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===Israeli public opinion===
===Israeli public opinion===
International criticism is an important focus within Israel. According to an August 2010 survey by Tel Aviv University, more than half of Israelis believe "the whole world is against us", and three quarters of Israelis believe "that no matter what Israel does or how far it goes towards resolving the conflict with the Palestinians, the world will continue to criticize Israel".<ref name="peace index">{{cite web|title=Tel Aviv University, Israel Democracy Institute, Peace Index August 2010|url=http://peaceindex.org/indexMonthEng.aspx?num=56|accessdate=2010-12-07}}</ref> As a result, [[Public diplomacy (Israel)|public diplomacy]], known as [[hasbara]], has been an important focus of Israeli governments since Independence. The Israeli [[Information and Diaspora Minister of Israel|Ministry of Public Diplomacy & Diaspora Affairs]] seeks to explain government policies and promote Israel in the face of what they consider negative press about Israel around the world – the current campaign is called Masbirim.<ref name="masbirim">{{cite web|title=Masbirim|url=http://masbirim.gov.il/eng/|accessdate=2010-12-07}}</ref>
International criticism is an important focus within Israel. According to an August 2010 survey by Tel Aviv University, more than half of Israelis believe "the whole world is against us", and three quarters of Israelis believe "that no matter what Israel does or how far it goes towards resolving the conflict with the Palestinians, the world will continue to criticize Israel".<ref name="peace index">{{cite web|title=Tel Aviv University, Israel Democracy Institute, Peace Index August 2010|url=http://peaceindex.org/indexMonthEng.aspx?num=56|accessdate=2010-12-07}}</ref> As a result, [[Public diplomacy (Israel)|public diplomacy]], known as [[hasbara]], has been an important focus of Israeli governments since Independence. The Israeli [[Information and Diaspora Minister of Israel|Ministry of Public Diplomacy & Diaspora Affairs]] seeks to explain government policies and promote Israel in the face of what they consider negative press about Israel around the world – the current campaign is called Masbirim.<ref name="masbirim">{{cite web|title=Masbirim|url=http://masbirim.gov.il/eng/|accessdate=2010-12-07}}</ref>

===Israeli public diplomacy===
{{See also|Public diplomacy (Israel)}}
International criticism is an important focus within Israel. According to an August 2010 survey by Tel Aviv University, more than half of Israelis believe "the whole world is against us", and three quarters of Israelis believe "that no matter what Israel does or how far it goes towards resolving the conflict with the Palestinians, the world will continue to criticize Israel".<ref name="peace index"/> As a result, [[Public diplomacy (Israel)|public diplomacy]], known as [[hasbara]], has been an important focus of Israeli governments since Independence. The Israeli [[Information and Diaspora Minister of Israel|Ministry of Public Diplomacy & Diaspora Affairs]] seeks to explain government policies and promote Israel in the face of what they consider negative press about Israel around the world – the current campaign is called Masbirim.<ref name="masbirim"/>


===European Governmental reports===
===European Governmental reports===

Revision as of 20:33, 15 January 2011

Criticism of the Israeli government is an ongoing subject of journalistic and scholarly commentary and research within the scope of International relations theory, expressed in terms of political science. Within the scope of global aspirations for a community of nations, Israel has faced international criticism since its declaration of independence in 1948 relating to a variety of topics,[1][2][3][3][4] both historical and contemporary.

International criticism of Israeli government policies is usually expressed within the discipline of international law and various obligations, real or perceived, that Israel is accused of not complying or fulfilling as a member of United Nations and other international organisations. Criticism of contemporary policies usually relates to issues in the Palestinian territories such as Israeli settlements, human rights of Palestinian Arabs, the conduct of Israeli Defense Forces during conflicts and accusations of economic strangulation[5][6] of Palestinian territories. Criticism of historical Israeli government policies relate to issues with ongoing consequences such as the refusal to allow post-war Palestinian refugees to return to their homes, and the invasion, occupation and annexation of neighbouring territories and the construction of settlements therein. Another source of criticism is the friction generated by the conversion issue between Israel's orthodox rabbinate and non-orthodox segments of the Jewish diaspora. At one end of the spectrum, these criticisms support attempts to delegitimize[7][8][9] Israel's right to exist. This has led to an ongoing debate regarding at what point criticism of Israel crosses the line in to antisemitism.

One of the effects of international criticism has been the impact on social psychology of Israelis - according to a survey more than half of Israelis believe "the whole world is against us", and three quarters of Israelis believe "that no matter what Israel does or how far it goes towards resolving the conflict with the Palestinians, the world will continue to criticize Israel".[10]. Another effect has been instances of mental abuse and physical attacks on Israelis and Jews in several countries. Aside from the resultant domestic social conflict between those that approve of the criticism and those that do not, there have been diplomatic attempts to isolate Israel from the international community, and encouragement of disinvestment from Israel as a form of informal economic boycott.

Sources of Israel's criticism come from several groups: Jewish and Arab activists within Israel and from the Jewish diaspora, the organisations within United Nations, other non-governmental organizations, and often mass media as part of a politico-media complex. As with any social issue, media bias is often claimed by both sides of the Israel criticism debate. Criticism in the United Nations is particularly marked: since 2003, the UN has issued 232 resolutions with respect to Israel, 40% of all resolutions issued by the UN over the period and more than six times that of the second placed country, Sudan.[11]. These decisions are usually passed with the support of the OIC countries.

Sources of criticism

Criticism from the Jewish Diaspora

  • Prophets Outcast: A Century of Dissident Jewish Writing about Zionism and Israel by Adam Shatz, 2004
  • Radicals, Rabbis and Peacemakers: Conversations with Jewish Critics of Israel by Seth Farber, 2005
  • With Friends Like These: The Jewish Critics of Israel by Edward Alexander, 1992
  • Jewish Peace Activists: Noam Chomsky, Gerald Kaufman, Norman Finkelstein, Martin Buber, Refusal to Serve in the Israeli Military
  • Is It Good for the Jews?: The Crisis of America's Israel Lobby by Stephen Schwartz, 2006
  • The Invention of the Jewish People by Shlomo Sand and Yael Lotan

Criticism at the United Nations

Percentage of country-specific UN General Assembly resolutions concerned with Israel and neighbouring territories

One source of criticism received by the state of Israel is from the United Nations, of which Israel is a member. The UN Charter under Article 4 states that:

1. Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving states which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations.[12]

The 232 UN resolutions issued since 2003 alone with respect to Israel must be considered as criticism under the UN Charter because they represent 40% of all resolutions issued by the UN over the period and more than six times that of the second placed country, Sudan.[11] In recent years, the Middle East was the subject of 76% of country-specific General Assembly resolutions, 100% of the Human Rights Council resolutions, 100% of the Commission on the Status of Women resolutions, 50% of reports from the World Food Program, 6% of Security Council resolutions and 6 of the 10 Emergency sessions. These decisions, passed with the support of the OIC countries, invariably criticize Israel for its treatment of Palestinians.[13] For further details, see Israel, Palestine, and the United Nations and the List of United Nations resolutions concerning Israel.

Criticism of contemporary policies

Israeli Settlements

The participating High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention[14], numerous UN resolutions, the International Court of Justice[15] and other instances have ruled that Israel's policy of establishing civilian settlements in occupied territories, including in East Jerusalem, is illegal.

Israel's settlement policy has drawn harsh criticism from the United States[16] and the European Union[17].

Human Rights in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Human Rights Watch (HRW) has said Israel operates a "two-tier" judicial system in the occupied Palestinian territories, to an effect which provides preferential services, development, and benefits for Jewish settlers while imposing harsh conditions on Palestinians. In some cases Israel has acknowledged differential treatment of Palestinians, such as barring them from accessing “settler-only” roads and subjecting them to over 500 roadblocks and checkpoints within the West Bank, asserting that the measures are necessary to protect Jewish settlers from attacks by Palestinian armed groups. HRW rejects Israel's rationale, saying that no security rationale can explain many instances of differential treatment of Palestinians, such as permit denials that effectively prohibit Palestinians from building or repairing homes, schools, roads, and water tanks. HRW says that repairing a home "does not under any stretch of the imagination constitute a security threat". [18]

Assassinations

Amnesty International has harshly condemned Israel's policy of assassination operations targeting individuals. Israeli officials have admitted that the policy exists and is being pursued, saying it helps prevent acts of terrorism from being committed against Israel. Criticism against assassinations has been raised also from the Israeli left, who say assassination policy is "gangster behaviour" unbecoming of a government and is against Israeli law. [19]

Imprisonments

Amnesty International reported that in 2009 hundreds of Palestinians were detained and held incommunicado for extended periods of time by Israel. While most were later released without charge, hundreds were tried before military courts whose procedures often failed to meet international standards for fair trial. According to Amnesty, almost all Palestinian prisoners were held in prisons in Israel in violation of international humanitarian law, which prohibits the removal of detainees to the territory of the occupying power. About 300 children and 550 adults were held without charge or trial for more than a year. [20]

Torture

According to Amnesty International, methods of torture used by Israel on Palestinian prisoners include prolonged tying in painful stress positions, sleep deprivation and threats to harm detainees’ families. Beatings and other ill-treatment of detainees are common during and following arrest and during transfer from one location to another. [20]

Treatment of Ethnic Minorities

Organizations such as Amnesty International, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), the Israeli government-appointed Or Commission, and the United States Department of State[21] have published reports that document racism and discrimination directed towards racial and ethnic groups in Israel.

Accusations of Apartheid

The Association for Civil Rights in Israel concluded in 2008 that a segregated road network in the West Bank, expansion of Jewish settlements, restriction of the growth of Palestinian towns and discriminatory granting of services, budgets and access to natural resources are "a blatant violation of the principle of equality and in many ways reminiscent of the Apartheid regime in South Africa".[22]

Israel has also been accused of apartheid by Michael Ben-Yair, Israel's attorney-general from 1993 to 1996 [23] and Shulamit Aloni, who served as Minister for Education under Yitzhak Rabin[24].

Judaization of Jerusalem

The judaization of Jerusalem refers to the view that Israel has sought to transform the physical and demographic landscape of Jerusalem to correspond with a vision of a united and fundamentally Jewish Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty.[25]

The United Nations has criticised Israel's efforts to change the demographic makeup of Jerusalem in several resolutions. All legislative and administrative measures taken by Israel, which have altered or aimed to alter the character, legal status and demographic composition of Jerusalem, are described by the UN as "null and void" and having "no validity whatsoever". [26]

In a 2008 report, John Dugard, independent investigator for the United Nations Human Rights Council, cites the judaization of Jerusalem among many examples of Israeli policies "of colonialism, apartheid or occupation", that create a context in which Palestinian terrorism is "an inevitable consequence".[27]

Comparisons with Nazi Germany

A specific form of criticism of Israel is one that compares the state with Nazi Germany. Comparisons have included analogies of Gaza strip with concentration camps, or comparisons of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon with Nazi leader Joseph Goebbels.[28] The Anti Defamation League (ADL) has documented a large number of comparisons of Israel with Nazi Germany, and the ADL considers them to be anti-Semitic.[29]

United Nations rapporteurs have compared Israel to Nazi Germany. Authors Robert Spencer and Pamela Geller have criticized Richard Falk (United Nations Special Rapporteur on "the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967"[30]) for comparisons Falk made between Israel and Nazi Germany[31] Mitchell G. Bard states that Jean Ziegler (United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food) stated that Gaza Strip is "an immense concentration camp" and compared Israelis to Nazis.[32]

Israeli professor Gavriel Salomon protested against Israeli loyalty-oath legislation, and compared Israel to Nazi Germany, but qualified the criticism: " I am not talking about the death camps, but about the year 1935. There were no camps yet but there were racist laws. And we are heading forward towards these kinds of laws."[33]

Pascal Bruckner describes comments by Portuguese Nobel prize-winning author Jose Saramago, who compared the Palestinian's conditions in Ramallah to concentration camps; when asked by a journalist "Where are the gas chambers?", Saramago replied "They'll be here before long". Saramago's comments were widely reported and analyzed.[34]

Bruckner also documents a similar comparison made by South American author Luis Sepulveda who wrote: "in Auschwitz and Mauthausen, in Sabra, Chatila, and Gaza, Zionism and Nazism go hand in hand"[35]

Nur Masalha characterizes Israel's occupation of Palestine territories as comparable to the Nazi Lebensraum (living room) policy of gaining land and materials for the benefit of Germans.[36]

Author Israel Stockman-Shomron asserts that many newspaper editorials have used Nazi imagery articles that criticize Israel, such as the use of terms such as lebensraum, "final solution", "Hitler's work", and "blitzkrieg". Newspapers and authors cited by Stockman-Shomron include William Pfaff, Christian Science Monitor, Washington Post, New York Times, and Edwin Yoder.[37]

Following the 1967 Six Day War, the Soviet Union charged Israel with using Nazi tactics.[38] Daniel Gordis describes similar comparisons which were made by Israeli Arabs.[39]

Some commentators such as Ḥayim Gordon and Josie Sandercock describes Gaza as the "largest concentration camp in the world".[40]

Shlomo Sharan documents a comparison with Nazi Germany made by Arab journalist Jihad al-Khazin, who compared Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to Hitler.[41]

Professor William I. Robinson was accused of anti-Semitism because his classroom materials included a visual image comparison of the Israeli attacks on Gaza to the Warsaw Ghetto. The Anti-Defamation League criticized Robinson, accusing him of academic misconduct, while Scholars for Peace in the Middle East support Robinson, citing academic freedom.[42]

Criticism of historical policies

Criticism of historical Israeli government policies relate to issues with ongoing consequences such as the refusal to allow post-war Palestinian refugees to return to their homes, and the invasion, occupation and annexation of neighbouring territories and the construction of settlements therein.

Palestinian Refugees

Palestinian refugees are predominantly the Palestinian people, and their descendants, who fled or were expelled from their homes during and after the 1948 Palestine War.

The causes and responsibilities of the exodus are a matter of controversy among historians and commentators of the conflict.[43] Whereas historians now agree on most of the events of that period, there remains disagreement as to whether the exodus was the result of a plan designed before or during the war by Zionist leaders or was an unintended consequence of the war.[44]

Significant international pressure was placed on both sides during the 1949 Lausanne Conference to resolve the refugee crisis. The parties signed a joint protocol on the framework for a comprehensive peace, which included territories, refugees, and Jerusalem, in which Israel agreed "in principle" to allow the return of all of the Palestinian refugees.[45] According to author Ilan Pappe, this Israeli agreement was made under pressure from the United States, and because the Israelis wanted United Nations membership, which required Israeli agreement to allow the return of all refugees. Once Israel was admitted to the UN, it retreated from the protocol it had signed because it was completely satisfied with the status quo and saw no need to make any concessions with regard to the refugees or on boundary questions. This led to significant and sustained international criticism.[45]


Occupation and annexation of neighbouring territories

The territories occupied by Israel from Egypt, Jordan, and Syria after the Six-Day War of 1967 have been designated as occupied territory by the United Nations and many other international organisations, governments and others. They consist of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and much of the Golan Heights and, until 1982, the Sinai Peninsula. Security Council resolution 242, emphasized "the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war," setting the stage for controversy on the legal status of areas captured in 1967, and in 1948. There are two interpretations of international law this matter: The Israeli position is that:

  • The wars in 1956 and 1967 were waged by Israel to ensure the state's survival. As most hostilities were initiated by the Arab side, Israel had to fight and win these wars in order to ensure the state's sovereignty and safety. Territories captured in the course of those wars are therefore legitimately under Israeli administration for both security reasons and to deter hostile states from belligerence.
  • In the absence of peace treaties between all the parties at war, Israel has under all circumstances the right to maintain control of the captured territories. Their ultimate disposition should be a result of peace treaties, and not a condition for them. Even so, Israel asserts that:
    • The 1956 war was caused by a pattern of Egyptian belligerence against Israel, culminating with the nationalization of the Suez Canal and the blockage of the canal for Israeli traffic in violation of the Convention of Constantinople and other relevant treaties, in their view a clear casus belli (i.e., an act justifying war)
    • The 1967 war was similarly caused by the closing of the Straits of Tiran, the rejection of UN forces in the Sinai desert, and the redeployment of Egyptian forces. Jordan and Syria entered the war in spite of Israeli efforts to keep these frontiers peaceful.
    • The 1973 war was a surprise attack against Israel by Syria and Egypt.

The Arab position is that:

  • The 1956 war was a result of a conspiracy between France, the United Kingdom and Israel in violation of Egypt's sovereignty. Egypt claimed several legal justifications for refusing Israel use of the Suez Canal, including the right of self-defence.
  • The war in 1967 was an unprovoked act of aggression aimed at expanding the boundaries of Israel, and the territories captured during this war are illegally occupied.
  • As a result, the territories must be ceded in order for peace to be achieved.

Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights in 1980-1 by the Jerusalem Law and the Golan Heights Law has not been recognised by any other country.[46] The Palestinian Authority, the EU,[47] and the UN Security Council[48] consider East Jerusalem to be part of the West Bank, a position disputed by Israel. International bodies such as the United Nations have condemned the Jerusalem Law as a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention and therefore hold that the establishment of the city as Israel's capital is against international law. Consequently, countries have established embassies to Israel's government outside of Jerusalem.

Israel unilaterally disengaged from Gaza in September 2005, and declared itself no longer to be in occupation of the Strip. However, it continues to be designated the occupying power in the Gaza Strip by the United Nations, the United States, the United Kingdom and various human rights organizations.[49][50][51] Israel disputes it is the occupying power in the Gaza Strip. In March 2008, a coalition of human rights groups charged that the Israeli blockade of the city had caused the humanitarian situation in Gaza to have reached its worst point since Israel occupied the territory in the 1967 Six-Day War,[52] and that Israeli air strikes targeting militants in the densely populated areas have often killed bystanders as well.[53]

Criticism of Israel regarded as antisemitism

Some criticisms of Israel or Israeli policies have been characterized as anti-Semitic. This relation of criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism is often called an "equation" of criticism with anti-Semitism, and the equation is made by some supporters of Israel such as Alvin Rosenfeld and Dina Porat.

One common source of this equation are proponents of the concept of New anti-Semitism, such as Phyllis Chesler, Gabriel Schoenfeld and Mortimer Zuckerman, who argue that, since the 1967 Six day war, many criticisms of Israel are are veiled attacks on Jews and hence are essentially antisemitic. Another form of the equation, maintained by Abba Eban, Robert S. Wistrich, and Joschka Fischer, focuses on criticism of Zionism, and contends that some forms of anti-Zionism, particularly attacks on Israel's right to exist, are anti-Semitic in nature.

One form of criticism of Israel - comparing Israel with Nazi Germany - has received significant attention, and the European Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism published a report in 2009 suggesting that such comparisons be criminalized as anti-Semitic hate speech. Criminalization of such comparisons is opposed by Paul Craig Roberts and Antony Lerman.

Some critics of Israel or Israeli policies, including Ralph Nader, Jenny Tonge, Noam Chomsky, and Desmond Tutu suggest that equating criticism of Israel with antisemitism is inappropriate or inaccurate. Other critics, such as John Mearsheimer, Alexander Cockburn, Norman Finkelstein, and William I. Robinson, claim that supporters of Israel sometimes equate criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism in a deliberate attempt to prevent legitimate criticism of Israel and discredit critics. Alan Dershowitz claims that some enemies of Israel pretend to be victimized by accusations of anti-Semitism, in order to garner support for their position.

Distinguishing legitimate criticism of Israel from antisemitism

Notable commentators have suggested singling out Israel for disproportionate criticism is antisemitic.

Natan Sharansky, former Soviet dissident and Israeli Minister, suggested a three-part test to distinguish legitimate criticism of Israel from anti-Semitic attacks. Sharansky's tests that identify a criticism as anti-Semitic are:[54]

  1. Demonization - when Israeli actions are blown so far out of proportion that the account paints Israel as the embodiment of all evil
  2. Double Standards - when Israel is criticized soundly for thing any other government would be viewed as justified in doing, like protecting it citizens from terrorism.
  3. Delegitimization: a denial or Israel's right to exist or the right of the Jewish people to live securely in a homeland.

Demonization and double standards are often used as evidence of anti-Semitism in relation to criticism of Israel. Sharansky believes that some criticisms involve applying an especially high moral standard to Israel, higher than applied to other countries (particularly compared to surrounding countries), yet the only special characteristic of Israel is that it is a Jewish state, hence there is an element of anti-Semitism.[55]

Delegitimization was a factor addressed by Abba Eban, who claimed that efforts to deny "the equal rights of the Jewish people its lawful sovereignty within the community of nations" constituted anti-Semitism.[56] Dina Porat (head of the Institute for Study of Anti-semitism and Racism at Tel-Aviv University) also characterizes some anti-Zionist ideals as anti-Semitic, because they amount to singling-out Jews for special treatment, while all other comparable groups of people are entitled to create and maintain a homeland. She contends that anti-Zionism is anti-semitic because it is discriminatory: "...antisemitism is involved when the belief is articulated that of all the peoples on the globe (including the Palestinians), only the Jews should not have the right to self-determination in a land of their own. Or, to quote noted human rights lawyer David Matas: One form of antisemitism denies access of Jews to goods and services because they are Jewish. Another form of antisemitism denies the right of the Jewish people to exist as a people because they are Jewish. Antizionists distinguish between the two, claiming the first is antisemitism, but the second is not. To the antizionist, the Jew can exist as an individual as long as Jews do not exist as a people."[57]

The European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC) prepared a report in 2003 that distinguished criticism of Israel from anti-Semitism by testing whether "Israel is seen as being a representative of 'the Jew'": if the speaker is considering Israel as a representative of Jews in general, then anti-Semitism is deemed to be underlying the criticism.[58]

Suggestions that criticism of Israel is warranted

Notable commentators have suggested singling out Israel for disproportionate criticism is warranted as a result of Israel's actions. [59][60][61][62][63][64]


Suppression of criticism

A number of commentators have debated whether public criticism of Israel is suppressed outside of Israel, particularly within the United States.

Zunes writes that "assaults on critics of Israeli policies have been more successful in limiting open debate, but this gagging censorship effect stems more from ignorance and liberal guilt than from any all-powerful Israel lobby."[65] He goes on to explain that while "some criticism of Israel really is rooted in anti-Semitism," it is his opinion that some members of the Israel lobby cross the line by labeling intellectually honest critics of Israel as anti-Semitic.[65] Zunes argues that the mainstream and conservative Jewish organizations have "created a climate of intimidation against many who speak out for peace and human rights or who support the Palestinians' right of self-determination."[65] Zunes has been on the receiving end of this criticism himself "As a result of my opposition to US support for the Israeli government's policies of occupation, colonization and repression, I have been deliberately misquoted, subjected to slander and libel, and falsely accused of being "anti-Semitic" and "supporting terrorism"; my children have been harassed and my university's administration has been bombarded with calls for my dismissal."[65] In an opinion piece for The Guardian, Jimmy Carter wrote that mainstream American politics does not give equal time to the Palestinian side of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and that this is due at least in part to AIPAC.[66] George Soros pointed out that there are risks associated with what was in his opinion a suppression of debate:

"I do not subscribe to the myths propagated by enemies of Israel and I am not blaming Jews for anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism predates the birth of Israel. Neither Israel's policies nor the critics of those policies should be held responsible for anti-Semitism. At the same time, I do believe that attitudes toward Israel are influenced by Israel's policies, and attitudes toward the Jewish community are influenced by the pro-Israel lobby's success in suppressing divergent views."[67]

In his book, The Deadliest Lies, Abraham Foxman referred to the notion that the pro-Israel lobby is trying to censor criticism of Israel as a "canard."[68] Foxman writes that the Jewish community is capable of telling the difference between legitimate criticism of Israel "and the demonization, deligitization, and double standards employed against Israel that is either inherently anti-Semitic or generates an environment of anti-Semitism."[68] Jonathan Rosenblum expressed similar thoughts: "Indeed, if there were an Israel lobby, and labeling all criticism of Israel as anti-Semitic were its tactic, the steady drumbeat of criticism of Israel on elite campuses and in the elite press would be the clearest proof of its inefficacy."[69]

Alan Dershowitz wrote that he welcomes "reasoned, contextual and comparative criticism of Israeli policies and actions."[70] If one of the goals of the pro-Israel lobby was to censor criticism of Israel, Dershowitz writes, "it would prove that 'the Lobby' is a lot less powerful than the authors would have us believe."[70] Dershowitz himself, claims to have written several critical pieces on specific Israeli policies.[citation needed] Dershowitz disagrees with those who believe that the media is uncritical of Israel and cites the frequent New York Times editorials and even an editorial in The Forward against some of Israel's more right of center policies as proof.[citation needed] Dershowitz also denies that any significant, mainstream leader in the American Jewish community equates criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism.[citation needed]

Critics of Israel that have been accused of anti-Semitism

Critics of Israel that have been accused of antisemitism and have denied the allegation include Ralph Nader, John Mearsheimer, Cindy Sheehan, Jenny Tonge, Ken Livingstone, and Desmond Tutu.

Professor J. Lorand Matory is a vocal critic of Israel who supports disinvestment from Israel. Larry Summers, president of Harvard, called efforts by Matory and others to divest from Israel "anti-Semitic in effect, if not intent."[71] According to Matory, "the knee jerk accusation that targeted criticism of Israel singles out Israel is as absurd as stating that the anti-apartheid movement was singling out South Africa."[72]

Professor Noam Chomsky argues that Israel's foreign minister Abba Eban equated anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism in an effort to "exploit anti-racist sentiment for political ends", citing statement Eban made in 1973: "One of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is not a distinction at all." Commenting on Eban's statement, Chomsky replied: "That is a convenient stand. It cuts off a mere 100 percent of critical comment!"[73] In 2002, Chomsky wrote that this equation of anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism was being extended to criticism of Israeli policies, not just criticism of Zionism. Chomsky also wrote that, when the critics of Israel are Jewish, the accusations of anti-Semitism involve descriptions of self-hatred.[74] In 2004, Chomsky said "If you identify the country, the people, the culture with the rulers, accept the totalitarian doctrine, then yeah, it's anti-Semitic to criticize the Israeli policy, and anti-American to criticize the American policy, and it was anti-Soviet when the dissidents criticized Russian policy. You have to accept deeply totalitarian assumptions not to laugh at this."[75] However, Oliver Kamm contends that Chomsky inaccurately interpreted Eban's comments.[76]

Musician Roger Waters is a critic of Israel's treatment of Palestinians, and was accused by the ADL of using anti-Semitic imagery in one of his recent musical productions. Waters responded by stating that the ADL regularly portrays critics of Israel as anti-Semitic, and that "it is a screen they [the ADL] hide behind".[77]

In 2002 Desmond Tutu is a critic of Israel who has compared Israel's policies to apartheid South Africa. Tutu wrote that criticism of Israel is suppressed in the United States, and that criticisms of Israel are "immediately dubbed anti-Semitic".[78]

Michael Prior was a vocal critic of Israel's treatment of Palestinians, and who was frequently accused of anti-Semitism, yet he he was careful to distinguish between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism.[79]

Ken Livingstone, former mayor of the City of London, was accused of antisemitism for a variety of comments, including remarks criticizing Israel's treatment of Palestinians. In response, Livingstone wrote "For 20 years Israeli governments have attempted to portray anyone who forcefully criticizes the policies of Israel as anti-semitic. The truth is the opposite: the same universal human values that recognize the Holocaust as the greatest racist crime of the 20th century require condemnation of the policies of successive Israeli governments - not on the absurd grounds that they are Nazi or equivalent to the Holocaust, but because ethnic cleansing, discrimination and terror are immoral."[80]

Peace activist Cindy Sheehan claims she has been improperly accused of being anti-Semitic because of her anti-war position, particularly her criticism of the Israel lobby and israel's actions towards Palestinians. Sheehan emphasized that her criticism of Israel is "not to be construed as hatred of all Jews".[81]

Critics that suggest censorship or suppression

Political scientists John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt wrote an article critical of the Israel lobby in the United States, in which they asserted that the Israel lobby uses accusations of anti-Semitism as a part of a deliberate strategy to suppress criticism of Israel. Mearsheimer and Walt themselves were accused of anti-Semitism as a result of that article and the book they wrote based on the article.[82]

Jenny Tonge, member of the UK House of Lords, has frequently criticized Israel's policies, and has been labelled antisemitic.[83] In response, she said during a speech in Parliament: "I'm beginning to understand ... the vindictive actions the Israel lobby [and] AIPAC ... take against people who oppose and criticize the lobby.... [I understand] ... the constant accusations of antisemitism - when no such sentiment exists - to silence Israel's critics."[84]

Ralph Nader, United States politician and consumer advocate, has criticized Israel's policies, expressed support for Palestinian causes, and criticized the excessive influence of the Israel lobby on the U. S. government, and as a result he has been called antisemitic. In response, Nader wrote an letter to the director of the Anti-Defamation League entitled "Criticizing Israel is Not Anti-Semitism" in which he said "Your mode of operation for years has been to make charges of racism or insinuation of racism designed to slander and evade. Because your pattern of making such charges, carefully calibrated for the occasion but of the same stigmatizing intent, has served to deter critical freedom of speech.... The ADL should be working toward this objective [peace] and not trying to suppress realistic discourse on the subject with epithets and innuendos."[85]

William I. Robinson, a professor at UCSB, was accused of being antisemitic due to a class assignment that revolved around Israel's attack on the Gaza strip, and he replied by stating the the Israel lobby labels "any criticism" of Israel as anti-Semitic[86] In response, Robinson said: "The fact that I did include my interpretation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is totally within what is normal and expected.... One of the most pressing affairs of January was the Israeli assault on Gaza - there was nothing that could be more relevant to this course at that time. When you bring up delicate, sensitive, inflammatory, controversial material in the classroom, we as professors are carrying out our mission to jar students in order to challenge them to think critically about world issues.... The Israel lobby is possibly the most powerful lobby in the United States, and what they do is label any criticism of anti-Israeli conduct and practices as anti-Semitic" Robinson said. "This campaign is not just an attempt to punish me. The Israel lobby is stepping up its vicious attacks on anyone who would speak out against Israeli policies." [87]

Responses to criticism

Israeli public opinion

International criticism is an important focus within Israel. According to an August 2010 survey by Tel Aviv University, more than half of Israelis believe "the whole world is against us", and three quarters of Israelis believe "that no matter what Israel does or how far it goes towards resolving the conflict with the Palestinians, the world will continue to criticize Israel".[10] As a result, public diplomacy, known as hasbara, has been an important focus of Israeli governments since Independence. The Israeli Ministry of Public Diplomacy & Diaspora Affairs seeks to explain government policies and promote Israel in the face of what they consider negative press about Israel around the world – the current campaign is called Masbirim.[88]

European Governmental reports

European Union 2006 report on antisemitism

The European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC, recently renamed to Fundamental Rights Agency) published a draft of an operational definition of antisemitism called Working Definition of Antisemitism[89] which accompanied a report by the EUMC on report that summarized anti-Semitism in Europe.[90] The EUMC definition of anti-Semitism included five kinds of behaviors related to criticism Israel:[91]

  1. Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.
  2. Applying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.
  3. Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis.
  4. Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.
  5. Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel.

This part of the definition has proved highly contentious and is seen by many as attempting to proscribe legitimate criticism of the human rights record of the Israeli Government by attempting to bring any criticism of Israel into the category of antisemitism, and as not sufficiently distinguishing between criticism of Israeli actions and criticism of Zionism as a political ideology, on the one hand, and racially based violence towards, discrimination against, or abuse of, Jews.[92]

Paul Igansky points out that one of the EUMC anti-Semitic behaviors, comparisons between Israeli policy and those of the Nazis, is "arguably not intrinsically antisemitic", and that the context in which they are made is critical. Igansky illustrates this with the incident where Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin was described by fellow Jewish Israelis as cooperating with the Nazis, and depicted wearing an SS uniform. According to Igansky, the "Nazi" label was merely used as "charged political rhetoric" in this case.[93]

EISCA 2009 report on criticism of Israel

Following the 2006 EUMC report, the European Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism (EISCA) published a report in 2009 entitled Understanding and Addressing the ‘Nazi Card' - Intervening Against Antisemitic Discourse which discussed comparisons of Israel with Nazi Germany.[94]

The 2009 report incorporated from the 2006 report the five specific kinds of criticism of Israel that should be considered as anti-Semitism (see above for list of the five).[95]

The report does not say all criticism of Israel is anti-Semitic: "Abhorrence and protest against the policies, practices, and leaders of the Israeli state can be expressed in numerous forceful and trenchant ways, as they could against any other state - none of which would be antisemitic…",[96] and "Drawing attention to the consequent harms in [playing the Nazi card against Israel] should not be intended, or taken, in any way as an attempt to suppress criticism of Israel and its military practices."[97]

Antony Lerman criticized the report, and suggested that it could be used to suppress legitimate criticism of Israel, and suggests that the report's authors do not adequately address that possibility.[98]

Criminalization of criticism of Israel

The EISCA Report recommends that the British government criminalize certain kinds of anti-Semitism, particularly use of the Nazi analogy to criticize Israel, as well as other forms of criticism of Israel.[99]

Paul Craig Roberts and Antony Lerman have questioned the recommendations of the EISCA report, expressing concerns that the recommendations of the report may be adopted as a hate-crime law within Europe, which may lead to infringement of free speech, and may criminalize legitimate criticism of Israel.

Author Paul Craig Roberts is opposed to legislation in the United States will make it a crime to criticize Israel, and as examples he cites the Global Anti-Semitism Review Act of 2004 and the Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009. Roberts asserts that lobbyists for Israel are pressing for laws that will make it a crime to discuss the power of the Israel lobby, or to discuss alleged war crimes of Israel.[100]

Antony Lerman criticized the 2009 EISCA report, and claims that criminalizing criticism of Israel (particularly, comparing Israel actions to Nazi actions) would constitute an excessive infringement of freedom of speech in Britain, postulating, for example, that "if you said 'the way the IDF operated in Gaza was like the way the SS acted in Poland', and a Jew found this offensive, hurtful or harmful, you could, in theory, go to jail."[101]

Boycotts and Divestment from Israel

Boycotts of Israel are economic and political cultural campaigns or actions that seek a selective or total cutting of ties with the State of Israel. Such campaigns are employed by those who challenge the legitimacy of Israel, Israel's policies or actions towards the Palestinians over the course of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflict, oppose Israeli territorial claims in the West Bank or Jerusalem or even oppose Israel's right to exist. Arab boycotts of Zionist institutions and Jewish businesses began before Israel's founding as a state. An official boycott was adopted by the Arab League almost immediately after the formation of the state of Israel in 1948, but is not fully implemented in practice.

Similar boycotts have been proposed outside the Arab world and the Muslim world. These boycotts comprise economic measures such as divestment; a consumer boycotts of Israeli products or businesses that operate in Israel; a proposed academic boycott of Israeli universities and scholars; and a proposed boycott of Israeli cultural institutions or Israeli sport venues. Many advocates of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu use the 1980s movement against South African apartheid as a model.[102]

Disinvestment from Israel is a campaign conducted by religious and political entities which aims to use disinvestment to pressure the government of Israel to put "an end to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories captured during the 1967 military campaign."[103] The disinvestment campaign is related to other economic and political boycotts of Israel. A notable campaign was initiated in 2002 and endorsed by South Africa's Desmond Tutu.[103][104][105] Tutu said that the campaign against Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories and its continued settlement expansion should be modeled on the successful historical, but controversial, disinvestment campaign against South Africa's apartheid system.[105]


See Also

References

  • Bruckner, Pascal, The tyranny of guilt: an essay on Western masochism, Princeton University Press, 2010
  • Dershowitz, Alan, The Case for Israel, John Wiley and Sons, 2003
  • Dershowitz, Alan, The Case Against Israel's Enemies: Exposing Jimmy Carter and Others Who Stand in the Way of Peace, John Wiley and Sons, 2009
  • Ellis, Marc, Judaism does not equal Israel, The New Press, 2009
  • EUMC report - Antisemitism - Summary overview of the situation in the European Union 2001-2005 - Working Paper, Beate Winkler, European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC), May 2006, online.
  • Igansky, Paul, and Sweiry, Abe, Understanding and Addressing the ‘Nazi Card' - Intervening Against Antisemitic Discourse, published by European Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism (EISCA), 2009, online. Cited as "EISCA Report" (see above).
  • Judt, Tony, "The Country That Wouldn't Grow Up", int Haaretz, 2 May 2006, online.
  • Klug, Brian (March 2005). "Is Europe a lost cause? The European debate on antisemitism and the Middle East conflict". Patterns of Prejudice. 39 (1): 46–59. Retrieved 24 July 2010.
  • Lerman, Antony "Should we ban 'Nazi analogies'? Using Nazi analogies to criticise Israel or Zionism may be offensive, but should it be against the law?", in Guardian, 24 July 2009, online
  • Lowenstein, Antony, My Israel question, Melbourne Univ. Publishing, 2007
  • Prior, Michael Speaking the Truth about Zionism and Israel, Melisende, 2004
  • Sharan, Shlomo, and Bukay, David, Crossovers: Anti-Zionism and Anti-Semitism, Transaction Publishers, 2010

Footnotes

  1. ^ Dershowitz, Alan (2004). The Case for Israel. p. 1. The Jewish nation of Israel stands accused in the dock of international justice. The charges include being a criminal state, the prime violator of human rights, the mirror image of Nazism, and the most intransigent barrier to peace in the Middle East. Throughout the world, from the chambers of the United Nations to the campuses of universities, Israel is singled out for condemnation, divestment, boycott and demonization.
  2. ^ Dershowitz, Alan (2009). The Case Against Israel's Enemies: Exposing Jimmy Carter and Others Who Stand in the Way of Peace. pp. 1–2. For a tiny nation of little more than six and a half million citizens living in an area roughly the size of New Jersey, Israel has proportionally more enemies than any nation on earth. No nation has been threatened more often with divestment, boycotts, and other sanctions. No nation has generated more protests against it on college and university campuses. No nation has been targeted for as much editorial abuse from the worldwide media. No nation has been subjected to more frequent threats of annihilation. No nation has had more genocidal incitements directed against its citizens. It is remarkable indeed that a democratic nation born in response to a decision of the United Nations should still not be accepted by so many countries, groups, and individuals. No other UN member is threated with physical destruction by other member states so openly and with so little rebuke from the General Assembly or the Security Council. Indeed, no nation, regardless of its size or the number of deaths it has caused, has been condemned as often by the UN and its constituent bodies. Simply put, no nation is hated as much as the Jewish nation.
  3. ^ a b Hagee, John (2007). In Defense of Israel. p. 1. You look toward the United Nations, which Ambassador Dore Gold calls 'the Tower of Babble'. You look at Europe, where the ghost of Hitler is again walking across the stage of history. You open your newspapers and read about American universities, where Israel is being vilified by students taught by professors whose Middle Eastern chairs are sponsored by Saudi Arabia. You look to America's mainline churches and see their initiatives to divest from Israel. You go to the bookstore and see slanderous titles by the former president of the United States - and you feel very much alone.
  4. ^ http://www.globalpolitician.com/25855-israel
  5. ^ Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, Jimmy Carter
  6. ^ http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/jul/27/david-cameron-gaza-prison-camp
  7. ^ http://www.haaretz.com/jewish-world/news/want-to-delegitimize-israel-be-careful-who-you-mess-with-1.284184
  8. ^ Bard, Mitchell (2008). Will Israel Survive. p. 1. Israel might be the only country in the world whose right to exist is debated and whose future is questioned. Can you imagine anyone asking whether the United States will survive or whether it should exist? Or anyone saying "no" if asked?
  9. ^ Eroding Israel’s Legitimacy in the International Arena http://reut-institute.org/en/Publication.aspx?PublicationId=3766
  10. ^ a b "Tel Aviv University, Israel Democracy Institute, Peace Index August 2010". Retrieved 2010-12-07.
  11. ^ a b "UN Resolutions between 2003 and today by country". Retrieved 2010-12-11.
  12. ^ United Nations Charter [1]
  13. ^ database search from eyeontheun.org
  14. ^ point 12
  15. ^ paragraphs 95-101 and 120
  16. ^ Biden's rebuke on new housing comes as Israel seeks to reaffirm U.S. relations (Washington Post, March 11, 2010)
  17. ^ Statement by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton on demolition and settlements in East Jerusalem (January 10, 2011)
  18. ^ Separate and Unequal (Human Rights Watch, December 19, 2010) (1. Summary)
  19. ^ Israel's 'assassination policy' (BBC, August 1, 2001)
  20. ^ a b Amnesty report on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (2009)
  21. ^ "Israel and the occupied territories". State.gov. 2005-02-28. Retrieved 2010v-07-22. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  22. ^ Civil rights group claim Israeli occupation is "reminiscent of apartheid" (The Independent, Dec. 7, 2008)
  23. ^ Ben, Michael (2010-05-11). "The war's seventh day – Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News". Haaretz.com. Retrieved 2010-05-16.
  24. ^ אכן כן, אפרטהייד בישראל (Ynet News, December 31, 2006 (Hebrew)) (English translation)
  25. ^ Valerie Zink (January 2009), "A quiet transfer: the Judaization of Jerusalem", Contemporary Arab Affairs, 2 (1): 122–133, doi:10.1080/17550910802576148This definition is drawn largely from Valerie Zink's, and is supported, among others, by that of Hassassian in Ginat et al., who defines the Judaization of Jerusalem as "impos[ing] a Jewish landscape both physically and demographically."
  26. ^ THE STATUS OF JERUSALEM (Chapter 12) (UN)
  27. ^ The Associated Press (26 February 2008), UN expert calls Palestinian terrorism 'inevitable consequence' of Israeli occupation, International Herald Tribune
  28. ^ For examples, see
    • Dershowitz, The Case for Israel, pp 151, 213
    • Dershowitz, "Dumbing Down The Debate Over The Arab-Israeli Conflict", in The Huffington Post, online
    • EISCA report, pp 21-27
    • Manji, Irshad, The Trouble with Islam Today: A Muslim's Call for Reform in Her Faith, Macmillan, 2005, page 110:
    "The people who need reminding [about freedom in the Arab world] are those who now push the South Africa analogy a step further - by equating Israel with Nazi Germany. To them, Zionists are committing hate crimes under the totalitarian nightmare that they dub "Zio-Nazism" [a play on Neo-Nazism] … [In 2001] the Arab Lawyers Union circulated cartoons depicting vampire-toothed Israeli soldiers with Nazi flags fluttering from their helmets… Another pro-Palestinian leaflet superimposed a swastika on the Star of David.".
    • Freedman, Leonard, The offensive art: political satire and its censorship around the world from Beerbohm to Borat, ABC-CLIO, 2008, page 149:
    "Other Arab cartoonists portray Israel as a Nazi state, waging war on its peace-loving neighbors. A Jordanian newspaper printed a cartoon of the railroad to the death camp at Auschwitz - carrying Israeli flags. From Qatar came a cartoon showing Sharon masterminding the 9/11 attack on the Twin Towers…."
    • Foxman, Abraham H. The deadliest lies: the Israel lobby and the myth of Jewish control, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, page 14:
    "We must respect President [Jimmy] Carter's clarification of his book but nonetheless bear in mind that once the false analogies start, it is only a small step to the cartoons in the Arab press and European media which portray Israelis as contemporary versions of Nazi storm troopers. And these false images stir up and lend legitimacy to more widely based movements that take the same dangerous directions …"
    • Musician Frank Zappa said "You could never say anything bad about Israel or people would say you're anti-Semitic. If you happen to say that Israel behaves like Nazi Germany toward the Palestinians, which happens to look like quite a fact when you see a videotape of what's actually going on, people go 'Oh, you're anti-Semitic'. You know, it's not true." - "Interview with Frank Zappa", Spin magazine, July 1991, p 91.
    • Bruckner p 71:
    "A cartoon published in Italy in May 2006 by Liberazione, the organ of … PRC .. shows at the entrance to Gaza barbed wire and a gate over which is the inscription Hunger will make you free, an obvious allusion to Arbeit macht frei over the gate to Auschwitz."
  29. ^
    • ADL report: "Anti-Semitism and Demonization of Israel in Arab Media", online, January/February 2000
    • ADL report: "Anti-Israel Protests Unleash Global Anti-Semitism", online, January 9, 2009
    • ADL press release: "As Israel Defends Itself, Jews Come Under Attack" online, 12 Jan 2009
  30. ^ Falk's reports are available at http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?m=91. One 2009 report by Falk is [2]
  31. ^
    "On October 5, 2009 a post went up on Obama's Web site entitled 'Nazi Israel … Indeed'. It quoted Princeton professor, Richard Falk, referring to Israel's 'war crimes', 'genocidal tendencies', 'holocaust implications', and 'holocaust in the making'. It spoke about Israel's 'Nazi-like crimes and human-rights violations'. It claimed 'Comparing the present day Israel with Nazi Germany one discovers that the majority of the Israeli policies are the exact copies of the Nazi policies. Nazi Germany had invaded its European neighbors extending from England to Russia. Israel had also invaded all its neighboring countries: Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. It is also heavily involved in the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. Its tentacles had also reached African countries as far as South Africa, Somalia, Sudan, Angola, and Sierra Leone.' Continuing the lies and blood libels, the post also asserted: 'Worse than the Nazis Israeli forces used to invade peaceful Palestinian towns, execute men, women, and children in cold blood everywhere and anywhere they encounter them, dynamite their homes on top of their residents, and finally demolish the whole town making room for new Israeli colonies'. It charged that Israel pursued 'a pre-meditated genocidal plan' against Palestinian Arabs."
  32. ^ Bard, Mitchell G., Will Israel Survive?, Macmillan, 2008, page 196: "Jean Ziegler, the UN special rapporteur on the Right of Food, for example, called the Gaza Strip 'an immense concentration camp' and compared Israelis to Nazis."
  33. ^ Shtull-Trauring, Asaf, "Israeli academic: Loyalty oath resembles racist laws of 1935", in Haaretz, 10 October 2010. online
  34. ^
    • Bruckner p 71;
    "In spring 2002 Jose Saramago, the Portuguese Nobel Prize winner for literature, visiting Ramallah during the siege by Tsahal, wrote 'In Ramallah I saw humanity oppressed and humiliated as in the Nazi concentration camps'. He told a journalist: 'What is happening in Palestine is a crime that we can stop. We can compare it to Auschwitz'. When the journalist objected 'Where are the gas chambers' Saramago replied: 'They'll be here before long' (Le Monde, May 24, 2002). "
    • Soyinka, Wole, Climate of fear: the quest for dignity in a dehumanized world, Random House, Inc., 2005, p 109 [discusses Saramago's Israel-Nazi comparison]
    • Rosenbaum, pp 18-19:
    Quoting José Saramago: "Israel wants all of us to feel guilty, directly or indirectly, for the horrors of the holocaust; Israel wants us to renounce the most elemental critical judgment and for us to transform ourselves into a docile echo of its will. Israel, in short, is a racist state by virtue of Judaism's monstrous doctrines - racist not just against Palestinians, but against the entire world, which it seeks to manipulate and abuse. Israel's struggles with its neighbors, seen in that light, do take on a unique and even metaphysical quality of genuine evil…"
    • Berman, Paul, Terror and liberalism, pp 139-140 [discusses Saramago's Israel-Nazi comparison]
  35. ^ Bruckner, p 71:
    "The South American writer Luis Sepulveda states that 'Today as before, we hate the Nazis for what they did to the Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals, and opponents. Now, the Jews will be hated tomorrow for what a warlike cast headed by Sharon did to the Palestinians. In Auschwitz and Mauthausen, in Sabra, Chatila, and Gaza, Zionism and Nazism go hand in hand' (Une sale historie [Paris: Anne-Marie Metailie 2005] p 44)".
  36. ^
    • Masalha, Nur, Imperial Israel and the Palestinians: the politics of expansion, page 80:
    "Shmuel Katz … was a proponent of the the ..imperialist ideas of Professor Karl Haushofer whose intellectual influence on ..Hitler and the Nazi Lebensraum doctrine of territorial expansion … Katz preached that history was shaped by space and political geography, not economics. Israel needed the territories occupied in 1967 as 'living space' and should not give up any of the occupied territories, including Sinai."
  37. ^ Stockman-Shomron, Israel, Israel, the Middle East, and the great powers, Transaction Publishers, 1984, page 79:
    "The Nazi Theme: The Christian Science Monitor (June 11) put the onus on Israel to prove it was not an expansionist state bent on 'eradicating' the Palestinians; The New York Times … used the term blitzkrieg in its lead editorial on June 23, and by choosing to entitle another editorial on July 7 'Even Greater Israel'. The Washington Post too, reinforced the comparison with Nazism. William Raspberry on June 28 wrote of a 'bloodbath' in Lebanon. Fellow columnist Edwin Yoder four days earlier wondered whether Israel was to be a .. 'miniature Middle Eastern Prussia' ruling subject Arab populations by 'blood and iron'. Other newspapers joined the swelling chorus, referring to Israeli armored units as 'Panzers' insisting that Israel sought not security but lebensraum, describing operation Peace for Galilee as 'genocide' and representing Jerusalem as executing its 'final solution' of the Palestine problem. None, however descended as far as William Pfaff who began an article on June 21 'Hitler's work goes on'. From there he went on to write 'What would, of course, allow Hitler to find rest in Hell would be to acknowledge that the Jews themselves, in Israel, have finally given up their troublesome message and accepted his own way of looking at things.'"
  38. ^ Druks, Herbert, The uncertain alliance: the U.S. and Israel from Kennedy to the peace process Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001, page 50:
    "[following the 1967 war] The Russians charged Israel with using Nazi tactics…. On June 16, the Israeli Foreign Office responded to the Soviet accusations. Israel expressed its 'profound revulsion at the accusations voiced by the Soviet government' which charged Israel with Hitlerian practices."
  39. ^ Gordis, Daniel, Saving Israel: How the Jewish People Can Win a War That May Never End, John Wiley and Sons, 2010, page 97:
    "Wasil Taha, another Arab member of the Knesset, said that 'resistance is not terror, but it is a moral value. As for terror, [Israel is the party that] carries it out'. And Nimer Nimer, an Israeli Arab author, claimed as the war was being fought, 'What happened in Nazi Germany 60 years ago occurs today in … Gaza and Beirut." To them [Taha and Nimer], Hezbollah's militias were not terrorists, but heros; not only did decency require of Israeli Arabs that they should show solidarity with Hezbollah, but Israel now was equated with Nazi Germany…. Israel's Arabs as a group did not dispute the vulgar analogy; they either agreed, or were silent."
  40. ^
    • Gordon, Hayim, Beyond intifada: narratives of freedom fighters in the Gaza Strip, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2003, page 131
    • Sandercock, Josie, Peace under fire: Israel/Palestine and the International Solidarity Movement, Verso, 2004, pp 209-231. Sandercock describes Gaza as the "largest concentration camp in the world"
  41. ^ Sharan, p 123
  42. ^
  43. ^ Shlaim, Avi, "The War of the Israeli Historians." Center for Arab Studies, 1 December 2003 (retrieved 17 February 2009)
  44. ^ Benny Morris, 1989, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949, Cambridge University Press; Benny Morris, 1991, 1948 and after; Israel and the Palestinians, Clarendon Press, Oxford; Walid Khalidi, 1992, All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, Institute for Palestine Studies; Nur Masalha, 1992, Expulsion of the Palestinians: The Concept of "Transfer" in Zionist Political Thought, Institute for Palestine Studies; Efraim Karsh, 1997, Fabricating Israeli History: The "New Historians", Cass; Benny Morris, 2004, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, Cambridge University Press; Yoav Gelber, 2006, Palestine 1948: War, Escape and the Palestinian Refugee Problem, Oxford University Press; Ilan Pappé, 2006, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, OneWorld
  45. ^ a b {{cite book |last= Pappe |first= Ilan |authorlink= Ilan Pappe |title= The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict 1947-1951, Chapter 9: The Lausanne Conference |publisher = I.B. Tauris |year = 1992 |isbn = 1-85043-819-6
  46. ^ See also UN Security Council Resolution 497 [3]
  47. ^ Rory McCarthy (2009-03-07). "Israel annexing East Jerusalem, says EU". The Guardian. Retrieved 2009-03-08.
  48. ^ [4]
  49. ^ "Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories: The conflict in Gaza: A briefing on applicable law, investigations and accountability". Amnesty International. 2009-01-19. Retrieved 2009-06-05.
  50. ^ "Human Rights Council Special Session on the Occupied Palestinian Territories" July 6, 2006; Human Rights Watch considers Gaza still occupied.
  51. ^ Levs, Josh (2009-01-06). "Is Gaza 'occupied' territory?". CNN. Retrieved 2009-05-30.
  52. ^ "Human rights coalition: Gaza at worst since 1967". CNN. 2008-03-06. Archived from the original on May 6, 2008. Retrieved 2009-01-19. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  53. ^ "Gaza crisis: key maps and timeline". BBC News. BBC MMIX. 2009-01-06. Retrieved 2009-06-16.
  54. ^
    • Sharansky, Natan, "3D Test of Anti-Semitism: Demonization, Double Standards, Delegitimization", in Jewish Political Studies Review 16:3-4 (Fall 2004), online
    • See also: Congressional record of the 108th congress, Second session, volume 150, part 14, Sept 15 2004 to Sept 28 2004, page 18505:
    "[Senator Norm Coleman of Minnesota speaking] Natan Sharansky … has talked about three ways to determine whether criticism of Israel rises to the level of anti-Semitism. He talks about the three Ds" Demonization, double standards, and delegitimization. Demonization - when Israeli actions are blown so far out of proportion that the account paints Israel as the embodiment of all evil; Double Standards - when Israel is criticized soundly for thing any other government would be viewed as justified in doing, like protecting it citizens from terrorism. Delegitimization: a denial or Israel's right to exist or the right of the Jewish people to live securely in a homeland."
  55. ^ Sharansky, Natan, "3D Test of Anti-Semitism: Demonization, Double Standards, Delegitimization", in Jewish Political Studies Review 16:3-4 (Fall 2004), online
  56. ^ Quoted by Oliver Kamm, "Chomsky, antisemitism and intellectual standards", [5]:
    Kamm quotes Eban: "There is no difference whatever between anti-Semitism and the denial of Israel's statehood. Classical anti-Semitism denies the equal right of Jews as citizens within society. Anti-Zionism denies the equal rights of the Jewish people its lawful sovereignty within the community of nations. The common principle in the two cases is discrimination". (New York Times, November 3, 1975).
  57. ^ Dina Porat, Defining Anti-Semitism, http://www.tau.ac.il/Anti-Semitism/asw2003-4/porat.htm#_edn23 accessed 15 November 2008 See also Emanuele Ottolenghi http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/nov/29/comment
  58. ^ "Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002-2003", European Montoring Centre on Racisma and Xenophobia (EUMC), 2003, online, pp 13, 240:
    "ARE ANTI-ISRAELI AND ANTI-ZIONIST EXPRESSIONS ANTISEMITIC? If we turn to the crucial question of defining the point where anti-Israeli and anti-Zionist expressions are to be considered as antisemitism, then we could conclude, on the basis of our definition of antisemitism, that anti-Israeli or anti-Zionist attitudes and expression are antisemitic in those cases where Israel is seen as being a representative of “the Jew”, i.e. as a representative of the traits attributed to the antisemitic construction of “the Jew”. But what if the opposite is the case and Jews are perceived as representatives of Israel? What if Jews are criticised or offended for Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians? If we stick to our definition, then, strictly speaking, we would have to qualify hostility towards Jews as “Israelis” only then as antisemitic, if it is based on an underlying perception of Israel as “the Jew”. If this is not the case, then we would have to consider hostility towards Jews as “Israelis” as not antisemitic, because this hostility is not based on the antisemitic stereotyping of Jews... What should not be considered as antisemitic and therefore does not have to be monitored under the heading of “antisemitism”, is hostility towards Israel as “Israel”, i.e. as a country that is criticised for its concrete policies. Hostility towards Israel as “Israel” (as opposed to criticism of Israel as representative of the stereotypical “Jew”) should only then become a matter of general public concern, when there is explicit evidence that criticism of Israel as “Israel” produces attacks on Jews as either “the Jew” or “Israeli”. If there is no such evidence, the case of criticism and hostility towards Israel as “Israel” should not be part of monitoring activities under the heading of “antisemitism”.
  59. ^ Neumann, Michael (2006). The Case Against Israel.
  60. ^ Ian Buruma (July 2010). "Is Israel a normal country?". Haaretz. Retrieved 9 December 2010.
  61. ^ Edward C. Corrigan (30 July 2010). "Israeli Criticism of Zionism and the Treatment of Palestinians: The Politicians". Retrieved 9 December 2010.
  62. ^ Stephen Rosskamm Shalom (19 November 2010). "Singling out Israel – the arguments revisited". Retrieved 9 December 2010.
  63. ^ Editorial Comment (17 May 2006). "Who's singling out Israel?". The Guardian. Retrieved 9 December 2010.
  64. ^ Richard Kuper (January 2006). "Singling out Israel". Red Pepper. Retrieved 9 December 2010.
  65. ^ a b c d Stephen Zunes, The Israel Lobby: How Powerful is it Really?, Foreign Policy in Focus, May 16, 2006. Retrieved August 27, 2006.
  66. ^ Jimmy Carter, Israel, Palestine, peace and apartheid, Guardian Newspaper
  67. ^ Soros, George. "On Israel, America and AIPAC." New York Review of Books, April 12, 2007.
  68. ^ a b Foxman, Abraham. "The deadliest lies: the Israel lobby ...." Google Books. 20 July 2009.
  69. ^ Rosenblum, Jonathan. "Paper on ‘Israel Lobby’ Poses Threat." Jewish Journal. 27 April 2006. 20 July 2009.
  70. ^ a b Dershowitz, Alan. "The Big New Lie." Alan M. Dershowitz. 20 July 2009.
  71. ^ Divestment forum held at Harvard, Michaela May, The Justice, 10/29/02 [6]
  72. ^ Summers Says British Boycott of Israeli Academics Is Intentionally 'Anti-Semitic'
  73. ^ Quoted by Menachem Wecker, "In Defense of Self-Hating Jews", May 2007, Jewish Currents, online at [7].
  74. ^
    • Chomsky, Necessary Illusions, p 316:
    "There have long been efforts to identify anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in an effort to exploit anti-racist sentiment for political ends; 'one of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is not a distinction at all,' Israeli diplomat Abba Eban argued, in a typical expression of this intellectually and morally disreputable position (Eban, Congress Bi-Weekly, March 30, 1973). But that no longer suffices. It is now necessary to identify criticism of Israeli policies as anti-Semitism -- or in the case of Jews, as 'self-hatred,' so that all possible cases are covered."
  75. ^ Amy Goodman (21 October, 2004). "On the State of the Nation, Iraq and the Election, Noam Chomsky". {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  76. ^ Quoted by Oliver Kamm http://oliverkamm.typepad.com/blog/2005/02/chomsky_antisem.html "Chomsky, antisemitism and intellectual standards" "But note that by 2002, in his remarks to the Scottish Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Chomsky is giving a flatly different account of Eban’s argument. What Eban is saying in the genuine quotation is that the denial of Israel’s statehood is equivalent to antisemitism. This is not at all the same thing as claiming that criticism of Israeli policies is equivalent to antisemitism. Chomsky’s interpolation – “By anti-Zionism he meant criticisms of the current policies of the State of Israel” – is not remotely supportable from the quotation. Chomsky has doctored his source in order to set up a straw man."
  77. ^
    • Smith, Lewis, "Anti-Semitic? Not me, says Roger Waters", The Independent, 4 October 2010, online:
    "Abraham Foxman, the director of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), said using the dollar sign and the Star of David in sequence [during Water's performance] echoed the stereotype that Jews were avaricious. Referring to criticism Waters has previously made of Israel for its treatment of the Palestinians, Mr Foxman said the musician should have 'chosen some other way to convey his political views without playing into and dredging up the worst age-old anti-Semitic stereotype about Jews and their supposed obsession with making money'. … [Waters replied:] 'If I don't respond [to the suggestion of antisemitism] people will see the story and will come to believe I'm anti-Semitic, and I'm not. Nothing could be further from the truth….' Waters has spoken against Israeli policies and accused the ADL of painting critics as anti-Semitic. 'It's a screen that they hide behind. I don't think they should be taken seriously on that. You can attack Israeli policy without being anti-Jewish,' he [Waters] said."
  78. ^
    • Tutu, Desmond, “Apartheid in the Holy Land,” The Guardian (Britain), April 29, 2002. online
    " I've been very deeply distressed in my visit to the Holy Land; it reminded me so much of what happened to us black people in South Africa. I have seen the humiliation of the Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about.... But you know as well as I do that, somehow, the Israeli government is placed on a pedestal [in the US], and to criticise it is to be immediately dubbed anti-semitic, as if the Palestinians were not semitic. I am not even anti-white, despite the madness of that group. And how did it come about that Israel was collaborating with the apartheid government on security measures? People are scared in this country [the US], to say wrong is wrong because the Jewish lobby is powerful - very powerful."
  79. ^
    • "Father Michael Prior: Roman Catholic priest and scholar who campaigned for the rights of Palestinians", in The Times, 21 August 2004, online:
    "In an interview in Witness in 2003, Father Prior said: “The God they portray looks to me to be a militaristic and xenophobic genocide who would not be even sufficiently moral to conform to the Fourth Geneva Convention. How, I constantly ask myself, are such people so unconcerned about others being kicked out of their homes, children being shot, people struggling for survival against very oppressive forces of occupation?” Needless to say, he was sometimes accused of being anti-Semitic. But he was careful to distinguish between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. He believed that Muslims, Jews and Christians could and should live in equality and harmony. In his last article, published in The Tablet shortly before his death, he warned that the Catholic-Jewish liaison committee’s decision to equate antiZionism with anti-Semitism was a grave mistake. He was convinced that Zionism flew in the face of the Hebrew Scriptures."
    • See also: "Professor Michael Prior: Controversial priest and theologian who was an outspoken supporter of Palestinian rights" in The Independent, online
  80. ^ "The Guardian, "This is about Israel, not anti-semitism"". 4 March 2005.
  81. ^
    • Sheehan, Cindy, "The Audacity of Israel", 4 June 2010 online
    "Since my son was killed in Iraq and I have come to prominence in the peace movement, the name I am called with the second highest frequency (behind “anti-American”) is “anti-Semitic.’ First of all, isn’t it interesting if one is anti-violence and pro-peace, that automatically makes one anti-American and anti-Semitic? That just tells us that violence and oppression are so inherently institutionalized in our cultures, that if one is against these things, that makes one against the entire culture, race or way of life. It should be fundamentally understood that criticism of Israel’s program of Palestinian pogrom and the US’s demented foreign policy is not to be construed as hatred of all Jews or all Americans."
  82. ^
    • Harrison, pp 194-195:
    "… Mearsheimer and Walt were widely accused of anti-Semitism and responded forcefully that, in their opinion, such accusations were baseless and were being leveled purely in order to suppress legitimate criticism of Israel and its supporters…. [their] thesis includes as a subordinate contention the claim that the Israel lobby uses the accusation of anti-Semitism purely as a tool to suppress criticism of Israel. All talk of a 'new anti-Semitism' is asserted to be part of a deliberate strategy: 'Israel's advocates, when pressed to go beyond mere assertion, claim that there is a new anti-Semitism which they equate with criticism of Israel. In other words, criticise Israeli policy, and you are by definition an anti-semite'."
    • Harrison is quoting from Mearsheimer and Walt's 2006 article "The Israel Lobby" published in London Review of Books, vol 28, no. 6, 23 March 2006.
  83. ^ BBC News (13 October 2006). "Rebuke for peer's Israel remarks".
  84. ^
  85. ^ Nader, Ralph, "A Letter to Abraham Foxman: Criticizing Israel is Not Anti-Semitism", in Counterpunch, 16 October 2004, online
  86. ^ ADL commentary on Robinson
  87. ^ Rosenfeld, Elliot, "Investigation of Professor Forges Ahead", Daily Nexus, online
  88. ^ "Masbirim". Retrieved 2010-12-07.
  89. ^ "Working Definition of Antisemitism". European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 January 2010. Retrieved 24 July 2010.
  90. ^ EUMC report
  91. ^ "Working Definition of Antisemitism". European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 January 2010. Retrieved 24 July 2010.
  92. ^
  93. ^ Igansky, Paul, "Conceptualizing Anti-Jewish Hate Crime", in Hate Crimes, Barbara A. Perry (Ed.), Greenwood Publishing Group, 2009, pp 114-115
  94. ^ Ignasky, EISCA Report. A brief excerpt from the report's introduction, p. 4:
    "Playing the ‘Nazi card’ is a discursive act involving the use of Nazi or related terms or symbols (Nazism, Hitler, swastikas, etc.) in reference to Jews, Israel, Zionism or aspects of the Jewish experience. It manifests in words uttered in speech or in writing, or in visual representations such as artwork, drawings, caricatures, cartoons, graffiti, daubings and scratchings, or visual expressions such as a Nazi salute or the clicking of heels. In many instances, the playing of the Nazi card is unquestionably antisemitic. However, the inclusion of particular modes of criticism of Israel in definitions of antisemitism has provoked controversy. The result has been a war of words which has stagnated into an intellectual and discursive cul-de-sac of claim and counter-claim about what does and does not qualify as antisemitism…. One of the most challenging components of antisemitic discourse in general, and the discursive theme of the Nazi card in particular, concerns the problem of when the Nazi card is played against Israel and its founding movement, Zionism. In this case playing the Nazi card involves equating the Israeli state collectively, or the state embodied by its leaders or its military practices, with Nazis, Nazi Germany, and the genocidal actions of the Nazi regime…."
  95. ^ EISCA report, p 34
  96. ^ EISCA report, p 24
  97. ^ EISCA report, p 32
  98. ^ Lerman Should we ban ..":
    "While much of the [report's] definition [of anti-Semitism relating to criticism of Israel] is unexceptionable, it cites five ways in which antisemitism could be seen to "manifest itself with regard to the state of Israel taking into account the overall context". One of these – "using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism... to characterize Israel or Israelis" – is fully justified. The other four are contentious: "Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination"; "Applying double standards by requiring of [Israel] a behaviour not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation"; "Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis"; "Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel". None of these four are self-evidently antisemitic. But all could be used to justify labeling legitimate criticism of Israel as antisemitic. So the authors' approval of them makes their claim that "Drawing attention to the consequent harms in [playing the Nazi card against Israel] should not be intended, or taken, in any way as an attempt to suppress criticism of Israel and its military practices" both naïve and flimsy."
  99. ^ Igansky, EISCA Report, pp 28-30
  100. ^ Roberts, Paul Craig, "The End of Free Speech? Criminalizing Criticism of Israel", Counterpunch 7 May 2009, online:
    "On October 16, 2004, President George W. Bush signed the Israel Lobby’s bill, the Global Anti-Semitism Review Act. This legislation requires the US Department of State to monitor anti-semitism world wide. To monitor anti-semitism, it has to be defined. What is the definition? Basically, as defined by the Israel Lobby and Abe Foxman, it boils down to any criticism of Israel or Jews. Rahm Israel Emanuel hasn’t been mopping floors at the White House. As soon as he gets the Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009 passed, it will become a crime for any American to tell the truth about Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and theft of their lands. It will be a crime for Christians to acknowledge the New Testament’s account of Jews demanding the crucifixion of Jesus. It will be a crime to report the extraordinary influence of the Israel Lobby on the White House and Congress, such as the AIPAC-written resolutions praising Israel for its war crimes against the Palestinians in Gaza that were endorsed by 100 per cent of the US Senate and 99 per cent of the House of Representatives, while the rest of the world condemned Israel for its barbarity. It will be a crime to doubt the Holocaust. It will become a crime to note the disproportionate representation of Jews in the media, finance, and foreign policy. In other words, it means the end of free speech, free inquiry, and the First Amendment to the Constitution. Any facts or truths that cast aspersion upon Israel will simply be banned…. Criminalizing criticism of Israel destroys any hope of America having an independent foreign policy in the Middle East that serves American rather than Israeli interests. It eliminates any prospect of Americans escaping from their enculturation with Israeli propaganda. To keep American minds captive, the Lobby is working to ban as anti-semitic any truth or disagreeable fact that pertains to Israel. It is permissible to criticize every other country in the world, but it is anti-semitic to criticize Israel, and anti-semitism will soon be a universal hate-crime in the Western world. Most of Europe has already criminalized doubting the Holocaust. It is a crime even to confirm that it happened but to conclude that less than 6 million Jews were murdered. "
  101. ^ Lerman, "Should We Ban..":
    "Using Nazi analogies to criticise Israel and Zionism is offensive, but should it be banned, criminalized or branded as antisemitic? … The authors of a new report, Understanding and Addressing the "Nazi Card": Intervening Against Antisemitic Discourse, from the European Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism (EISCA), take a different line.... While the principle that freedom of speech is not absolute is accepted in English law, not all offensive speech is criminalized. So, merely showing that comparing Israeli behaviour to the Nazis is offensive is no reason to outlaw such discourse. The authors try to get round this by arguing that such comparisons are especially offensive to Jews, because of their history. They say: "Most people would accept that it's completely unacceptable to call a Jewish person a Nazi." The implication here – that it may, therefore, be acceptable in some circumstances to call a non-Jew a Nazi – is unfortunate to say the least. If one is against the use of Nazi comparisons in public debate, it's unacceptable to call anyone a Nazi. In which case, the argument of exceptional offensiveness for Jews doesn't hold.... The authors write: 'although the playing of the Nazi card is not always antisemitic, it unquestionably always harms'. As a result, where this occurs, it could already be defined as a criminal act, and if not, Iganski and Sweiry say, consideration should be given to changing the law so that it would be. In other words, if you said 'the way the IDF operated in Gaza was like the way the SS acted in Poland', and a Jew found this offensive, hurtful or harmful, you could, in theory, go to jail."
  102. ^ "Palestinian Civil Society Calls for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions against Israel Until it Complies with International Law and Universal Principles of Human Rights". Palestine BDS Campaign. 9 July 2005.
  103. ^ a b Israel: Time to Divest. Desmond Tutu, New Internationalist magazine, January / February 2003
  104. ^ Of Occupation and Apartheid Do I Divest?, Desmond Tutu, CounterPunch, October 17, 2002
  105. ^ a b "Israeli apartheid". The Nation (275): 4–5. 2002-06-27. Retrieved 2006-11-28. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)