactured goods that maintained its industrial growth}} = <u>Mays cited</u> ''"they purchased British-manufactured goods in markets to maintain industrial growth", <small>(11 words paraphrased to 9 = 2 fewer words)</small>. |
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::- part-3. ARW {{tq|newly enforced and expanded mercantile regulation}} = <u>Mays cited</u> ''"and they were to conduct trade with others only in accordance with Parliament’s rules meant to benefit the British Empire"'', <small>(20 words paraphrased to 6 = 14 fewer words)</small>. |
::- part-3. ARW {{tq|newly enforced and expanded mercantile regulation}} = <u>Mays cited</u> ''"and they were to conduct trade with others only in accordance with Parliament’s rules meant to benefit the British Empire"'', <small>(20 words paraphrased to 6 = 14 fewer words)</small>. |
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::- part-4. ARW {{tq|restricted previous international Caribbean trade and colonial laissez-faire smuggling}} = <u>Mays cited</u> ''"These last proved to be as abrasive to Americans as direct taxation from abroad"'', <small>(14 words paraphrased to 10 = 4 fewer words)</small>. |
::- part-4. ARW {{tq|restricted previous international Caribbean trade and colonial laissez-faire smuggling}} = <u>Mays cited</u> ''"These last proved to be as abrasive to Americans as direct taxation from abroad"'', <small>(14 words paraphrased to 10 = 4 fewer words)</small>. |
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::- <u>I look forward to your explanation shortly</u>. - [[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 09:20, 9 December 2020 (UTC) |
::- <u>I look forward to your explanation shortly</u>. - [[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 09:20, 9 December 2020 (UTC) |
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:::-"Where does this come from? Not from Mays certainly". I stand by that statement. |
:::-"Where does this come from? Not from Mays certainly". I stand by that statement. |
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::::'''INSERT ->''' In this post, you somehow inverted the two elements. You claimed that what I transcribed from the <u>text</u> was my claimed attribution to <u>Mays</u>. In a way, that is simply an unchanged restatement of your earlier misconception of the point at issue, without taking into account my previous post. Without trying to sort out the conflation here, I'll incorporate elements sourced to Mays in my "Recap" sub-sub section below. - <small><small>[[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 08:56, 14 December 2020 (UTC)</small></small> |
::::'''INSERT ->''' In this post, you somehow inverted the two elements. You claimed that what I transcribed from the <u>text</u> was my claimed attribution to <u>Mays</u>. In a way, that is simply an unchanged restatement of your earlier misconception of the point at issue, without taking into account my previous post. Without trying to sort out the conflation here, I'll incorporate elements sourced to Mays in my "Recap" sub-sub section below. - <small><small>[[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 08:56, 14 December 2020 (UTC)</small></small> </s> |
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::::::{{ping|TheVirginiaHistorian}} Happy to pretend I'm a moron who can't read if that means we don't have to waste time arguing this point. [[User:Robinvp11|Robinvp11]] ([[User talk:Robinvp11|talk]]) 12:46, 14 December 2020 (UTC) |
::::::{{ping|TheVirginiaHistorian}} Happy to pretend I'm a moron who can't read if that means we don't have to waste time arguing this point. [[User:Robinvp11|Robinvp11]] ([[User talk:Robinvp11|talk]]) 12:46, 14 December 2020 (UTC) |
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::- <u>What is the {{u|Robinvp11}} source that US forces in Vietnam were felled by French colonial peasant men in black pajamas</u>? Not only were the North Vietnamese regular fighting men comparable to the best in the world (and almost all Communist South Vietnamese ethnic officers had been killed off in suicide attacks during the [[Tet Offensive]]). But a few months after US withdrawal, China determined to take the newly united Vietnam's northern borderland for its own, just at the time that Vietnamese divisions were committed to occupying Laos and Cambodia. China sent massive human wave assaults against Vietnamese dug in positions, which were duly vaporized by professional Vietnamese artillery using sophisticated "rolling barrages" in the mountainous terrain. After a week or so of self-destructive military catastrophe, the Chinese released a statement that they had demonstrated their "point" against Vietnamese "aggressions". I never did get it all sorted out at the time. But I do know that the largest world trade partners of Communist Vietnam has been the United States for several decades now. - [[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 10:08, 13 December 2020 (UTC) |
::- <u>What is the {{u|Robinvp11}} source that US forces in Vietnam were felled by French colonial peasant men in black pajamas</u>? Not only were the North Vietnamese regular fighting men comparable to the best in the world (and almost all Communist South Vietnamese ethnic officers had been killed off in suicide attacks during the [[Tet Offensive]]). But a few months after US withdrawal, China determined to take the newly united Vietnam's northern borderland for its own, just at the time that Vietnamese divisions were committed to occupying Laos and Cambodia. China sent massive human wave assaults against Vietnamese dug in positions, which were duly vaporized by professional Vietnamese artillery using sophisticated "rolling barrages" in the mountainous terrain. After a week or so of self-destructive military catastrophe, the Chinese released a statement that they had demonstrated their "point" against Vietnamese "aggressions". I never did get it all sorted out at the time. But I do know that the largest world trade partners of Communist Vietnam has been the United States for several decades now. - [[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 10:08, 13 December 2020 (UTC) |
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::::::{{ping|TheVirginiaHistorian}} <u>What is your source that untrained, unorganized and unequipped local county militias whipped the British because they were a "army in being" |
::::::{{ping|TheVirginiaHistorian}} <u>What is your source that untrained, unorganized and unequipped local county militias whipped the British because they were a "army in being" What is the {{u|Robinvp11}} source that US forces in Vietnam were felled by French colonial peasant men in black pajamas</u> '''I suppose its useless for me to point out that I never said either of these things'''. |
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::::::I made a simple and fairly uncontroversial statement about asymmetric warfare, which didn't even really need a response, let alone four paragraphs of increasingly irrelevant waffle (I lived in Asia for 15 years, I don't need lectures on its history). My mistake, I always forget how sensitive Americans of a certain age are about Vietnam. Have you ever come across the idea of 'is it worth arguing this point?' This madness is reflected all through the Talkpage ie pointless wittering about abstract points of detail whose only purpose is to demonstrate to the author their own infallibility. [[User:Robinvp11|Robinvp11]] ([[User talk:Robinvp11|talk]]) 12:46, 14 December 2020 (UTC) |
::::::I made a simple and fairly uncontroversial statement about asymmetric warfare, which didn't even really need a response, let alone four paragraphs of increasingly irrelevant waffle (I lived in Asia for 15 years, I don't need lectures on its history). My mistake, I always forget how sensitive Americans of a certain age are about Vietnam. Have you ever come across the idea of 'is it worth arguing this point?' This madness is reflected all through the Talkpage ie pointless wittering about abstract points of detail whose only purpose is to demonstrate to the author their own infallibility. [[User:Robinvp11|Robinvp11]] ([[User talk:Robinvp11|talk]]) 12:46, 14 December 2020 (UTC) |
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Copyedits by Tenryuu
Tenryuu preliminaries
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TheVirginiaHistorian (TVH), I'm going to separate points by section so that they're easier to sift through. If you have anything in particular to bring up feel free to do so. Each point can be considered its own conversation, so please leave indented (preferably unbulleted) replies underneath them. I'll strike my comments out when a resolution has been reached for them. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:41, 10 November 2020 (UTC)
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Tenryuu copyediting 22 November - 4 December pause
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Courtesy ping: TheVirginiaHistorian I've got some questions about the "War breaks out" section. Anyone else is also welcome to add input. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 00:39, 22 November 2020 (UTC) Courtesy ping: TheVirginiaHistorian (and others) for the "Strategy and commanders" section. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 23:11, 24 November 2020 (UTC) pingTo recently active editors (TheVirginiaHistorian—Robinvp11—Gwillhickers): There seems to be some major article restructuring going on that has removed some of the text I've copyedited. It appears there's still some contention over article content, so I will be suspending my copyedit until issues among primary editors have been resolved. This is not a jab at anyone, but rather there being very little point to copyediting when text hasn't been agreed upon and may be potentially removed wholesale. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 00:21, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
Uncollapsing discussion. An RfC has been created and there are quite a few discussions open about changing content. As such, copyediting would not be helpful at this time and I will suspend it for the time being. Other discussions and RfCs take precedence, so do not rush them to get a copyedit in. There is no deadline. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 22:01, 4 December 2020 (UTC) Lede
Prelude to revolutionResolved
PendingWar breaks outResolved
PendingStrategy and commandersResolved
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Revolution as civil war
Resolved
Tenryuu Resolved points
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Pending
Copyedits - Strategy and commanders
resolved 'Strategy and commanders'
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empty as of 6 December 2020 - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:04, 7 December 2020 (UTC) |
Strategy and commanders introduction - pending
- #1
In the American Revolutionary War, the national strategies for victory and the commander operational choices for success were different for the two sides. The Continental Congress had to field an army to outlast the will of the British Crown and its Parliament while maintaining its republican governance among constituent states.
#1 discussion
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- #2
In London, the British government had a track record of successfully subduing a rebelling countryside in both Scotland and Ireland by enlisting local landowners to administer county government of the realm, and admitted local Members of Parliament for the Scots after 1704.
- This sentence makes no sense, nor is it supported by the Mays reference; where does it come from, how does it relate to the American War and what's the point? It should be removed. - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- - How Westminster put down rebellions before is relevant to how it might put down the one at hand in America. By 1775 Westminster had faced rebellions within the Cabinet's personal memory in Ireland and Scotland. Mays says that British government could never decisively decide how to choose from among their previous strategic options that had been successful in the past: a) crushing the rebellion ruthlessly with hangings, beheadings, draw-and-quartering, heads on pikes, and importing King's Men to be the new Lords of the Manors in the local estates -- b) reconciling with rebels whose leaders would disperse their troops, elevating them to titled nobility, and allowing membership in the House of Commons and House of Lords, -- or c) a one-two sequence in policy by crushing active armed resistance in the field, then embracing rebel landowners who took an oath of allegiance, permitting them to represent their local ridings in Parliament.
- - All three courses of action had found a successful result, but uncertainty in the case of the American insurrection was compounded in four dimensions: a) the King-Lords-Commons never settled on one strategy at any time prior to 1781 Yorktown and the collapse of public and Parliament support for their "American war", b) Whig Opposition in Parliament was vocal with London merchant and newspaper support, c) the most experienced British Army and Royal Navy senior officers refused to accept an appointment to come out of half-pay to put down the American rebellion, and d) factions in every Great Power Court of the Enlightened despots were sympathetic to the American Cause in Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Austria, Spain, Portugal, and Serbia. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:49, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- @TheVirginiaHistorian: I honestly don't the energy to follow this - why does it take you so long to make your point? Wtf is a "local riding"? And what is this obsession with "enlightened despots"? Why not just say "Parliament had a choice between ruthless repression or co-opting local leaders and for various reasons could never decide which one to follow." Robinvp11 (talk) 13:31, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- #3 The rest of this section purports to be sourced from Mays Pages 2 & 3; some of it is, a lot of it isn't eg
By 1775, British American colonies supplied raw materials for British ships and one-third of its sailors and they purchased British-manufactured goods that maintained its industrial growth. Newly enforced and expanded mercantile regulation restricted previous international Caribbean trade and colonial laissez-faire smuggling
.
#3 discussion and drafts
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Where does this come from? Not from Mays certainly. - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
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- #4.
The Dutch wanted the right to trade with their former colony in New York [...]
(really?),the French and Spanish to regain lost territories in the Americas and Europe.
[6] - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
#4 discussion and drafts
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Working draft – recap: #1, #2, #3, #4
- Section intro 1-of-2 paragraph: "The American Revolutionary War was one of the first colonial conflicts. Like contemporary rebellions in Latin America,[n] which were an economic war between a European state and its territory that was settled for its own economic strength.[14] But it was also a civil war affecting all thirteen states, as each was split among Patriots, Loyalists and uncommitted neutrals. Lastly, it was part of a contest between France and Spain against Britain over the balance of European power in America and globally.[15]"
- - The three-part colonial economic war-civil war-international war is taken from Mays’ Introduction as referenced. This draft uses Mays terminology, at both “economic war ” [between a European state and its territory], and “balance of power” [among Great Britain, France and Spain in North America]. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:27, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Why are we re-opening discussions we've already had? "The American Revolutionary War was one of the first colonial conflicts but also a civil war affecting all thirteen colonies. Particularly in the south, many battles were fought between Patriots and Loyalists with no British involvement, leading to divisions which continued after independence was achieved. Lastly, it was part of a global war between France, Spain, the Dutch Republic and Britain, with America as one of a number of different theaters."[16] -
- Section intro 2-of-2 paragraph: "The British additionally made war on the European shipping trade of their former ally the Dutch Republic, and antagonized the Russian led the First League of Armed Neutrality, including Prussia, Austria, Sweden, and Denmark to protect neutral shipping from being stopped and searched for contraband by Britain and France.[17] France played a key role in assisting the Americans with money, weapons, soldiers, and naval vessels. French troops fought under US command in the states, and Spanish troops in its territory west of the Mississippi River and on the Gulf of Mexico defeated British forces. From 1778 to 1780, more countries with their own colonial possessions worldwide went to war against Britain for their own reasons,[18] including the Dutch Republic for its right to trade with its former colony in New York, and the French and Spanish to regain lost empire and prestige in the Caribbean, India, and Gibraltar.[19]"
- - This second paragraph treats the Dutch apart from the French and Spanish. The Dutch are a declining military power who still have much of the European North Atlantic-Caribbean carrying trade, and they are declared war on by Britain. The second paragraph continues a description of the belligerents apart from the Mays paradigm in the first paragraph, to address the military activity of the French and Spanish on the North American continent that serve to make them belligerent and co-belligerent with the Americans in their Revolutionary War for independence from Britain.TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:27, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Again, what's wrong with this? "Although the Dutch Republic was no longer a major power, prior to 1774 they still dominated the European carrying trade, and Dutch merchants made large profits by shipping French-supplied munitions to the Patriots. This ended when Britain declared war in December 1780 and the conflict proved disastrous to their economy.[20] The Dutch were also excluded from the First League of Armed Neutrality, formed by Russia, Sweden and Denmark in March 1780 to protect neutral shipping from being stopped and searched for contraband by Britain and France.[21]
- This discussion is ended. I've been pretty patient but we're now re-opening discussions we've already had. So put in what you want, I'll come back in a couple of months and rewrite it in comprehensible English. Robinvp11 (talk) 13:31, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
Section re France
- To begin with, the Americans had no major international allies, as most nation-states watched and waited to see developments unfold in British North America. Why not just say "To begin with, most outside powers waited to see how the war developed." Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- Better. - - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- Over time, the Continental Army acquitted itself well in the face of British regulars and their German auxiliaries known to all European great powers. What does this mean? - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- Perhaps better: "Over time, the Continental Army could meet and overcome both British regulars and their professional German auxiliaries in combat." - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- I think this is the point Over time, despite limited battlefield success, the Continental Army showed it could not be destroyed by British or German regulars.
- The context extends further than that. The Continental Army did not only clash, withdraw, and survive. That is not the whole story.
- - It also defeated British regulars on the battlefield, counter attacked in pursuit, and captured two entire British armies, one in the woods, and one with elaborately engineered trench approaches and its light infantry storming Redoubt No. 10 at Yorktown.
- - This martial development at arms in the Continental Army is addressed in American historiography, but it was considered noteworthy at the time by military advisors to Royal Courts of all the European great powers, including Frederick the Great personally. -- It is also true that the British and German soldiers were better man-for-man as professional soldiers. Thus all American victories required some tactical advantage that could be attained by surprise, or being dug in, or Indian allies on the field after the Indian allies of the British deserted, or via artillery integrated into their regiments in the Prussian manner - after General von Steuben and Valley Forge, etc. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 00:17, 8 December 2020 (UTC)
- I think this is the point Over time, despite limited battlefield success, the Continental Army showed it could not be destroyed by British or German regulars.
- Perhaps better: "Over time, the Continental Army could meet and overcome both British regulars and their professional German auxiliaries in combat." - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- This isn't meant as a critique of professional ability but the idea of an "army in being" eg no one doubts the US army could outfight the NVA, but they couldn't wipe them out - central principle of asymmetric warfare. Robinvp11 (talk) 18:18, 8 December 2020 (UTC)
- @Robinvp11: What is your source that untrained, unorganized and unequipped local county militias whipped the British because they were a "army in being"? Except for the Saratoga-fight-in-the-woods, all major battles of the American Revolutionary War were fought by infantry line formations on terrain like that of the battles fought in Europe by the great powers. No serious RS is proponent of the view that Americans overthrew of British regulars and German professionals as untrained farm boys of 16 taking pot shots at red coats and then disappearing into the woods. --- Although I have read such a summary account online in home-schooler "textbooks-for-Patriots". What is the Robinvp11 source?
- - What is the Robinvp11 source that US forces in Vietnam were felled by French colonial peasant men in black pajamas? Not only were the North Vietnamese regular fighting men comparable to the best in the world (and almost all Communist South Vietnamese ethnic officers had been killed off in suicide attacks during the Tet Offensive). But a few months after US withdrawal, China determined to take the newly united Vietnam's northern borderland for its own, just at the time that Vietnamese divisions were committed to occupying Laos and Cambodia. China sent massive human wave assaults against Vietnamese dug in positions, which were duly vaporized by professional Vietnamese artillery using sophisticated "rolling barrages" in the mountainous terrain. After a week or so of self-destructive military catastrophe, the Chinese released a statement that they had demonstrated their "point" against Vietnamese "aggressions". I never did get it all sorted out at the time. But I do know that the largest world trade partners of Communist Vietnam has been the United States for several decades now. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 10:08, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- @TheVirginiaHistorian: What is your source that untrained, unorganized and unequipped local county militias whipped the British because they were a "army in being" What is the Robinvp11 source that US forces in Vietnam were felled by French colonial peasant men in black pajamas I suppose its useless for me to point out that I never said either of these things.
- I made a simple and fairly uncontroversial statement about asymmetric warfare, which didn't even really need a response, let alone four paragraphs of increasingly irrelevant waffle (I lived in Asia for 15 years, I don't need lectures on its history). My mistake, I always forget how sensitive Americans of a certain age are about Vietnam. Have you ever come across the idea of 'is it worth arguing this point?' This madness is reflected all through the Talkpage ie pointless wittering about abstract points of detail whose only purpose is to demonstrate to the author their own infallibility. Robinvp11 (talk) 12:46, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- Battles such as the Battle of Bennington, the Battles of Saratoga, and even defeats such as the Battle of Germantown, proved decisive in gaining the attention and support of powerful European nations... This doesn't seem consistent with accounts earlier in the article of how and why France came into the war; - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- How is it not? Bennington, Saratoga, and Germantown all demonstrated the developing effectiveness of American arms carried out by soldiers of one-year enlistments, admired publically by Frederick the Great at his court, and by military advisors in other great power courts.
- - The French would not aid the Americans until (1) the French would not have to carry the fight alone, the American cause was not a loosing cause, (2) the French had a chance to humiliate the British in North America, but that chance would come to an end if King-Lords-Commons would reconcile with Congress --- the loss of a British army at Saratoga did in fact prompt peace-making sentiment in the country and in Parliament to reconcile with the rebel Congress ... (3) the French might yet regain 'western Quebec' North America as shown in the maps provided the Shelburne administration during negotiations in 1782 (Shelburne's papers). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- Exactly - elsewhere, the article says American victory at Saratoga brought France into the war because it was worried the Patriots would win too quickly and they'd lose an opportunity to win an ally. This point isn't doesn't make that clear - nor is it clear why Frederick's admiration mattered. - Robinvp11 (talk) 14:31, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- See the reply above beginning, "This martial development at arms in the Continental Army".
- And, Both elements referenced are true, but in sequence. First, the Americans had to demonstrate that they were not rag-tag, not ambush and withdraw to survive to another day, leaving port cities and the countryside to control of British troops and Loyalist militias. Becoming good fighters with staying power on the battlefield, win or lose, was good, but capturing a British army at Saratoga changed the political equilibrium in Britain and in Parliament
- - Second, with the possibility of an early Westminster-Congress reconciliation imminent, the French Court decided to 'pull-the-trigger' to make a treaty with the rebel Congress because Vergennes took his sense of urgency in the moment to persuade Louis XVI to do so. When Vergennes succeeded, he outmaneuvered his rival in the French Court who was more concerned about French Treasury finances and taxation than short-sighted revenge on Britain. His name escapes me, but there was one such Frenchman at Court in 1788.- TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 00:17, 8 December 2020 (UTC)
- Reword Victories at Bennington and Saratoga, or even defeats such as Germantown, showed the Continental Army could hold its own against British or German regulars. As well as formal support from France, it brought limited backing from nations like Prussia. Robinvp11 (talk) 14:31, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- ...such as Pacte de Famille Link is wrong; this is a treaty between the two nations and it should say "France and Spain" - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- Where is this? can you give an eleven-word snippet? The French and Spanish agree to taking Gibraltar from Britain to cede to Spain at the Treaty of Aranjuez (1779), which several British diplomatic sources say is an extension of the Third Pacte de Famille.
- - France and Spain then undertook a war against Britain that is not connected with American independence with a republic in North America. The new war elsewhere with new aims is (a) without the knowledge of Congress, (b) Congress is not signatory to those war aims, (c) nor is there any participation of Congressionally commissioned officers in the "Bourbon war", as the naval historians, both American Mahan and British Syrett, style it. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- This has now been covered in section above. Robinvp11 (talk) 14:31, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- -
- This has now been covered in section above. Robinvp11 (talk) 14:31, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- and the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War.. As above; should be the Dutch Republic, the war is separate. Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- Where is this? can you give an eleven-word snippet? The British Royal Navy sweeps the Dutch merchants and its Navy from the North Atlantic, ending the Dutch trade with the Americans first to the former New Amsterdam, then from New Haven, Connecticut and Sint Eustatius, Caribbean. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
- Ultimately, I'm not sure why this is a separate section. I think it should be folded into the one above - less confusing. - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- No, reader confusion comes from conflating the two: (a) Britain's "American war" with the rebel Congress in North America (Britannica), is other than and separate from (b) Britain's "Bourbon war" with European great powers, primarily at sea and touching four continents (naval historians Am. Mahan 1890, Brit. Syrett 1998).
- - There are differing elements of historiography between them, relating to time, duration, place, causa belli, war aims, and treaty provisions that are well documented as ways to distinguish Britain's American war versus Britain's Bourbon war. That both were conducted against Britain over the period April 1789 to August 1781 is not sufficient to join them artificially without any document evidence of a connection to the rebel Congress or its commissioned officers. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 00:33, 8 December 2020 (UTC)
- Ultimately, I'm not sure why this is a separate section. I think it should be folded into the one above - less confusing. - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
- Where is this? can you give an eleven-word snippet? The British Royal Navy sweeps the Dutch merchants and its Navy from the North Atlantic, ending the Dutch trade with the Americans first to the former New Amsterdam, then from New Haven, Connecticut and Sint Eustatius, Caribbean. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:38, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
side discussion on procedure
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Discussion notes to sources
- ^ Ferling 2007, p. 330
- ^ Mays 2019, pp. 2-3
- ^ Mays 2019, pp. 2-3
- ^ Mays 2019, p. 3
- ^ Mays 2019, p. 3
- ^ Davenport 1917, p. 168
- ^ Grainger 2005, p. 10
- ^ Davenport 1917, pp. 145-146
- ^ Davenport 1917, p. 146
- ^ Renouf, Stephen. "Spain in the American Revolution" (PDF). Spain Society; SAR. sar.org. Retrieved 7 December 2020.
- ^ Weeks 2013, p. 27
- ^ Scott 1988, pp. 572-573
- ^ Grainger 2005, p. 10
- ^ Mays 2019, p. 2
- ^ Mays 2019, p. 2-3
- ^ Mays 2019, p. 3
- ^ Grainger 2005, p. 10
- ^ Mays 2019, p. 3
- ^ Davenport 1917, p. 168
- ^ Scott 1988, pp. 572-573
- ^ Grainger 2005, p. 10
- * copyedits - Robinvp11 (talk) 19:36, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
Copyedits by TVH
- Robinvp11 removed image of the King choosing PMs before and after the political effects of Yorktown here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 01:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- This is wp:original research without sourcing or discussion at Talk. Robin rationale:
replace picture (again, because this makes it seem as if George III was far more active than he actually was)
. - - The replacement was a blown-up image of only one (1) of the two (2) parties in Parliament that George III chose from for his Prime Ministers during the American Revolutionary War.
- - It is a violation of wp:BALANCE to omit or otherwise censor the constructive role George III had in the conclusion of the American Revolutionary War. He was the principal in the history event i.e. he was “actually” an active agent, rather than a passive figurehead of some description unknown to history. In his 5 December 1782 Speech from the Throne to a public joint session of Parliament, George III declared for American independence, peace and trade. No, he did not finally retire as a princeling of the Holy Roman Empire in Brunswick, despite rumors in London parlors. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 01:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- The Speech from the Throne is written by the prime minister, in this case, Lord Shelburne.(See Edmund Burke, Vol. 2, p. 13[1].) Parliament then debates and votes on the speech. In this case, Burke attacked the speech and the Chancellor of the Exchequer defended it. TFD (talk) 02:21, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, and Ted Sorensen once wrote,
"Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country."
. But it does not necessarily follow that President John F. Kennedy was a nullity in the history of Anglo-American relations for using it in his Inaugural Address. - - Although there is a doctrine to dismiss "great men" influencing history, surely you do not presume to assert generally that George III and John F. Kennedy should be treated as nullities in historical narratives, or to specifically deny here that George III had a substantial role in ending the ARW? TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 11:27, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- The speech from the throne is entirely different. That Elizabeth II or her representative reads a speech every year to the parliaments of the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and 11 other sovereign states as well as 10 Canadian provinces, 6 Australian states, 15 overseas territories, two associated states and in the past dozens of other independent states and their provinces is a formality. She doesn't personally decide the government policies of all those territories. The reason that the prime ministers of each state write the speech is not that they are particularly qualified in speechwriting, but that they use the speech from the throne to outline what they intend to do in the current session of parliament. Presumably Kennedy agreed to the policies and opinions that Sorenson wrote in his speeches. TFD (talk) 16:01, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Bon, good. Thank you for improving my understanding of the "Speech from the Throne" in the modern "Commonwealth" era of British Empire. That British "commonwealth" of independent nations is akin to what the First Continental Congress imagined in its Olive Branch Petition, to my understanding.
- - I see that you and I are agreed in this: Incoming PM Lord Rockingham was of importance in ending the ARW, significant historically and relevant to the ARW article. Lord Rockingham influenced the King's new policy for American independence. Perhaps you can support my restoring the now Robin-reverted gallery portrait of incoming PM 'Whig' Lord Rockingham paired with the outgoing PM 'Tory' Lord North, I will do shortly. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 18:39, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Thanks for your comments. My point was that we cannot know a sovereign's views from the speech from the throne because the speech reflects the PM's views, although the speaker may add to it. George III exercised more influence than modern monarchs and may well have added to the speech or changed it. TFD (talk) 03:16, 25 November 2020 (UTC)
- The speech from the throne is entirely different. That Elizabeth II or her representative reads a speech every year to the parliaments of the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and 11 other sovereign states as well as 10 Canadian provinces, 6 Australian states, 15 overseas territories, two associated states and in the past dozens of other independent states and their provinces is a formality. She doesn't personally decide the government policies of all those territories. The reason that the prime ministers of each state write the speech is not that they are particularly qualified in speechwriting, but that they use the speech from the throne to outline what they intend to do in the current session of parliament. Presumably Kennedy agreed to the policies and opinions that Sorenson wrote in his speeches. TFD (talk) 16:01, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, and Ted Sorensen once wrote,
- The Speech from the Throne is written by the prime minister, in this case, Lord Shelburne.(See Edmund Burke, Vol. 2, p. 13[1].) Parliament then debates and votes on the speech. In this case, Burke attacked the speech and the Chancellor of the Exchequer defended it. TFD (talk) 02:21, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- This is wp:original research without sourcing or discussion at Talk. Robin rationale:
- #1 of 3. Robinvp11 imposed POV that George III was not significant in ending the ARW here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 01:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- In an unsourced editor's wp:own proclamation without sourcing or discussion at Talk, Robin's POV:
”George III did not conduct government or strategy”
. This violates wp:reliable sourcing. The undiscussed revert blanked what the what the RS says: Hibbert, Christopher (2000) in George III: A Personal History.King George III had determined that in the event that France initiated a separate war with Britain, he would have to redeploy most of the British and German troops in America to threaten French and Spanish Caribbean settlements. In the King's judgment, Britain could not possibly fight on all three fronts without becoming weak everywhere. - Hibbert 2000, p. 160.
– This source may be replaced with yet another using a reference that I have not yet inspected. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 01:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)- Just a comment on this: the Hibbert quote confirms George's opinion, but that doesn't in itself mean he had substantial power - indeed with respect to America (as elsewhere) even George regarded himself more as the "executive agent for the maintenance of Parliamentary authority" (Ditchfield, George III: An Essay in Monarchy', p.110) in the spirit of the 1688 political settlement. He could influence policy through selection of ministers, but his power was severely limited - I realise American historiography may be different here.Svejk74 (talk) 12:35, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- @Svejk74:, thanks for the reply.
- Does Ditchfield not acknowledge a Parliamentary party of "the King's Men" in George III pay from 1770 to 1785? The Edward Gibbon article infers his Commons seat was a sinecure of the King. I understood from a scan of the Cambridge Modern History v.6 (1925, Oxford University Press) for the late 1700s, that "Honest Billy" Pitt proposed some reforms, enhancing his reputation, such as abolishing Rotten boroughs in Commons (achieved in 1832) and restricting the Crown's ability to appoint Knighthoods at will to make a majority in the House of Lords (as political circumstances might require for the pleasure of "His Most Britannic Majesty").
- Were there no British constitutional reforms touching on Crown and Parliament 1688-1953, William and Mary to Queen Elizabeth II? I concede that I may have misunderstood the term of art, "in the spirit of 1688" in British historiography, which does seem a bit of a sweeping generalization from the perspective of American historiography. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 16:16, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Alternatively, British scholar John Steven Watson, The Reign of George III: 1760-1815 (1960), writes a recap of George III's direct Parliamentary influence, at Britannica, George III. It notes variously, (1) By 1770, George III was "still as obstinate as ever and still felt an intense duty to guide the country" […] he "used executive power for winning elections […]". (2) "So the king prolonged the war, possibly by two years, by his desperate determination." (3) At the time people believed that corruption alone supported an administration that was equally incapable of waging war or ending it. This supposed increase in corruption was laid directly at the king’s door, for North wearily repeated his wish to resign, thus appearing to be a mere puppet of George III. (4) At backing William Pitt the Younger in the general election March 1784, the country, moved by reform, "as well as by treasury influence, overwhelmingly endorsed the king’s action.” George III subsequently withdrew from direct intervention in Parliament, allowing Pitt’s administration over His Majesty's objections. Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 16:16, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Again, I think George's own opinions and the popular perception of his role and influence needs to be tempered with an understanding of the limits of that influence. Stephen Conway in Dickinson (ed) Britain and the American Revolution gives a balanced view: "In popular mythology, George III is inextricably linked with the loss of the American colonies, even though the constitutional clashes [...] centred on the claims of the British parliament not those of the crown. [...] Once the conflict began the king's role was likewise less significant than has been assumed. He was consulted on the conduct of the war and asked to approve plans and proposals; he gave his opinions freely and at times was certainly influential; but he was not the key decision-maker. No single person filled that position". George certainly played a role, but it shouldn't be overemphasised at the expense of, for example, the cabinet generally.Svejk74 (talk) 20:21, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Alternatively, British scholar John Steven Watson, The Reign of George III: 1760-1815 (1960), writes a recap of George III's direct Parliamentary influence, at Britannica, George III. It notes variously, (1) By 1770, George III was "still as obstinate as ever and still felt an intense duty to guide the country" […] he "used executive power for winning elections […]". (2) "So the king prolonged the war, possibly by two years, by his desperate determination." (3) At the time people believed that corruption alone supported an administration that was equally incapable of waging war or ending it. This supposed increase in corruption was laid directly at the king’s door, for North wearily repeated his wish to resign, thus appearing to be a mere puppet of George III. (4) At backing William Pitt the Younger in the general election March 1784, the country, moved by reform, "as well as by treasury influence, overwhelmingly endorsed the king’s action.” George III subsequently withdrew from direct intervention in Parliament, allowing Pitt’s administration over His Majesty's objections. Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 16:16, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Just a comment on this: the Hibbert quote confirms George's opinion, but that doesn't in itself mean he had substantial power - indeed with respect to America (as elsewhere) even George regarded himself more as the "executive agent for the maintenance of Parliamentary authority" (Ditchfield, George III: An Essay in Monarchy', p.110) in the spirit of the 1688 political settlement. He could influence policy through selection of ministers, but his power was severely limited - I realise American historiography may be different here.Svejk74 (talk) 12:35, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- In an unsourced editor's wp:own proclamation without sourcing or discussion at Talk, Robin's POV:
- Robinvp11 deleted Tory - Whig image balance representing the two parties supplying George III with PMs here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 01:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Robin deletes the two gallery portraits of successive Prime Ministers to George III, Lord North, and Lord Rockingham, leaving only a blown-up image of Lord North alone to lead the article.
- - Robin persists in foisting an unrelenting POV bias on the article, without sourcing or discussion at Talk. That Lord North portrait is now placed it at the top of the section, renaming the section with the purpose of describing the Fall of the North Ministry to an unwarranted and undiscussed Exultation of the North Ministry. And as noted before, the edit-post removed King George III, the sovereign who appointed both Lord North and Lord Rockingham as his Prime Ministers during the American Revolutionary War. Again, an unsourced and undiscussed revert to advance the misapprehension that George III had no significant role in ending the American Revolution. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 01:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- #2 of 3. Robinvp11 altered source attribution for George III, posted here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 20:12, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Source Hibbert wrote, "George III still had hoped for victory in the South." (Hibbert 2008, p. 333)
- Robin misrepresented the source:
North still hoped for victory in the South, [...]
- without a source, without discussion at Talk. Robin persists in a POV about the end of the ARW, that it is somehow disconnected from and unrelated to the ruling Monarch of Britain, George III. - - George III was known to have influenced Parliament by corrupting both members in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons who were in his pay. The repeated edits dismissing George III's role in American independence, peace, and trade with Britain is unwarranted disruption of the page.
- - There is no sourcing to support Robin's assertion, coloring, or bias to be introduced into the article. There is no discussion on his part to find a consensus here to overturn mainstream historiography on the topic that supports an effective rule by pre-dementia George III as king. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 20:12, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Robinvp11 removed first step to Euro peace: international armistice ===
- posted here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 19:52, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Source authors Green and Pole enumerated two initiatives by the British Parliament in Paris: (a) "Parliament began its negotiations in Paris" [with Americans separately from Bourbon French and Spanish], and (b) "a British-US-French-Spanish armistice was negotiated there, subsequently honored in North America among all sides, thus ending worldwide conflict related to the American War for Independence." (Greene and Pole 2008 (2000), p. 325)
- - Robin misrepresented the two-step process as sourced:
"Peace discussions were held in Paris, leading to the Treaty of Paris, ending worldwide conflict related to the American War for Independence."
- First and foremost: This article is a military history of British subjects in their (a) insurrection, (b) rebellion, (c) constitutional "Revolution", or (d) "War of Independence", depending on various mainstream historiographic interpretations. It cannot reasonably be expanded into a diplomatic history of great European powers. when there is already a stand-alone Wikipedia article on Diplomacy in the American Revolutionary War.
- - Regarding the end of the ARW as military actions, explained to all as the scope here in the article top hat: (1) First the shooting war was stopped by truces negotiated by local British and American commanders in Yorktown and New York in 1781; (2) British offensive action in North America against Congress ended in the "American war" by Act of Parliament in April 1782;
- - (3) An Act of Parliament initiated peace with Congress without the Bourbon kings, leading to an Anglo-American Preliminary Peace that met all the unanimous Congressional war aims in November 1782: independence, British evacuation, territory to the Mississippi with its navigation into the Gulf, and Newfoundland Banks fishing with curing rights. Congress ratified that agreement on 15 April 1783 (Library of Congress "Memory"). Euro armistice worldwide was in early 1783, followed by Euro worldwide peace in late 1783.
- - The end of the ARW as a military enterprise came with the end of the shooting war in North America. It was not defined by the formal "conclusive" Anglo-American peace delayed "at the pleasure of his Most Britannic Majesty". -- (An editors here observed that "shooting war" was a term unknown to him [in Euro diplomatic history?], falsely asserting the term is TVH "made up" only for the purpose of discussion here.)
- - That bit of European diplomatic history of various "conclusive treaties" in Versailles awaited the French April 1782 failure in the Caribbean and the Spanish October 1782 failure at Gibraltar, both engagements related to the Britain's Bourbon War (Am: Mahan 1890, Brit: Syrett 1998). They were apart from the British colonial insurrection for independence in North America, they occurred without any document evidence of participant connection to Congress or American independence. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 19:52, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Robinvp11 POV removed 'American War' opposition in Parliament, Tory and Whig===
- posted here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 20:16, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- Robin, without sourcing or discussion at Talk, deleted the following account of Parliamentary opposition to continuing the 'American war', both Tory (Edward Gibbon) and Whig (William Pitt the Younger).
- - The mood of the British nation had changed since the 1770s. Member of Parliament Edward Gibbon had believed the King's cause in America to be just, and the British and German soldiers there fought bravely. But after Yorktown, he concluded, "It is better to be humbled than ruined." There was no point in spending more money on Britain's most expensive war, with no hope of success. Whig William Pitt argued that war on American colonists had brought nothing but ineffective victories or severe defeats. He condemned effort to retain the Americans as a "most accursed, wicked, barbarous, cruel, unjust and diabolical war." Lord North resigned. George III never forgave him. (Hibbert 2000, p.161, 164).
- - Colonial Americans did not "exceptionally" single-handedly overthrow the greatest naval power on earth and seize independence from a despotic "Mother Country". There were Opposition Whigs in Parliament at every step of the American taxation crisis and throughout the Revolutionary War. The Patriots were grounded in Whig history, philosophy, and politics. And they were supported by British Whigs publicly in Parliament throughout the American Revolution. The British lost its second army in America at (Yorktown October 1781). The catastrophe had resulted from the Tory administration of a hard war policy that Lord North had staked his political fortunes on, so that failure allowed for the ascendency of the Whigs in Parliament (William Pitt the Younger in Commons). The "Country Gentlemen" in Commons defected from the Tories to the Whigs to oppose the "American war". These included Tories such as Mr. "it is better to be humbled than ruined" Edward Gibbon, in a seat that had been bought and paid for him through the patronage of Lord North. Parliament ended further prosecution of the "American war" in April 1782.
- - British patriotism reasserted itself. The Bourbon invasion of England by their (Armada September 1779) had failed a little over a year before only from the happy circumstances from bad weather combined with widespread shipboard illness and death among the invading fleet. With no further prosecution of war by Britain in America, the ranks of regular British regiments and county home-defense militias were filled, both officer and enlisted.
- - The deleted passage not only bears directly on the end of the American Revolutionary War, but it is also relevant to the pivot by King, Parliament and the Briton populace, to answer the direct threat of the Bourbon War on the British homeland, Caribbean, and India, apart from any subsidiary assistance that France or Spain had been forwarding to the efforts of the rebel - independence Congress among those British subjects beforehand. The passage should be restored - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 20:16, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- #3 of 3. Robinvp11 altered source attribution for George III here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 10:08, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
- Ferling source: "George III abandoned any hope of subduing America militarily while simultaneously contending with two European Great Powers alone. (Ferling 2007, p. 294) Robin misrepresentation:
"North
abandoned any hope of subduing America militarily while simultaneously contending with two European Great Powers alone." (Ferling 2007, p. 294) - - For the third time in this series, Robinvp11 inserts a POV of unsourced and undiscussed posts diminishing the role of the ruling monarch of Britain, before the onset of his later dementia, and while George III was still actively corrupting Commons seats to confer on his favorites, and adding seats in the House of Lords to guarantee his "King's Party" majorities in Parliament's votes. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 10:08, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
- Ferling source: "George III abandoned any hope of subduing America militarily while simultaneously contending with two European Great Powers alone. (Ferling 2007, p. 294) Robin misrepresentation:
- Robinvp11 removed reference to the Second Hundred Years' War here, with a rationale explaining, "You'll very rarely find any British historian who refers to the Second Hundred Years War and isn't needed anyway". Previous text: "Beginning in 1778–9 as a part of what European historians know as the Anglo-French Second Hundred Years' War, France and Spain again declared war on Britain."--- Robin's misdirection: "Beginning in 1778–1779, France and Spain again declared war on Britain." - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 13:45, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
- (1) The ARW is an article on American military history. Unlike the ARW for British colonial independence in a republic the Anglo-French wars of the Second Hundred Years' War 1689-1815 concerned the two major European great powers vying for a favorable Balance of power on the Continent, and extending their imperial reach by colonial conquest and trade agreements (Larrie Ferreiro, Brothers at Arms: American Independence and the men of France and Spain who saved it, "British scholar Robert Seeley's name for the eight Anglo-French wars 'stuck'").
- - Without reference to the British historiographic category of a Second Hundred Years' War, there is no reason to include any reference, not even tangentially, to any diplomatic or military history that is not directly related to the American Revolutionary War as defined by Encyclopedia Britannica. The on-topic material for this article must then be restricted to subject matter relating events in an insurrection of British subjects against their British government for national independence in North America for the purpose of establishing a republican government.
- (2) The Wikipedia military history project must adhere to a consistent editorial policy across its articles. None of the Wikipedia articles on four North American wars are written so as to comprehend the related European great power imperial wars that overlap them for some period of time. The ARW of 1775 cannot be made to do so as a one-off, stand-alone exception.
- - Only at the ARW have editors tried to merge not one, but two European great powers war articles into an existing American war article. The undisrupted, stand-alone American wars are to be found at 1689 King William's War, 1701 Queen Anne's War, 1739 King George's War, 1754 French and Indian War. The as yet unmerged great power wars are the 1689-1697 War of the Grand Alliance, the 1701-1714 War of the Spanish Succession, the War of the Austrian Succession, or the French and Indian War.
- (3) One Wikipedia project should not single-handedly and inconsistently dictate that the article for the ARW of 1775 fought in North America and the North Atlantic for national independence in a republican government, should absorb sourced narrative accounts for the Anglo-French-Bourbon War of 1778 (naval history scholars Am:Mahan 1890, Brit:Styrett 1998) that was fought worldwide over the European balance of power and their respective imperial colonies. Editors there should not throw in the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War in the North Atlantic and Caribbean, and the Second Anglo-Mysore War in India and the Indian Ocean as add-ons.
- - That is especially so, since all the great power Anglo-French wars 1689-1815 are a part of the British historian Second Hundred Years' War, which as a stand-alone artic'e itself needs expanding at Wikipedia to become "comprehensive", were editors there be so inclined. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 13:45, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
to be completed
(-) to be completed.
- Comments:
- to be completed. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 13:45, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
Proposed 'Legacy' section
preliminary discussion
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I wonder if editors could comment on how we describe the overall results. To me, colonial America was controlled by the British government, but had a great degree of internal self-government. While not a democracy, the colonial governments relied on local elites for support. They lost this however after the British parliament imposed "intolerable" legislation and sent colonial officials to impose imperial legislation. Many colonists, from all ranks of society, remained loyal to Britain and some 80,000 "loyalists" left the colonies after independence. The distinguished historian Gordon S. Wood saw colonial America as a stratified society that would change into an egalitarian society as a result of the revolution. Gwillhickers sees colonial America as a semi-feudal state with lords and ladies and personally controlled by the King of Great Britain. A class of colonial officials from England formed the upper class, but left following the ARW. I don't know how accepted Wood's view is, but I see no support for Gwillhickers' view in reliable sources. For the overall results section,[2] we need to distinguish the degree of support various views have. It reflects Gwillhickers' view and uses Wood as a source. I think that Wood's view is misinterpreted and is in any case a minority view. TFD (talk) 10:53, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
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I propose, the following language, supported by RS footnotes, below. Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:09, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Political legacy
- The American Revolution established the United States and set an example to overthrow government by monarchy and imperial colonialism. The new republic spanned a large territory, justified to the world by Enlightenment ideals with widespread political participation. That participation was further expanded by land grants made to Continental and militia veterans. The French, Haitian, Latin American Revolutions were inspired in part by the American Revolution, as were others into the modern era.
- In their home states, returning veterans sought to expand the voting franchise to include all those who had served in the American Revolutionary War, and to embrace all those who enrolled in their county militias from ages 21 to 60. During the elections for delegates to state conventions to ratify the US Constitution in 1788, that goal was attained in Virginia for that one election only. Most states did not expand the franchise to militia members regardless of property holdings until after the War of 1812 and later at the rise of Jacksonian democracy.
- Returning veteran settlement included a variety of backgrounds. Enlisted men, several hundreds of whites and a few dozen free blacks, received land grants from Congress or their home states to settle on family farms on the western frontier, and thereby met the land requirement to vote. Germans who had fought for the British returned with their families to settle on the frontier, achieving citizenship within one year for their adopted states, before US citizenship. "Soft" Tories, the two-thirds of Loyalist militias who did not migrate to British colonies in Canada and the Caribbean, either made a home among their former neighbors, or migrated west to the western frontier.[b]
- Social legacy
- The Enlightenment reasoning to abolish slavery was widespread among Revolutionary war veterans. They had seen black troops perform well under fire both in state militias and in Continental Line regiments.[c] At the close of the war, Revolutionary officers North and South, supported freedom and land grants to all surviving black veterans, regardless of their previous condition of servitude, but they were outvoted in their state legislatures. Large numbers of enlisted veterans south and west of the Tidewater joined Methodist and Baptist religious sects that were racially integrated, admitting both free black and enslaved membership.
- Revolutionary veterans made up majorities in the state legislatures that took actions to free slaves. By 1804, all the northern states had soon passed laws outlawing slavery. George Washington, personally manumitted his slaves and did so through his will without an Act of Assembly. Veteran majorities in both House and Senate passed the Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves went into effect in 1808. John Marshall helped found the American Colonization Society, a manumission society to establish an African nation of self-governing freed slaves.
- Washington's Continental officer corps, including Naval officers and French officers with Congressional commissions, founded a brotherhood of the Society of the Cincinnati to care for their fellow officer's widows, orphans, and one another in old age.[d] In the early 1800s, state chapters with strong republican principles such as Virginia, self-dissolved the hereditary organization as the last widow of the Revolution's serving officers died. Later these chapters were reconstituted to memorialize their ancestors' service to the republic, and generally promote American patriotism.
- Memory legacy
- - a balanced discussion of mainstream historiography
- ^ Note
- ^
including newly opened territory to become founding families in states such as Vermont in 1791, Kentucky in 1792, Tennessee in 1796, and Ohio in 1803. - ^ The black Rhode Island regiment on Washington's left flank at Monmouth famously not only turned back a British bayonet charge for the first time by Americans, but then counter-charged with a bayonet attack of their own. As many as twenty-percent of the Northern Continental Line regiments were free blacks.
- ^ Despite fears of Anti-Federalists such as Patrick Henry of Virginia militia service in the Revolutionary War, George Washington did not orchestrate Cincinnati membership as a cabal to impose a national government on the United States. While he did encourage his former officers such as John Marshall to run for delegate in the Virginia Ratification Convention, Society members who were elected from their home counties split 50-50 over the final vote to ratify.
- Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:09, 23 November 2020 (UTC);
- - updated.TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 23:58, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
Comments:
proposal discussion
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@TheVirginiaHistorian, this is a great idea. I fully support this. Dswitz10734 (talk) 16:55, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
Copyedits by Gwillhickers
Yes, if there are any statements that are deemed to be over-emphasizing the King's role, we need to see them outlined, here in Talk. Otherwise we'll forever be absorbed in another lengthy source debate, which would be uncalled for since the article only mentions the King briefly, esp in relation to Parliament. The debate is somewhat out of proportion to the amount of coverage our article lends to these entities.
Below are the five statements in the narrative, with citations, that cover King George in terms of the war effort and its aftermath. If there are any issues here they need to be addressed specifically.
- "In London, news of the victorious Long Island campaign was well received with festivities held in the capital. Public support reached a peak,<McCullough 2005, p. 195> and King George III awarded the Order of the Bath to Howe." <Ketchum 2014, pp. 191, 269>
- "Meanwhile, George III had given up on subduing America while Britain had a European war to fight." <Ferling 2007, p. 294>
- "Despite these developments, George III was determined to never recognize American independence and to indefinitely wage war on the American colonies indefinitely until they pleaded to return as his subjects." <Trevelyan 1912a, pp. 4–5>
- "Despite these developments, George III was determined to never recognize American independence and to indefinitely wage war on the American colonies indefinitely until they pleaded to return as his subjects." <Trevelyan 1912a, pp. 4–5>
If any of these statements are inaccurate or completely in error, we need to see the sources that supports that idea in no uncertain terms. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 01:31, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- INSERT: @Gwillhickers: I set up this section for your expressed, specific copyedit concerns.
- It is meant to match that of Tenryuu, Robinvp11, and my self in a parallel structure, implying a comparable "domain" for your editorial direction and control --- since this Talk seems to slip off the rails so easily in so many sections, in so many directions, initiated by so many editors of different views and alternative purposes here.
- And, regarding the four copyedits itemized by you here at Talk, Were you the editor who struck out and labelled two items that you raised as Fixed? - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 19:30, 7 December 2020 (UTC)
discussion 30 Nov - 1 Dec
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While we don't have to know or explain the English constitution, we need to be precise when we attribute actions of its governments. We shouldn't say for example that George III enacted and repealed the Stamp Act when it was the imperial parliament. Or that he rejected the Olive Branch Petition if it was the cabinet. We wouldn't say today for example that Elizabeth II closed the Canadian border to the U.S., or took the UK out of the EU, or sent troops to Iraq. While George III exercised far more political influence than Elizabeth II, the view that he was an absolute monarch is a myth. TFD (talk) 18:23, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
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- "indefinitely wage war on the American colonies indefinitely" The sentence repeats "indefinetely" twice, when only one instance is needed. Dimadick (talk) 16:58, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- "Unfortunately, the first post above is another allusion to the 21st century British constitution of Queen Elizabeth II. As such it is not applicable to the ARW period of British-American colonial relations" The main article on George III mentions his role in a "constitutional struggle" in 1783, and the king directly causing the fall of the Fox–North coalition.:
- "Immediately after the House of Commons passed it [the India Bill], George authorised Lord Temple to inform the House of Lords that he would regard any peer who voted for the bill as his enemy. The bill was rejected by the Lords; three days later, the Portland ministry was dismissed, and William Pitt the Younger was appointed Prime Minister, with Temple as his Secretary of State. On 17 December 1783, Parliament voted in favour of a motion condemning the influence of the monarch in parliamentary voting as a "high crime" and Temple was forced to resign. Temple's departure destabilised the government, and three months later the government lost its majority and Parliament was dissolved; the subsequent election gave Pitt a firm mandate." Dimadick (talk) 17:13, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Close, but no cigar. (1) This is another anachronistic, bad history allusion to British constitutional history after the ARW, and (2) it bears on post-war India Bill legislation procedure, not on the George III military role in the ARW as monarch.
- (3) As noted before, after the personal humiliation losing the American colonies, George III withdrew from his former extensive interference in Parliament while influencing the course of his "American war". As you note, not all at once but first from the House of Commons, then from the House of Lords. His miscalculation leading up the the 17 December 1783 motion in the House of Lords meant that he was used to, and confident in, his right to dictate outcomes in the House of Lords, even after the revolt of the "country gentlemen" in the House of Commons.
- Note: this event takes place over a year after the Paris signing of the Anglo-American Prelimary Peace in November 1782, granting the US independence, British withdrawal, territory west to the Mississippi with free navigation to the Gulf, and Newfoundland Banks fishing with beach curing rights. Congress ratified it unanimously on 15 April 1783, and it resolved a Proclamation "End of hostilities" between the US and Britain. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 18:25, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Even after fighting began, Congress launched an Olive Branch Petition in an attempt to prevent war. King George III rejected the offer as insincere." <Ferling, 2006, pp. 38, 113>
- (1) Page numbers provided for Ferling do not tie in; (2) British intelligence intercepted a letter from Adams deriding the offer, which they took as indication of lack of sincerity; (3) the government had already prepared the Proclamation of Rebellion and did not present the petition to George. I have updated this accordingly.
- Re the 18th century British constitution; just because George read speeches does not mean he wrote them (this continues today when the Queen addresses Parliament and talks of 'my government.') He often wrote letters to North supporting a policy - that does not mean he made it. Yes, he had more power than in modern day Britain, and a greater willingness to exert it - but he did not make policy. In the end, he did what his government wanted. Robinvp11 (talk) 19:31, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Actually, no one said George wrote the speech, but then, that begs the question -- who did? Your estimation here suggests that the king had no say, or authority, whatsoever. If that was the case what was his purpose? Did he not have the power to withhold bills? According to Paine: "But as the same constitution which gives the Commons a power to check the King by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the King a power to check the Commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; ..." It would seem this would afford him some leverage and say so regarding laws, acts and so forth. It seems it would be best to refer to the King and Parliament jointly when mentioning the various acts and laws put forth by Britain. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 23:13, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- As I mentioned above and provided a source, the PM wrote the King's speech. There is a dispute over whether the king may withhold bills at the request of cabinet (this was last done in 1708), while others claim no such discretion exists. There is no claim that the British sovereign can withhold royal assent, although this actually happened five times during the reign of William III. The cabinet has the ability to provide royal assent if the king is unable or unwilling to do so. Anyway, you should use more recent sources than Common Sense, which is not a reliable source. TFD (talk) 23:42, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- So the sources are conflicting. The question still remains -- what was the King's purpose during the ARW? Common sense is a primary source, and can be referred to as such. If that work is not a RS, than neither are the Washington papers, the Jefferson Papers, Ulysses S. Grant's memoirs, etc, all of which are routinely referred to by scholars. However, if an item in a primary source is contested, secondary sources should be consulted, which I have no problem with. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 00:50, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- None of them are reliable sources for our purposes. Historians use their papers, and other documents and try to determine what happened. Wikipedia editors use the findings of historians as sources. I believe that George III had his favorite ministers. But they were only able to carry out their policies with the support of the House of Commons. And sometimes the Commons switched their support to the opposition and they formed the government. But to the Founding Fathers, none of this mattered because the colonies were not represented in parliament. TFD (talk) 02:05, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- So the sources are conflicting. The question still remains -- what was the King's purpose during the ARW? Common sense is a primary source, and can be referred to as such. If that work is not a RS, than neither are the Washington papers, the Jefferson Papers, Ulysses S. Grant's memoirs, etc, all of which are routinely referred to by scholars. However, if an item in a primary source is contested, secondary sources should be consulted, which I have no problem with. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 00:50, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- As I mentioned above and provided a source, the PM wrote the King's speech. There is a dispute over whether the king may withhold bills at the request of cabinet (this was last done in 1708), while others claim no such discretion exists. There is no claim that the British sovereign can withhold royal assent, although this actually happened five times during the reign of William III. The cabinet has the ability to provide royal assent if the king is unable or unwilling to do so. Anyway, you should use more recent sources than Common Sense, which is not a reliable source. TFD (talk) 23:42, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Primary sources are allowed and have been used in numerous GA, FA and other articles for years.
"Policy :' Unless restricted by another policy, primary sources that have been reputably published may be used in Wikipedia, but only with care, because it is easy to misuse them. Any interpretation of primary source material requires a reliable secondary source for that interpretation. "
No one has made an unusual interpretation based in Paine's source. I doubt Paine spun his contention out of thin air. Thus far, no one has been able to nail down the idea of what King George's actual function was. All I'm getting overall is that he was little more than an empty suit, which begs the question, why did Britain people even bother with the King? Meanwhile, I have outlined above a number of statements that mention the King. Only one of them has been addressed, while the Talk continues. Apparently it would be best if we contacted some credentialed and/or British editors and see what they have to say. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 19:57, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- In The Men who Lost America ] (Yale University Press 2013), Chapter 1 "'The Tyrant' George III", Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy explains the actual powers of George III and how they were deliberately misrepresented in revolutionary rhetoric. He discusses Paine in section III. Paine's genius was to transfer American anger from an abstract Parliament to a living person, even if that meant misrepresenting George's actual powers. But then, the first casualty of war is the truth. I don't understand anyway why the writings of the Founding Fathers should be put on a par with the Bible as divinely inspired and infallible. TFD (talk) 01:13, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- Actually, no one said George wrote the speech, but then, that begs the question -- who did? Your estimation here suggests that the king had no say, or authority, whatsoever. If that was the case what was his purpose? Did he not have the power to withhold bills? According to Paine: "But as the same constitution which gives the Commons a power to check the King by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the King a power to check the Commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; ..." It would seem this would afford him some leverage and say so regarding laws, acts and so forth. It seems it would be best to refer to the King and Parliament jointly when mentioning the various acts and laws put forth by Britain. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 23:13, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Re the 18th century British constitution; just because George read speeches does not mean he wrote them (this continues today when the Queen addresses Parliament and talks of 'my government.') He often wrote letters to North supporting a policy - that does not mean he made it. Yes, he had more power than in modern day Britain, and a greater willingness to exert it - but he did not make policy. In the end, he did what his government wanted. Robinvp11 (talk) 19:31, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
Continued
You mentioned how "O'Shaughnessy explains the actual powers of George III", but fell short of relating those powers to us here in Talk. Was Paine wrong when he said that the King had the "power to check the Commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills"? Did O'Shaughnessy say outright that this was a false assertion? It would seem your impression that the writings of the founding fathers has been "put on a par with the Bible as divinely inspired and infallible", a straw man accusation, is really your own. Do you harbor the same opinion in regards to the various British writings? All that has been discussed is whether the King had any power. You still seem to think the King was only a figurehead puppet and that he was above any criticism in terms of any ARW involvements. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 03:45, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- O'Shaughnessy writes,
- "In Jefferson's mind, George III always would be the villain, the antagonist in America's primordial narrative, its myth of origin. For Jefferson, this was not propaganda but objective truth.
- "In reality, George III had less power than virtually any other monarch in Europe. During the seventeenth century, Britain had two revolutions of its own in which the supporters of Parliament successfully deposed Charles I and James II. After the execution of Charles I in 1649, Britain was a republic for eleven years, and following the fall of James II in 1688, Parliament negotiated a revolutionary settlement in what became known as the Glorious Revolution. It included a Bill of Rights (1689), which became the foundation of the British Constitution and ensured that the crown would henceforth govern through Parliament. The monarchy retained the power to appoint the government, but its choice was limited in practice to prime ministers who had support in Parliament. Although the system of elections was corrupt and the crown had considerable influence through patronage, the survival of the government was always dependent upon the support of independent members of the elected House of Commons. The British consequently regarded their political system as a bastion of freedom and liberty, in contrast to the absolute monarchies of Europe.
- O'Shaughnessy further says that John Adams regretted going along with this misinformation. Also, "The colonial opposition embraced conspiracy theories claiming the king had destroyed the traditional balance of government by gaining total control over Parliament to establish a tyranny in Britain and America."
- It was not the author's intention to provide a point by point rebuttal of all the misinformation in the Declaration of Independence and Common Sense. But he does show they are not reliable sources for British constitutional law. Bear in mind that the author is Vice President of the Thomas Jefferson Foundation at Monticello in Virginia, the Saunders Director of the Robert H. Smith International Center for Jefferson Studies at Monticello, and Professor of History at the University of Virginia. His book was published by the Yale University Press and won the 2014 George Washington Book Prize for best book on the founding era of the United States. That makes his book an expert source and reliable for the facts.
- As I pointed out, the cabinet had the power to give royal assent to bills if the king failed in his obligation and in fact did so during George's illnesses. Eventually they assigned his ceremonial roles to his son, who became Prince Regent. There is a distinction between the person who wears the crown and the corporation sole which is the symbol of authority. The Horseshoe Falls in Niagara is crown property for example, but that doesn't mean that if Queen Elizabeth is running short on cash she can sell it to a bottled water company. Or do you think she can?
- TFD (talk) 07:56, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- It's understandable that criticisms of the Crown would be called "propaganda". Did Adams himself refer to the various criticisms as "misinformation"? This is not at all consistent with the idea that Adams helped Jefferson in the drafting of the Declaration of Independence and was its strongest supporter in Congress. We know that various items in the original draft of the Declaration ' were deemed too inciteful, esp in regards to Britain bringing slaves to the colonies, and were criticized on that note. No one around here made the claim that the king had assumed all power, so responding as if someone did only gives the appearance that you are addressing such arguments. Also, you still haven't presented anything that would prove that Paine's claim, that the King could withhold bills, as false. Neither have you singled out any item in the Declaration of Independence as "misinformation" . Referring to the Declaration ' as "misinformation" sounds like propaganda. Thus far you've given us a lot of promotional claims about O'Shaughnessy's book, but nothing concrete. I believe TVH has outlined matters and addressed your points of contention more than adequately, below, so these will have to considered along side these somewhat generic claims, per O'Shaughnessy's book. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:43, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- If you like, I can post to RSN whether Paine's pamphlet is a reliable source for British constitutional law. If you're interested in the king's powers, I refer you to "Giving Royal Assent to Bills" in The Role of Monarchy in Modern Democracy, p. 25. The term propaganda in its modern sense was not used in the 1700s and I was using O'Shaugnessy's description.
- Anyway, what's your argument? That George III was a tyrannt because he could veto legislation although he didn't?
- TFD (talk) 08:48, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- It's understandable that criticisms of the Crown would be called "propaganda". Did Adams himself refer to the various criticisms as "misinformation"? This is not at all consistent with the idea that Adams helped Jefferson in the drafting of the Declaration of Independence and was its strongest supporter in Congress. We know that various items in the original draft of the Declaration ' were deemed too inciteful, esp in regards to Britain bringing slaves to the colonies, and were criticized on that note. No one around here made the claim that the king had assumed all power, so responding as if someone did only gives the appearance that you are addressing such arguments. Also, you still haven't presented anything that would prove that Paine's claim, that the King could withhold bills, as false. Neither have you singled out any item in the Declaration of Independence as "misinformation" . Referring to the Declaration ' as "misinformation" sounds like propaganda. Thus far you've given us a lot of promotional claims about O'Shaughnessy's book, but nothing concrete. I believe TVH has outlined matters and addressed your points of contention more than adequately, below, so these will have to considered along side these somewhat generic claims, per O'Shaughnessy's book. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:43, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
King George's role during the ARW
@TheVirginiaHistorian, Eastfarthingan, XavierGreen, and Lord Cornwallis: — There seems to be some disagreement as to the actual role of King George III before and during the American Revolutionary War. On the one hand it is claimed that he was little more than a figure head, with no joint authority shared with the Parliament and only made speeches, appearances and so forth - on the other, that he had the authority to hold back various bills put forth by the Parliament, and this sort of thing. Currently there are several statements in this article that mention the king, outlined above. Any light that could be shed on the matter would be greatly appreciated. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 19:57, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- The Britannica sourced role George III played in directing British military affairs in the ARW at George III: (1) By 1770, George III used his executive power to win elections. (2) The king prolonged the war, possibly by two years. - to be continued. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 20:04, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, that was my understanding, that the King had a significant measure of executive authority. For example, it is the prerogative of the monarch to summon or discontinue a session in Parliament. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:12, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- Just a cautionary note on editor contributions and sourcing, and a newfangled social media term of art, “firehose of falsehood” incorporating George Orwell’s Doublespeak. One disrupter on the article page and at Talk left citations in place in the article in three places misrepresenting two sources, substituting ”Lord North” for the sourced “George III” - a classic switch described in the novel.
- - A second account here made reference to Britain and the American Revolution, with a contributing editor Stephen Conway, who is himself a legitimate RS. Conway's meaning is manipulated for POV. There is indeed a Conway snippet: "Once the conflict began the king's role was likewise less significant than has been assumed". --- But nowhere has the ARW article ever made an overreaching exaggeration and "assumed" George III as a (straw man alert ->) absolute monarch akin to Frederick the Great on the basis of (straw man alert ->) a misinterpretation of the Declaration of Independence by wp:OR in a primary document.
- - Article characterizations of George III were carefully research and faithfully represented in the article in neutral encyclopedic language. George III did substantially effect major British military policy decisions during the ARW, as sourced in at least three British and American RS. But the commentary filling Talk with a wall of double-speak hinges on manipulating (a) an RS characterization of the 18th century ancient regime state in Britain, compared to (b) reactionary or authoritarian states of the post-Napoleonic or post-WWI Europe without a legislative check on autocratic authority.
- - The RS properly characterizes the British ancient regime as relatively “weak”, but the misleading posts turn the quote around for a POV to wrongly assign the “weak” characterization NOT to the RS 18th century “state” as compared to post-Napoleonic or post-WWI Europe, but to their own POV:
"weak George III"
who was indeed (True part of half-truth alert ->) the 18th century monarch ruling constitutionally as King-Lords-Commons during the British “American war”. - Additionally in acts of anachronism-bad-history, opposing posts allude to modern British constitutional monarchy or George III after the Anglo-American “End of Hostilities” was enacted unanimously in Congress 15 April 1783, ratifying the November 1782 Preliminary Peace (Library of Congress, American Memory). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 22:54, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
- Thanks for your in depth analysis and points of contention. It seems we have more than adequate sources to deal with the existing article statements relating to the King, if indeed they misrepresent his role. As I've pinged several other editors, we should wait for their input, and then deal with those statements, if they actually need tending to. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 04:40, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, that was my understanding, that the King had a significant measure of executive authority. For example, it is the prerogative of the monarch to summon or discontinue a session in Parliament. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:12, 2 December 2020 (UTC)
Role of George III and getting to Thomas Conway (UCL)
- Three editors have objected to the article narratives relating to George III. They do not seek to add alterative mainstream RS views to the article following Wikipedia Foundation guidelines, they suppress any variation of their POV by fiat without discussion or sourcing authority to do so. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 17:57, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- I've ignored this thread for various reasons but the statement above is simply incorrect. You expressed frustration a few weeks back about lack of collaboration or collegiality; Wikipedia is full of editors making similar complaints and the reason is always the same. If you want collaboration, adopting a less obviously hostile approach would probably help.
- I take strong exception to the statement "they suppress any variation of their POV by fiat without discussion or sourcing authority to do so".
- The Talkpage for this article is full of similar discussions and while I'm happy to be disagreed with, being told I'm ignorant annoys me. So rather than engaging in a futile thread on interpretation, I did some work by looking at examples where this interpretation mattered. The first one was in the section on the Olive Branch Petition ie "King George refused to even receive it, claiming it was the product of an illegal body.[1]
- As discussed in the edit, I removed it because the Source provided does not support the claim. Its not even the right page number or anywhere near it; that is an ongoing problem - so far, most of the references I've checked are wrong.
- I then went to the trouble of digging out a correct reference - which made clear the hostility of George's language was a factor in making things worse.
- If you're going to have a discussion on use of RS (which I'm sure we all support), then (a) start by making sure yours are correct and (b) do people the courtesy of reading the edits, then criticise. Robinvp11 (talk) 18:37, 5 December 2020 (UTC)
Supressed RS sourcing
- (1) Narrative citing the gold standard Encyclopedia Britannica article on George III is suppressed, without discussion about disqualifying Britannica as an RS at Talk (likewise Britannica regarding the scope of the ARW). The George III biographic article is written by British scholar John Steven Watson, author of The Reign of George III: 1760-1815 (1960). He wrote at Britannica, George III, (a) By 1770 George III, who "meant to guide the country […] used executive power for winning elections […]". (b) "The king prolonged the war, possibly by two years, by his desperate determination." (c) George III’s Tory administration was seen as "equally incapable of waging war or ending it, [and that] was laid directly at the king’s door" by the British public at the time.
- (2) Another George III biography extinguished at some citations, but not yet discredited at Talk as an RS is Hibbert 2000 p.160. The supporting linked quote is "King George III had determined that in the event that France initiated a separate war with Britain, he would have to redeploy most of the British and German troops in America to threaten French and Spanish Caribbean settlements. In the King's judgment, Britain could not possibly fight on all three fronts without becoming weak everywhere."
- Submitted - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 17:57, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
Sourcing comments
I would ask why you are relying on an encyclopedia article written 60 years ago when we have an award winning book written five years ago by one of America's leading historians on the era. See Age matters. Also as I said above, there is tendency of some editors to confuse the person of the king with parliament or the cabinet because that is how laws and executive orders were phrased. When we say for example that Horseshoe Falls is crown property, it doesn't mean that Elizabeth II can sell it if she is running short on cash. TFD (talk) 19:34, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- Older sources, and very old sources, are routinely used throughout Wikipedia, esp in history articles. Currently there are more than 40 sources older than 60 years in our Bibliography, some more than 100 years old. The Age matters guideline is largely ignored in historical articles, and rightly so, as older sources often provide us with a way to check the accuracy of the newer sources, which are often the product of acute peer pressure in various modern day academic circles. New discoveries can often change scientific accounts. Rarely, if at all, a modern day historical discovery significantly changes a given historical account. At this late date nearly all the significant facts have long been well established, so let's not carry on as if someone is preventing you from reinventing the wheel. Other than to remark on the age of the source, was there a specific item that was inaccurate or completely in error? If not, then all we really have is an assertion with the inference something is in error. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:02, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- Why would favor a sixty year old tertiary source written for a broad audience over modern secondary academic sources written by leading experts? The only reason I can think of is that it reflects what you believe and you are unable or unwilling to change your views based on new evidence. Some events from the past such as the ARW, the War of 1812 and the U.S. Civil War become mythologized and collective memory is often wrong. But in these articles we should have the courage to explain what happened rather than what we were told growing up. TFD (talk) 06:25, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- Older sources, and very old sources, are routinely used throughout Wikipedia, esp in history articles. Currently there are more than 40 sources older than 60 years in our Bibliography, some more than 100 years old. The Age matters guideline is largely ignored in historical articles, and rightly so, as older sources often provide us with a way to check the accuracy of the newer sources, which are often the product of acute peer pressure in various modern day academic circles. New discoveries can often change scientific accounts. Rarely, if at all, a modern day historical discovery significantly changes a given historical account. At this late date nearly all the significant facts have long been well established, so let's not carry on as if someone is preventing you from reinventing the wheel. Other than to remark on the age of the source, was there a specific item that was inaccurate or completely in error? If not, then all we really have is an assertion with the inference something is in error. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:02, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- Still no grounds to question Britannica as the pre-eminent English language scholarly reference. No RS authority in the 21st century characterizes Britannica as "mythology". The Jimbo criteria at wp:due weight both support that George III had a role in the British King-Lords-Commons administration of their "American war": (a)
"RS scholarly [English-language] reference [for mainstream history]"
, Britannica at "George III", (b)"prominent adherents"
as sourced, linked, and directly quoted at ARW Talk, and by inline citations throughout the article.
- - No source is presented by skeptical editors since the Britannica May 2020 scholarly update here. The last reference presented at ARW Talk by skeptical editor sourcing was from 1962. Courage indeed, the first step to get out of a hole is to stop digging.
- - The article has not had any "
overemphasis of the monarch’s active role
", only properly sourced representations of George III role in British military affairs by King-Lords-Commons in America 1775-1783, ended 15 April 1783 when Congress unanimously ratified the British King-Lords-Commons preliminary peace of November 1782, and proclaimed the "End of Hostilities" in the mutually ended Anglo-American war. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:53, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- TVH — Yes, given the several brief statements about King George it certainly is something of a stretch to say there is any "overemphasis" occurring in the article there. As stated the Britannica article is written by John Steven Watson, and I think we can assume much of it is based on his 1960 work The Reign of George III, 1760-1815. It can be borrowed and viewed at archive.org -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:15, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- TFD — "modern secondary academic sources written by leading experts?"?? We're discussing O'Shaughnessy v the Britannica source, so let's not carry on as if all of modern day academia supports your view, that the King had next to no authority. Watson is not a scholar? Also, you seem to be making the assumption that modern sources automatically trump the older sources, apparently with the assumption that they offer some amazing new revelations that have changed the historical account, yet typically you fall short of offering anything concrete. No examples. This argument by inference is going nowhere. As I've indicated at least twice, the article statements about the King need to be addressed directly, and any contentions should be backed up with at least two noted reliable sources. I say 'with at least two', because the statements are being challenged, thus far, with not too much success. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:15, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- No one said the king had no authority, just that your view of Great Britain as an absolute monarchy is a myth you might have learned as a child but has no support in reliable sources. TFD (talk) 22:43, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- The only "myth" around here is your misplaced assertion that anyone has held that G.B. was an "absolute monarchy". Please read the discussion more carefully and stop misrepresenting my position, over and again. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 03:34, 6 December 2020 (UTC)
Editor critiques and links
- Opposing editor posts variously (a) misstate sources used to support the article narrative, (b) anachronistically dismiss RS information by contradicting it with true things from a future time period of British constitutional history, or (c) impeach 21th century RS as "19th century Whig historians".
- Robinvp11 here on 1 Dec:
”Yes, he had more power than in modern day Britain, and a greater willingness to exert it - but he did not make policy. In the end, he did what his government wanted."
Svejk74 here on 27 November:"the Hibbert quote confirms George's opinion, but that doesn't in itself mean he had substantial power […] He could influence policy through selection of ministers, but his power was severely limited."
- - Svejk74 represents Sir Lewis Bernstein Namier (1888-1960) in his 1962 Crossroads of Power with its critique of 19th century Whig historians to answer the post using a 21st century RS source updated in May 2019 here, "So the king prolonged the war, possibly by two years, by his desperate determination." Svejk responds here,
"Namier, writing in the early 20th century, demonstrated that most of the assumptions about party divisions made by 19th century historians were wrong […]"
- - The Four Deuces here on 1 Dec:
”There is no [RS] claim that the British sovereign can withhold royal assent […] The cabinet has [in 1775-1783] the ability to provide royal assent if the king is unable or unwilling to do so […].”
But then after a challenge in discussion, TFD admitted that the British Cabinet overrode George III only after the onset of his dementia, here on 3 December,”the cabinet had the power to give royal assent to bills if the king failed in his obligation and in fact did so during George's illnesses.”
The Regency Bill allowing immediate transfer of George III’s reign to his son was 1788, and he was incapacitated as an administrator of government by 1801, sourced here. Again, 1788 or 1801 does not relate to George III’s role in the ARW. To do so would be anachronistic, bad history. - Submitted - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 17:57, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
Critiques comments
TVH, certainly there are times when public officials fail or refuse to perform the tasks they are required by law and under their oaths of office to carry out. For example, Kim Davis, who was the elected county clerk for Rowan County, Kentucky, refused to issue marriage licenses, which was required by law. We would not say she had the power to withhold assent to marriages. There were consequences for her and ultimately someone else issued the licenses. Also, in the event a king issues an illegal order, it is null and void as are illegal orders in the U.S.
I provided the example of the regency, not because it happened during the ARW, but it is one example of how parliament can assert its authority over a king who is not performing his duties. More severe measures that have been used by parliament or a cabinet with its confidence include forced abdication, replacement with another monarch and decapitation. TFD (talk) 19:21, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comparing a 21st century county clerk to the King is not exactly the best analogy. No one has asserted that the King had absolute power, so there is no need to remind us that the Parliament could assert authority over the King in the event he didn't perform his duties. You still haven't nailed down the idea that the King could, within his power, withhold bills, as part of the checks and balances system. The idea that Parliament had absolute power goes against the idea of checks and balances. As for "forced abdication, replacement with another monarch and decapitation.", these are last resort actions that occur when a complete takeover of the crown occurs, as happened during the French Revolution. If it came down to where they were about to remove the king's head, it would be sort of silly to think he had the power to say 'no' at that point, so again, you're not really addressing the idea that the king, within the system of government, indeed had a significant measure of authority. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:42, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- The King had the same power to withhold royal assent that a 21st century clerk has to refuse to perform to duties of her office. People aren't robots and there is no physical mechanism to force them to actually sign something. But when officials refuse to perform their duties then it is assigned to someone else and the official faces consequences.
- Anyway, the British constitution is not based on checks and balances but on the supremacy of Parliament which was decided by the 1688 revolution. However it retains the language of absolute monarchy. That's why although language used says that the Queen owns Buckingham Palace, she cannot sell it for pocket change. You are aware of that, aren't you?
- Incidentally, in France and Russia, the king or emperor had been deposed and a republic proclaimed before they were executed. In England, Charles I remained king until his death. Also he never provided royal assent to create the court that tried him.
- TFD (talk) 07:08, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- George had influence in the British King-Lords-Commons-Cabinet administration of their "American war". The un-impeached sources in Britannica, Dickenson (ed.) and Conway all agree that George III influenced or stymied policy during the British administration of their "American war" 1775-1783. Britannica at "King George III" noted the King, George III extended the American war by two years, as cited, linked and quoted here at Talk.
- - Conway 2002, p.15 notes that George III blocked North's cabinet proposals to recruit for the American war by awarding commissions to landlords an merchants who would raise and equip regiments at their own expense. But George III insisted on adding troops to existing regiments to protect existing patronage holders. “Despite the encouraging example of the Seventy-first Highlanders, George refused to countenance any further applications to raise new corps until the end of 1777.” -- That was a George III delay of nearly three (3) years before the British King-Lords-Commons-Cabinet began to follow the successful Scottish recruiting and funding example modeled on the American state militias --- according to a British scholar --- published in 2002.
- - For the American military history article ARW, Anachronistic, bad history examples of British constitutional history AFTER the end to Anglo-American hostilities, mutually agreed to by Congress and King-Lords-Parliament-Cabinet, should not be given any currency in editorial decisions about what comes out the article narrative when it is reliably sourced. Alternative historiographic interpretations can be represented, but one editor'(s') POV must NOT be allowed to expunge all other RS representation in the article. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 13:28, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- Again, you need to provide rs that the king could withhold assent. Obviously, since the king was not a robot, he could decide not to sign something, but then someone else would do it for him, as happened in the case of the U.S. county clerk. Not sure why it matters, since we aren't adding it to the article. It's just that you need to be careful to distinguish between actions taken by George personally and those taken as the figurehead for the government or parliament. Note the king was also the figurehead for all judicial appeals: decisions were orders in council made by the king on the advice of the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council appointed for the consideration of all matters relating to Trade and Foreign Plantations. That doesn't mean the king literally sat in judgment. TFD (talk) 16:59, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- Once again, comparing a modern day county clerk to the role of King George during the ARW, 250 years ago, is superfluous. The original contention was over the idea that the King's role was being "overemphasized", and so it's incumbent on those who have made that contention to provide at least one RS that supports that claim in no uncertain terms. This has yet to occur. In any case, none of the existing article statements involve that issue, so once again, we need to focus on those. Thus far we have been dragged into other issues involving new sources v old sources, etc. Can we please get this endless discussion wrapped up? If you have a specific issue with one of the actual statements, please quote the statement in question, explain your contention, and provide the RS that supports it. Thanx. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:07, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- Again, you need to provide rs that the king could withhold assent. Obviously, since the king was not a robot, he could decide not to sign something, but then someone else would do it for him, as happened in the case of the U.S. county clerk. Not sure why it matters, since we aren't adding it to the article. It's just that you need to be careful to distinguish between actions taken by George personally and those taken as the figurehead for the government or parliament. Note the king was also the figurehead for all judicial appeals: decisions were orders in council made by the king on the advice of the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council appointed for the consideration of all matters relating to Trade and Foreign Plantations. That doesn't mean the king literally sat in judgment. TFD (talk) 16:59, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- The situation is exactly the same. An official who swears an oath fails to fulfill their responsibilities. That doesn't mean that they have a right to do so or that there is no legal remedy. TFD (talk) 22:41, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- Conway's point in one of the sourced citations above, was that in one case during the American war, George III determined government war policy in this small-bore, but crucial way: recruitment to fight the American war would first serve the George III interest in patronage -- so the King cut off sea-first Cabinet members, and then successfully shelved land-first Cabinet members intent on winning the American war quickly for the first three years.
- The chapter take-away related to not only (a) George III 1775 isolated Bennington and Sandwich for crossing the King's inclination, by their promoting a sea-first American war strategy, but also (b) George III 1775-end-of-1778 held off the North-Germain proposal for their land-first American war policy to raise new regiments officered by new ambitious men.
- The King's and his policy carried the administration for the first three years of the ARW shooting-war with the Americans. It underwrote full pay for existing patronage place-holders who had been indifferent to contractor peace-time corruption. Without a full complement of men in their regiments, the second-son-officers from House-of-Lords families would have been placed on half-pay, which would have had reflected badly on George III and so compromised his influence in Parliament. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 11:26, 5 December 2020 (UTC)
An appeal to Conway (UCL) the commonly held RS
- Two Conway citations may suffice to tip the balance in this discussion, as all concerned agree that University College London Professor Stephen Conway. Conway is in the mainstream of international historiography as expressed in the updated George III biography article at online Britannica:
- (1) In The War of American Independence 1775-1783 (Conway 1995) we see why George III vetoed Lord North’s proposal for recruitment, delaying its implementation for three years. North advanced the successful campaign to recruit the Scottish Seventy Fifth Regiment to put down the 1775 American rebellion. The Cabinet proposed making new officers from among ambitious landlords and merchants who sought a commission by raising and equipping regiments at their personal expense. British peace-time army of annuity collecting place-serving officers led to inefficiencies and corruption. If their regiments were not brought to full strength, they would be put on half-pay. George III personally imposed the fill-in policy from 1775 to 1778, when he then relented to follow the three-year old Cabinet recommendation, and so modeling the successful American example for their state militias.
- (2) In A Short History of the American Revolutionary War (Conway 2013, p.64-65) - Conway alludes to the previous George III prime minister, Whig Lord Rockingham (Rockingham’s first administration) and the repeal of the Stamp Act in 1766, a reconciling gesture by King-Lords-Commons in response to colonial protest and prayerful petitions from American colonial legislatures. But in November 1775, the King in Parliament passed the American Prohibitionary Act for the Royal Navy to inspect merchants at sea.
- - Before that time, American Patriots agreed their quarrel was with Cabinet and Parliament, not the King personally with the motto, "Resist a wicked ministry – leaving Majesty sacred." The hope was that George III would dismiss North and his government to return to a Whig prime minister more aligned to their free trade policy.
- - But in August 1775, the King declared Americans in rebellion, in October George III announced his support of North’s use of foreign soldiers to subdue the Americans. He further effectively removed his protection of colonist English rights by supporting American-only punitive measures. Now John Adams could declaim, "King, Lords and Commons have united in sundering this country from that, I think forever […] [making] us independent in spite of our supplications and entreaties."
- – George III eventually fulfilled the American hopes from the summer of 1775 in the First Continental Congress in April 1783 by appointing the Whig champion of American independence, Lord Rockingham for a second PM administration -- though George III did have to promise American independence before Rockingham would kiss his hands at the PM appointment.
- Submitted - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 17:57, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
Conway comments
It would seem that the sources substantiate the idea that the King and Parliament both possessed a measure of authority in a checks and balance system of government. Indeed the colonists often addressed the King when they levied their grievances, and it would seem most readers half familiar with the ARW knew he was not the 'Lone Ranger' with in the British system of government. This debate was initiated over the statements involving the King, outlined above, so in the interest of getting through this discussion these statements, all well sourced by noted historians, need to be addressed directly, and any changes needed be made accordingly. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:50, 3 December 2020 (UTC)
- I don't have access to Conway's book. I can't find a Scottish Seventy Fifth Regiment from 1775. Do you have further information, such as where they were located, who their colonel was or what type of regiment they were?
- King-in-Parliament is just another term for parliament, just as King-in-Council is another term for cabinet. We should avoid terminology that can be confusing. The same with things such as the king announced his support of North's use of foreign soldiers or he declared Americans in rebellion.
- O'Shaughnessy's book, which is more authoritative, gives a different reason for Adams decision to transfer hostility from parliament to George III personally.
- Also, the British constitution is based on the supremacy of parliament rather than checks and balances. Petitions to the king are in fact decided by cabinet rather than the king. See for example The Humble Petition of The Press Standards Board of Finance Limited, which was addressed to the Queen-in-Council. It would make sense to address petitions to George III rather the PM or Secretary of State for the Colonies, because the subject would be protected from prosecution under the Petition of Right 1628.
- TFD (talk) 12:25, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- Of course information from RS O'Shaughnessy must be included in this article, I believe he is already cited in three-or-four paragraphs. Yes, of course. But that does not mean a critical editor(s) can extinguish other RS in an article by fiat without discussion at Talk. No, wrong.
- The link given for Conway 1995 works, but there is a return and a time limit for viewing pages, even if you buy the book. Even I have not yet used up my "trips to the well" yet to the "Look Inside"feature for Conway 2013.
- It is well to keep in mind that the British Parliamentary system is other than the US Constitutional system. But no one here is confused on that point. Where is this fear coming from? Can you provide a Reflink. It cannot be obfuscation and disruption and smothering walls of words effectively shutting out additional editor participation here. NO - do not suppress RS Conway used in common by two other (opposing) editors. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 13:47, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- While we all agree the king had influence, we must not assume it was exercised unless reliable sources clearly say that, and bear in mind that 20 to 60 year old sources have been superseded by recent scholarship. As for anachronisms, we should assume that constitutional conventions were the same as today unless we have reason to believe otherwise. It certainly was closer to today that to the Game of Thrones enchanted kingdom one might imagine it to be. Supremacy of parliament, constitutional monarchy and the Bill of Rights had all been firmly established. All colonists wanted was to enjoy the same rights that people did in Great Britain. It wasn't the French or Russian revolutions. TFD (talk) 13:59, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- On what basis are you asserting that the "old sources have been superseded by recent scholarship."? By their date of publication alone? By new evidence which has rewritten the account on King in relation to the Parliament? Once again, assumptions are being offered instead of actual examples. Are there any new historical discoveries, lost documents, logs, diaries, that have changed the historical scene in this area? While the King didn't have absolute executive power over the Parliament it was he who appointment PMs, made appointments to the House of Lords, and it was he who held control over the treasury, the 'crown jewels', and as such, could indeed wield much influence. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:29, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- "George III took a keen interest in the military struggle and stubbornly refused to accept that America was lost, even after the disastrous defeat at Yorktown in 1781. Bowing to Parliament's refusal to continue the war, the King reluctantly parted with North. The King tried to maintain some freedom of maneuver by playing upon the rivalry between Shelburne and Rockingham, the leading opposition politicians who now formed a ministry. When Rockingham died unexpectedly in July 1782, George III appointed Shelburn as his successor. But Shelburn was unable to secure sufficient support in the Commons and was forced to resign following a concerted attack by the followers of Charles Fox and Lord North. The King viewed North's actions as a personal betrayal, and, in the context of the unprecedented and recent humiliation of the war, remained implacably hostile to the Fox-North coalition. He withheld confidence from his new ministers, refused requests for peerages, and created difficulties over financial provisions for the Prince of Wales." < Cannon, J. (ed) 2015, The Oxford Companion to British History -- article written by Ayling, S., George the Third / Brooke, J. King George III > -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:45, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
- @The Four Deuces: :Sorry about the terminology. Did you search on 'Seventy-first Highlanders', or 'Scots' or just '75th'? Conway did not spend much ink on small unit histories. I took no notice of any appendices at the back of the book. The focus of the sourced chapter was that George III successfully bent the Cabinet to his will over the issue of regimental recruitment for the first three years of shooting war in the British "American war" 1775-end-of-1778. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 11:32, 5 December 2020 (UTC)
- The source says the king intervened in recruitment and provides an example. I wanted to see whether that actually happened. Unfortunately I can't do that because I cannot identify the example he gave. Do you think it was the 71st Regiment of Foot, Fraser's Highlanders? TFD (talk) 12:18, 5 December 2020 (UTC)
Tyrant vs. constitutional monarch
Discussion
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The discussions about whether George III was a tyrant or constitutional monarch seems to be yielding little progress. In any case, it is tangential to what is in the article. I suggest we follow sources and not say he did this or that when sources attribute those actions to the ministry or parliament. We also have to take care to understand that such terms as king-in-council and king-in-parliament refer to the ministry and parliament not to the king himself. Bear in mind too that the British constitution is based on the supremacy of parliament, not on checks and balances. Ultimately all executive must be legal (i.e., in conformity with the laws established by parliament) and can only be carried out with the consent of parliament. TFD (talk) 22:52, 4 December 2020 (UTC)
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- I just noticed this, and it looks to me like the conversation has petered out, but adding my 2c anyway - I'd have to agree with Dimadick - by the standard definition of Tyrant, and certainly in the context of it's every day use, it refers to a dictator with unlimited power. George was a constitutional monarch, and restrained by parliament. So nah, he wasn't a tyrant in the normal use of the word. Deathlibrarian (talk) 08:05, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, that is good linguistics for 2020 cable TV. But 18th century British North American colonists understood themselves to have the "Rights of Englishmen" guaranteed in their Stuart King charters. George III, "the German King" of Patriot propaganda was not a post-Stalinist tyrant in its 21st century everyday use, but he was a tyrant by the English Common Law standards of 1776.
- - It is hard to keep the present separated from any historical period. Compounding the problem, professional historians of a remote period or place can easily impose the expertise that they developed inappropriately to a different time or place not their specialty. Which is why it is imperative to use RS in the period for the place of an history article at Wikipedia, such as the American Revolutionary War. TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:44, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
- - I didn't realize tyrant was a concept in common law. It's not mentioned in Coke or Blackstone as far as I can tell. Could you provide a source for your novel definition. TFD (talk) 15:07, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
- I think we can agree that the King wasn't a tyrant in the technical sense, but he was most certainly regarded as such by the colonists. Their beliefs were substantiated when the King sent foreign mercenaries to America. The arrival of mercenaries was the single most controversial issue that bolstered the idea of independence, more so than taxation, suspension of colonial courts, etc, and is what won over many of those who were at first reluctant to oppose the Crown. The term tyrant is currently, and has not been, used in the narrative, but we should at least indicate that this is how the colonists regarded the King, and why. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:58, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
- They originally portrayed Parliament as a tyrant, but after Paine's Common Sense, transferred the epithet to George III. It was parliament after all that passed the Stamp Acts, etc., and funded the German auxiliary and Scottish troops. It's similar to the way today's liberals blame Trump for everything has been wrong in America today for the last 40 years, even police violence in cities that the Democrats have controlled for decades. It's a lot easier to focus hate on one person than on faceless institutions. TFD (talk) 04:34, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
- I think we can agree that the King wasn't a tyrant in the technical sense, but he was most certainly regarded as such by the colonists. Their beliefs were substantiated when the King sent foreign mercenaries to America. The arrival of mercenaries was the single most controversial issue that bolstered the idea of independence, more so than taxation, suspension of colonial courts, etc, and is what won over many of those who were at first reluctant to oppose the Crown. The term tyrant is currently, and has not been, used in the narrative, but we should at least indicate that this is how the colonists regarded the King, and why. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:58, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
- - I didn't realize tyrant was a concept in common law. It's not mentioned in Coke or Blackstone as far as I can tell. Could you provide a source for your novel definition. TFD (talk) 15:07, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
- I just noticed this, and it looks to me like the conversation has petered out, but adding my 2c anyway - I'd have to agree with Dimadick - by the standard definition of Tyrant, and certainly in the context of it's every day use, it refers to a dictator with unlimited power. George was a constitutional monarch, and restrained by parliament. So nah, he wasn't a tyrant in the normal use of the word. Deathlibrarian (talk) 08:05, 10 December 2020 (UTC)
It's understood that the Parliament functioned as it did, but, along with Paine's Common Sense, it was Jefferson and the D.O.I. that singled out the King involving a litany of grievances, and it was the King's family connections in Hanover that arranged for the mercenaries, so colonial anger directed at the King was not exactly misplaced. Yes, figureheads are much easier to target than are institutions. In any case, colonial anger directed at the King should be mentioned, and if indeed the King was widely referred to as a Tyrant, this can be mentioned, sources permitting. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:59, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
- It was the Northern Department (now called the Foreign Office) under Lord Suffolk that arranged for the auxiliaries and they were paid by the British government, not the king. Not sure how the king's family connections figured. Frederick II was separated from George's aunt. The two men probably never met, as George never set foot on the continent. TFD (talk) 23:01, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
- King George I, Grandfather of George III, was the first Hanoverian from the German states to rule Great Britain, so there is a definite family connection which existed before, and regardless of, Lord Suffolk's handling of the treaty and other arrangements, made with the King's blessings. Suffolk just didn't pull the mercenaries out of thin air. In any event, it was the King who was held responsible for what were largely perceived as acts of tyranny, just as a U.S. President would be held responsible for various acts committed. In neutral terms we should relate that this is how the colonists regarded the King, which would further illuminate the status of their overall relationship. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 01:12, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- George I was actually the great-grandfather of George III, who was born 10 years after the died. In any case, that's a pretty tenuous connection. Incidentally, Great Britain, unlike the U.S., had supremacy of parliament, where ministers such as Suffolk were responsible to parliament. If parliament doesn't like what they are doing, they hold a vote of non-confidence and the if successful, the government resigns. That happened to Lord North in 1782, although he was not the first PM to lose a vote of confidence. Usually, it does not come to that, especially when a party loses an election and the PM resigns so a PM from the winning party can be sworn in. TFD (talk) 01:38, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- King George I, Grandfather of George III, was the first Hanoverian from the German states to rule Great Britain, so there is a definite family connection which existed before, and regardless of, Lord Suffolk's handling of the treaty and other arrangements, made with the King's blessings. Suffolk just didn't pull the mercenaries out of thin air. In any event, it was the King who was held responsible for what were largely perceived as acts of tyranny, just as a U.S. President would be held responsible for various acts committed. In neutral terms we should relate that this is how the colonists regarded the King, which would further illuminate the status of their overall relationship. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 01:12, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
George I, born in Hanover, was once Price of Hanover and ruler of the Duchy and Electorate of Brunswick-Lüneburg, in Hanover. George II was Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg, in Hanover, before he was King. George III, while King, was also Duke and Prince-elector of Brunswick-Lüneburg, also in Hanover, so their connection to Hanover was much more than "tenuous" -- it was intimate. The attempt to dismiss family and royal/political ties, esp in those days, doesn't carry. George III, regardless if he had ever stepped foot into Germany, already had the connections where Suffolk could easily arrange for treaties for mercenaries. But we seem to be digressing. The issue at this point is how the colonists regarded the King, (as evidenced in the D.O.I.) that he was, understandably, regarded as a tyrant, esp because of the mercenaries that were sent to the colonies, again, with his blessings. Apparently you're not receptive to the idea of covering how the colonists regarded the King, and Parliament and prefer to discuss the finer details of the King's family ties to Hanover, as the idea of covering colonial opinion of the King more comprehensively has been brought up at least three times, with no comment from you on that note. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:23, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- What's tenuous is not the Hanoverian dynasty's connection with Hanover, but George III's connection with Hesse and other states that provided auxiliaries. TFD (talk) 00:28, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
Tyrant continued
- Hanover was a capital city;Hesse-Kassel and Hesse-Nassau was a provinces, all of which were a part of the Kingdom of Prussia, which is were all the soldiers for hire came from. While the Earl of Suffolk, the King's emissary, handled the paperwork involving the treaties, it was the King's family and other connections that accelerated the effort in arranging for sending mercenaries to the American continent. We can haggle about the role of the King ad infinitum, but the fact remains, it was King George who circumvented the role of the Parliament in obtaining foreign mercenaries, and it was the arrival of those mercenaries that cemented the idea of independence which was largely what made the colonists refer to the King as a tyrant. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:04, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- "Throughout the summer, in his capacity of commander-in-chief of the army and prince elector of Hanover, he had begun to negotiate for foreign mercenaries from Germany. He was indeed carrying out a cabinet decision to send twenty thousand troops to America but he had committed a double offense in the eyes of the patriots in abdicating the basic responsibility of government to provide protection and in using foreign troops against his fellow subjects. The employment of foreign mercenaries was to have a decisive effect in further alienating colonial opinion against Britain."[2]
- "It was not until after the battle of Bunker Hill in June 1775 that George III considered in earnest entering into subsidy agreements with foreign powers. Given Britain's long history of relying on auxiliary troops, the king's decision to use them in this crisis was hardly surprising."[3]
- "The German territory had been ruled in personal union with Britain since 1714, when George I, elector of Hanover and great-grandfather of King George III, had ascended to the British throne. The king's role as elector of Hanover allowed him to offer "his" Hanoverian subjects to Parliament for service in the British army."[4]
- King George I, II, III together had a long history of hiring mercenaries from Hanover.[5]
- "That the measure required, and received, Parliament's approval was irrelevant; the fact that the king considered the hiring of foreigners as an appropriate response to the colonists' actions revealed him as a tyrant determined to win the conflict at all costs."[6]
- Colonial newspapers roundly referred to the king as a tyrant.[7]
- George III expresses his love for his native country, (i.e.Hanover): "so superior is my love to this my native country..."[8]
- Earl of Suffolk acting as the King's emissary: "The secretary of the Northern Department, the earl of Suffolk, offered the Prussian government an alliance thus following "the insistent demands of George III as Elector rather than king to secure the position of Hanover. ...the monarch's attention was not exclusively on the struggle overseas but equally on the situation in Hanover.[9]
- While Suffolk's efforts had been short-lived, the Fu'rstenbund represents an exceptional and unprecedented conflict between George III and his British government over Hanover.[10]
- ^ Ferling, 2007, p. 113
- ^ O'Saughnessy, 2004, p. 15
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 117
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 119
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 125
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 137
- ^ Baer, 2015, pp. 122, 143
- ^ Simms & Riotte, p. 64
- ^ Simms & Riotte, p. 69
- ^ Simms & Riotte, p. 70
- Sources
- Baer, Friederike (Winter 2015). "The Decision to Hire German Troops in the War of American Independence: Reactions in Britain and North America, 1774–1776". Early American Studies. 13 (1). University of Pennsylvania Press: 111–150. JSTOR 24474906.
- O'Shaughnessy, Andrew Jackson (Spring 2004). "If Others Will Not Be Active, I Must Drive": George III and the American Revolution". Early American Studies. 2 (1). University of Pennsylvania Press: 1–46. JSTOR 23546502.
- Brendan Simms; Torsten Riotte, eds. (2007). The Hanoverian Dimension in British History, 1714–1837. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1394-6187-0.
- All of this is your personal speculation not supported by reliable sources. Hanover and Hesse did not become part of Prussia until 1868. Suffolk was a secretary of state, not an official of the court. There was no need to have connections anyway, because the Germany principalities were willing to supply troops in return for cash - that's why you argued we should call those soldiers mercenaries. Note your source says, "was indeed carrying out a cabinet decision to send twenty thousand troops to America." Cabinet, not the king, made the decision. And it turns out it was cabinet that was responsible for the negotiations too. TFD (talk) 22:20, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- Please refer to the entire statement: The source says, "He was indeed carrying out a cabinet decision to send twenty thousand troops to America but he had committed a double offense in the eyes of the patriots in abdicating the basic responsibility of government to provide protection and in using foreign troops against his fellow subjects." Another source maintains, "the earl of Suffolk, offered the Prussian government an alliance thus following the insistent demands of George III as Elector rather than king to secure the position of Hanover. Also, the Kingdom of Prussia existed between 1701 and 1918. Both Hanover and Hesse-Kessel are located within, though they were not officially part of it until 1871, not 1868. There was much opposition in Parliament in the hiring of mercenaries, yet the king, who adamantly supported their use, was fundamental in their acquisition and was intimately involved in securing those mercenaries to send to the colonies. As for "speculation", I have just provided and quoted from three reliable sources. The only speculation would be your apparent notion that the procurement of mercenaries was an idea that was conceived by, involved and ultimately decided only by the Parliament while the King, with his family and other ties to Hanover, just sat on his hands for the duration. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 00:49, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- "On the other hand, the king's decision to treat the Americans like a foreign enemy against whom a foreign enemy against whom a foreign army could be employed reflects a perception of the colonists as outsiders..."[1]
- "The king did not inform Parliament and the public about his decision to use Hessian and Hanoverian troops, however, until October 1775, when the latter were already on their way to the Mediterranean. For the most part, Parliament was also kept in the dark about negotiations for a loan of troops from another foreign power, Russia."[2]
- "The king presented his decision to employ foreign troops as a necessary measure if Britain hoped to keep the rebellious colonies within the empire."[3]
- "The king's decision to send foreigners across the Atlantic to "complete" their destruction was the culmination of a series of cruel and oppressive acts against them."[4]
(emphasis added) -- Gwillhickers (talk) 01:14, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 116
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 119
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 123
- ^ Baer, 2015, p. 148
Black’s Dictionary definition of a tyrant
@The Four Deuces and Gwillhickers: Black’s Law Dictionary defines “tyranny” as arbitrary or despotic government; the severe and autocratic exercise of sovereign power, either vested constitutionally in one ruler, or usurped by him by breaking down the division and distribution of governmental powers. --- Edward Coke’s ‘Protestation’ against James I was that English liberties were a “birthright” rather than privileges of royal “toleration”, because the Common Law administered by its judges incorporated the best rule of justice from previous Kings as well as the present one. (Berman 1994, p.1677-78).
George III presumed to directly govern the American colonies, altering boundaries, etc., without regard to their Stuart charters guaranteeing them the Rights of Englishmen. He did not presume to alter the boundaries of English counties --- in America, he usurped the English governmental power to do so without consent of a legislature without the representatives of colonial Englishmen, et alia, see the Declaration of Independence for the proper bill of indictment against George III as the ruler of free Englishmen by English constitutions. Parliament renounced that purported privilege for the King and itself in 1779, and the Irish Protestants immediately seized on the law as though it applied to themselves as well for their own Irish Parliament as separate from Parliament as a First Continental Congress, only without presuming independence yet has had the Second Continental Congress, but still creating another crisis there into the early 1780s.
Judges in English Common Law in Massachusetts had ruled against George III acts of tyranny as sovereign in the 1760s - under Common Law, the good king cannot permit himself to administer bad law, however it may be conceived - and these were incorporated into the Declaration of Independence - they were not Jefferson's speculative philosophical ideals, they were precedent holdings in courts of English Common Law --- as previously noted in this article, if recent disruption has permitted it to survive editor wp:own alterations imposed without sourcing, discussion or consensus at Talk. I admit that I find it very difficult to keep up with the changes, but at least there is a Diff record laid down for future reference, say before end of February. --- To avoid possible misunderstanding relative to “I cant hear you” editor behavior, please acknowledge your receipt of this post as a part of our discussion at this Talk. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 07:20, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- I have already explained above that Great Britain was governed under the supremacy of Parliament. It would be ironic for the Founding Fathers to argue for the rights of Englishmen, if they believed that Great Britain was a tyranny. Out of curiosity, in what year do you think the tyranny ended, or do you think that the British continue to live under tyranny?
- See the EB article on the 1688 Revolution: "[The Bill of Rights 1689] abolished the crown’s power to suspend laws, condemned the power of dispensing with laws “as it hath been exercised and used of late,” and declared a standing army illegal in time of peace....The adoption of the exclusionist solution lent support to John Locke’s contention that government was in the nature of a social contract between the king and his people represented in Parliament. The revolution permanently established Parliament as the ruling power of England."[4]
- TFD (talk) 15:20, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- On the contrary, the idea of the King and Parliament acting as tyrants was the very issue that caused the colonists to remind the Crown about their rights as Englishmen. As far as the colonists were concerned, the Parliament and King formed a constitutional tyranny, to coin a phrase. Or are you trying to suggest that the colonists had no real grievances? -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:23, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- No idea how you could read my posting as saying the colonists had no grievances. Also, as I explained, the rebelling colonists changed the epithet of tyrant from parliament to the king. Unfortunately, that obfuscated how government actually worked in Great Britain. TFD (talk) 00:23, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- You may not have actually said outright that "the colonists had no grievances", but given the lengths you've gone through to place the bulk of the blame for abuses on the Parliament, as if the King was little more than a dummy with a crown on his head, while trying to write off his long standing family ties to Hanover, I figured I'd ask. Still no comments about Colonial perceptions of the King. In any case, it shouldn't be difficult to come up with sources to cover this idea. Thanks for all your help. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 19:43, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- I am sure that you can understand the difference in saying that the colonists had grievances against parliament and saying they had no grievances at all. Also, the Hanoverian dynasty's connection with Hanover had little bearing on the ARW. Hanover sent troops to Gibraltar so the British troops there could go to America. Otherwise it had no involvement. Why do you keep bringing it up? Your description of a constitutional monarch as a dummy with a crown on his head shows a lack of understanding of how the system works. The sovereign represents authority, tradition, continuity, legitimacy and unity above party. They can command a respect and affection that a president or PM cannot. TFD (talk) 20:08, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- You may not have actually said outright that "the colonists had no grievances", but given the lengths you've gone through to place the bulk of the blame for abuses on the Parliament, as if the King was little more than a dummy with a crown on his head, while trying to write off his long standing family ties to Hanover, I figured I'd ask. Still no comments about Colonial perceptions of the King. In any case, it shouldn't be difficult to come up with sources to cover this idea. Thanks for all your help. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 19:43, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- No idea how you could read my posting as saying the colonists had no grievances. Also, as I explained, the rebelling colonists changed the epithet of tyrant from parliament to the king. Unfortunately, that obfuscated how government actually worked in Great Britain. TFD (talk) 00:23, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- On the contrary, the idea of the King and Parliament acting as tyrants was the very issue that caused the colonists to remind the Crown about their rights as Englishmen. As far as the colonists were concerned, the Parliament and King formed a constitutional tyranny, to coin a phrase. Or are you trying to suggest that the colonists had no real grievances? -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:23, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
Please read the discussion more carefully. I did not say that the King was a dummy, etc, but that it was you who seemed to regard him as such, with your constant focus on Parliament as being primarily responsible for the abuses against the colonists. The King was primarily responsible for arranging for foreign mercenaries and circumvented the Parliament in doing so. See above reply. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:13, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- As I pointed out, the 1688 revolution established the supremacy of parliament. Your statements that it was based on checks and balances or that Hanover and Hesse were part of Prussia shows that you are searching for evidence to support a position you hold on faith rather than objectively considering evidence. TFD (talk) 04:34, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- From TFD
It would be ironic for the Founding Fathers to argue for the rights of Englishmen, if they believed that Great Britain was a tyranny. Out of curiosity, in what year do you think the tyranny ended, or do you think that the British continue to live under tyranny?
- - 1) The rights of Englishmen are documented in the courts of Common Law that embrace the best law of every sovereign to apply to the case at hand, the balance struck is that while every king's authority is unchallenged, the justice of each case does not flow exclusively from the whims of a contemporary Sovereign.
- - 2) In 1775, George III was not persuaded that he was so constrained by Common Law because of a Hanover connection. His connection to Hanover was that his tutor in Kingship was John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute, who followed an absolutist model unlike that the British Common Law. Bute's grandfather was a Royalist who put down Argyll's Rising against King James II, purportedly an absolute monarch. Bute was appointed on the recommendation of the elder son of George II, the Hanoverian-born Frederick, Prince of Wales who wed Princess Augusta of Saxe-Gotha. The widow as the Dowager of Wales scandalously took on Bute as a consort. The Dowager and her fellow is a sympathetic subject among some RS because a descendant of hers was wife to Karl Marx, who was almost arrested for pawning silver with the family crest in Paris.
- - 3) The reference to the English Bill of Rights is taken by FTD here to have been preemptively an absolute certainty in all British politics beginning date certain 1688, i.e., it
abolished the crown’s power to suspend laws, and condemned the power of dispensing with laws
. That is akin to building a US historiography based on documents alone. The only political narrative for the US allowed is that all black men born in the US could vote (i) at the Fourteenth Amendment, 1868 date certain; or (ii) at the Fifteenth Amendment, 1870 date certain; or (iii) at the Voting Rights Act, 1965 date certain. That is not a useful "history" if it uses documents at face-value only. - - 4) REPLY: The year that saw an end to any possible crown-only-tyranny by the British Sovereign was 1811 at the Care of King During his Illness, etc. Act 1811, required by incapacitating dementia in George III. THEN AND ONLY THEN, could a tradition begin building in Britain that, going forward it could become truly said that in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
"The sovereign represents authority, tradition, continuity, legitimacy and unity above party. They can command a respect and affection that a president or PM cannot."
. Which is TFDs correct assessment for the historical tradition there as it now stands in 2020. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 11:32, 14 December 2020 (UTC)- That's a fantastic revision of history that doesn't warrant reply. TFD (talk) 11:35, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- @The Four Deuces: I do not see any reference to my post, so without any reference to the post, all four (4) critiques stand for each cited element of the FTD revisionist history in this thread. - So the question arises, Then why has TFD asserted fantastic revision of history in the first place? i.e.
- - 1) TFD: American political claims to violations of their English rights are "ironic" (dismissed) even if Common Law courts uphold that they in fact have been violated. Since the contemporary Sovereign can do no wrong as King-Lords-Parliament, then the American Patriots cannot justifiably image that a Common Law Court might find that George III in his administration of a law is at variance with the "law of the land" accumulated over all British sovereigns, "ironically".
- - 2) TFD: There is no Hanoverian connection to George III by family, upbringing or politics. George III was behaving in the same tradition set out by William and Mary for the British North American colonies, and Congress had no English grounds to object to their governance by King-Lords-Commons, "ironically".
- - 3) TFD: In the case of the Magna Carta or the English Bill of Rights, the intent in a document irreversibly changes political behavior everywhere for everyone at the date signed for all time. The American Patriots were just making things up, like economic depression and soldiers quartered in their homes, "ironically".
- - 4) TFD: Parliament's constraint on its Sovereign is not de facto well established in the 1811 Care of King During his Illness Act. There was no need for the Act of Parliament in 1811, it was already settled in 1688 for all time, "ironically".
- - All four TFD responses in this thread are his unique and unsourced POV, a
"fantastic revision of history"
. But as I take his posts seriously in wp:good faith, I believe that he deserves an answer here. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:22, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- That's a fantastic revision of history that doesn't warrant reply. TFD (talk) 11:35, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
- I provided sources for all my claims, and ask that in future if you quote me that you do so accurately. Anyway whether or not your arguments have any merit, we are forced to follow the interpretations that mainstream writers have. TFD (talk) 12:57, 14 December 2020 (UTC)
Copyedit previous 'Global war and diplomacy'
- Section header previous was
Global war and diplomacy
.
- - replaced by: "Britain's "American war" and peace"
- - After the Franco-American victory at Yorktown the article is not concerned about how many other belligerents that Britain may have engaged with around the globe. The RS show that Yorktown effectively ended Briton and Parliamentary support for Britain’s continued “American war”.
- - Now, by 1781-1782, the military conflict in the American Revolution is not about all belligerents fighting Britain everywhere for all their various reasons. The section is about the close of the British-subject fighting in an insurrection for independence by Congress as the United States in North America (Britannica May 2019). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- First subhead previous was
Fall of the North Ministry
.
- - replaced by: "Changing Prime Ministers"
- - The article at this point is not about the long-term service of a Tory PM and his fall. This section is about the close of British “offensive operations” in its “American war” that was ended by Act of Parliament eight months after the Franco-American victory at Yorktown. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Top hat – previous:
See also Fox-North coalition
.
- - replaced by: "See also Rockingham Whigs and Fox-North coalition"
- - The article section about changing Prime Ministers from North to Rockingham needs a top-hat link for readers interested in the loyal Opposition that assumes the government at the collapse of the North administration. The link to the subsequent post-American-war administration is useful for readers to easily access the Parliamentary instability until George III could successfully back “Honest Billy” William Pitt the Younger. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Image previous was a
lone portrait of PM Lord North
.
- - replaced by a "two-image gallery featuring the two PM portraits: the-Before-and-the-After". These two PM portraits juxtaposed in a gallery illustrate the British change in policy from forcibly subduing the American insurrection (North), to that of ending hostilities, making peace, developing international relations, and restoring trade (Rockingham). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Image previous was
a cartoon ridiculing the North Cabinet
.
- - removed: There is not sufficient text to support more than one image in this subsection; the image relating inadequacies of the North’s administration’s internal workings and personality conflicts and peculiar vanities among North’s Cabinet are not salient elements to convey in the narrative describing military-related events in the American Revolution. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
American signs a peace
- The section title previous is reworked:
Peace of Paris
.
- - replaced by: " American signs a peace "
- - The nominal phrase, "Peace of Paris" is an artifact of European historiography. There is no such document to which Congress is signatory relating to its "insurrection […] to gain independence" ([Britannica May 2019]). However, the Congress does sign an Anglo-American Preliminary Peace in November 1782 that meets all of its unanimously agreed-to war aims, then ratifies it unanimously on 15 April 1783 with the proclamation, “Hostilities Ended” between Britain and America in the Cause for independence. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Top hat – previous:
See Treaty of Paris (1783) for the Anglo-American peace, formally in effect at the conclusive peace with Anglo-French peace.
- - replaced by: See also [[Treaty of Paris (1783) for the Anglo-American Preliminary Treaty in November 1782, and its conclusive treaty September 1783. Additional reading in European diplomatic history at Peace of Paris (1783) for preliminary British treaties signed at Paris in January 1783 with France 1783, Spain 1783 with their respective conclusive treaties signed at Versailles September 1783, and the British preliminary treaty with the Dutch Republic in September 1783 at Paris, then conclusively signed in May 1784."
- - The whimsical POV disruption inverts RS sources as cited and linked. It now reads correctly. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Paragraph previous:
The Paris talks involved separate discussions between Britain, the US, France, Spain and the Dutch Republic. Naval victories such as the Battle of the Saintes in April 1782 allowed Britain to retain their position outside North America, especially in the Caribbean whose sugar islands were considered by many more valuable than the 13 colonies. Both France and Spain had little to show for their vast expenditure; although the Spanish regained Minorca, held by the British since 1708, they failed to capture Gibraltar, whose main impact was absorbing British resources that might otherwise have been used in America.
- - removed: The information provided does not relate to Congressionally sanctioned engagements, combat or correspondence with its commissioned officers, nor anything that Congress is signatory to. All information is readily found at the top hat reference Peace of Paris (1783) and links found there. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Paragraph previous:
Isolated by this agreement, France was now desperate for peace; the British relief of Gibraltar in February 1783 strengthened their position, while weakening Spanish resolve. The 1783 treaties with France and Spain largely returned the position to that prevailing before the war. The Dutch treaty was not finalised until May 1784, but the war proved an economic disaster, with Britain replacing them as the dominant power in Asia. This expansion meant that while British domestic opinion viewed the loss of the American colonies as a catastrophe, its long term impact was negligible.
- - removed: The information provided does not relate to Congressionally sanctioned engagements, combat or correspondence with its commissioned officers, nor anything that Congress is signatory to. All information is readily found at the top hat reference Peace of Paris (1783). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:40, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
Reorder paragraphs, copyedit paragraphs
Article copyedited here. The edit note: see additional elements at Talk section # Copyedit previous 'Global war and diplomacy' for discussion at Talk.
- Reorder paragraph sequence and rewrite paragraphs
a) Spanish & French; b) British strategy-American demands-preliminary peace; c) Congress endorsement of preliminary-conclusive peace
- - reordered paragraphs: "a) American peace delegation; b) British negotators-preliminary peace provisions; c) British strategy-French & Spanish strategy; d) prelim peace-US ratify-conclusive peace-British evacuation".
- - The lead paragraph for an American history article in the “American Congress signs a peace” section, should lead off with a paragraph on the Americans, rather than “The Spanish backing the French” in opposition to the Americans. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:35, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Paragaph #1 rewrite here:
When Lord Rockingham, the Whig leader and friend of the American cause was elevated to Prime Minister, Congress consolidated its diplomatic consuls in Europe into a peace delegation at Paris. All were experienced in Congressional leadership. The dean of the delegation was Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania. He had become a celebrity in the French Court, but he was also an Enlightenment scientist with influence in the courts of European great powers in Prussia, England's former ally, and Austria, a Catholic empire like Spain. Since the 1760s he had been an organizer of British American inter-colony cooperation, and then a colonial lobbyist to Parliament in London. John Adams of Massachusetts had been consul to the Dutch Republic, and was a prominent early New England Patriot. John Jay of New York had been consul to Spain and was a past president of the Continental Congress. As consul to the Dutch Republic, Henry Laurens of South Carolina had secured a preliminary agreement for a trade agreement. He had been a successor to John Jay as president of Congress and with Franklin was a member of the American Philosophical Society. Although active in the preliminaries, he was not a signer of the conclusive treaty.[n]
.
- - The subsection introductory paragraph gives a basic introduction to the American peace delegation. The background and preparation among the delegation explains that something other than an exceptional “miracle” of history took place at American independence.
- - Note: passage may need ‘citation needed’ tags as required. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:35, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
- Paragaph #2 rewrite here:
The Whig negotiators for Lord Rockingham and his successor, Prime Minister Lord Shelburne, included long-time friend of Benjamin Franklin from his time in London, David Hartley and Richard Oswald, who had negotiated Laurens' release from the Tower of London.[n] The Preliminary Peace signed on November 30 met four key Congressional demands: independence, territory up to the Mississippi, navigation rights into the Gulf of Mexico, and fishing rights in Newfoundland.[n]
- - Further understanding is conveyed to the reader of the human connections between Parliament’s Whig caucus and the Congressional Patriots. Independence was achieved by American agency, but not by self-righteous fiat over the mythically monolithic British bad-guys, as though American independence was secured by a miracle akin to the parting of the Red Sea engulfing the hoards of Pharaoh's pursuing chariots to free God's Chosen People.
- - Faulty historiography that leads some to "American exceptionalism" can be overcome by clearly relating document evidence.
- - Note: passage may need ‘citation needed’ tags as required. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:35, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
- Comments:
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