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Soon after the emperor had called for help, powerful Ming general [[Wu Sangui]] had left his stronghold of [[Xingcheng|Ningyuan]] north of the [[Great Wall]] and started marching toward the capital. On 26 April, his armies had moved through the fortifications of [[Shanhai Pass]] (the eastern end of the Great Wall) and were marching toward Beijing when he heard that the city had fallen.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=290}}.</ref> He returned to Shanhai Pass. Li Zicheng sent two armies to attack the Pass but Wu's battle-hardened troops defeated them easily on 5 May and 10 May.<ref name="Wakeman 296">{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=296}}.</ref> Then on 18 May, Li Zicheng personally led 60,000 of his troops out of Beijing to attack Wu.<ref name="Wakeman 296"/> At the same time, Wu Sangui wrote to Dorgon to request the Qing's help in ousting the bandits and restoring the Ming dynasty.
Soon after the emperor had called for help, powerful Ming general [[Wu Sangui]] had left his stronghold of [[Xingcheng|Ningyuan]] north of the [[Great Wall]] and started marching toward the capital. On 26 April, his armies had moved through the fortifications of [[Shanhai Pass]] (the eastern end of the Great Wall) and were marching toward Beijing when he heard that the city had fallen.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=290}}.</ref> He returned to Shanhai Pass. Li Zicheng sent two armies to attack the Pass but Wu's battle-hardened troops defeated them easily on 5 May and 10 May.<ref name="Wakeman 296">{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=296}}.</ref> Then on 18 May, Li Zicheng personally led 60,000 of his troops out of Beijing to attack Wu.<ref name="Wakeman 296"/> At the same time, Wu Sangui wrote to Dorgon to request the Qing's help in ousting the bandits and restoring the Ming dynasty.


[[File:Hong_Chengchou.jpg|thumb|right|180px|A portrait of [[Hong Chengchou]] (1593–1665), a former Ming official who advised Dorgon to take advantage of the violent death of the Ming [[Chongzhen Emperor]] to present the Qing as the avengers of the [[Ming dynasty|Ming]] and to conquer all of China instead of raiding for loot and slaves.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|pp=305–6}}.</ref>]]
[[File:Shanhaiguan.gif|thumb|right|180px|An old Chinese map of the complex of fortifications of [[Shanhai Pass]]. After Wu Sangui let Qing troops through the pass on 27 May 1644, Wu and the Qing defeated rebel troops led by [[Li Zicheng]] in the decisive [[Battle of Shanhai Pass]].]]
<references />

Meanwhile Wu Sangui's departure from the [[Battle of Ningyuan|stronghold of Ningyuan]] had left all territory outside the Great Wall under Qing control.<ref name="Wakeman 1985 304">{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=304}}.</ref> Two of Dorgon's most prominent Chinese advisors, [[Hong Chengchou]] and [[Fan Wencheng]] (范文程), urged the Manchu prince to seize the opportunity of the fall of Beijing to present themselves as avengers of the fallen Ming and to claim the [[Mandate of Heaven]] for the Qing.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=304}}; {{harvnb|Dennerline|2003|p=81}}.</ref> Therefore when Dorgon received Wu's letter, he was already about to lead an expedition to attack northern China and had no intention to restore the Ming. When Dorgon asked Wu to work for the Qing instead, Wu had little choice but to accept.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=308}}.</ref>
Meanwhile Wu Sangui's departure from the [[Battle of Ningyuan|stronghold of Ningyuan]] had left all territory outside the Great Wall under Qing control.<ref name="Wakeman 1985 304">{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=304}}.</ref> Two of Dorgon's most prominent Chinese advisors, [[Hong Chengchou]] and [[Fan Wencheng]] (范文程), urged the Manchu prince to seize the opportunity of the fall of Beijing to present themselves as avengers of the fallen Ming and to claim the [[Mandate of Heaven]] for the Qing.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=304}}; {{harvnb|Dennerline|2003|p=81}}.</ref> Therefore when Dorgon received Wu's letter, he was already about to lead an expedition to attack northern China and had no intention to restore the Ming. When Dorgon asked Wu to work for the Qing instead, Wu had little choice but to accept.<ref>{{harvnb|Wakeman|1985|p=308}}.</ref>


Revision as of 11:11, 14 September 2012

Shunzhi Emperor
3rd Emperor of the Qing Dynasty
Reign8 October 1643 – 5 February 1661
Coronation1643
PredecessorHong Taiji
RegentDorgon (1643–1650)
Jirgalang (1643–1647)
Qing Emperor of China
Reign8 November 1644 – 5 February 1661
PredecessorLast reigning Emperor of Inner China from previous dynasty: Chongzhen Emperor
SuccessorKangxi Emperor
Born(1638-03-15)15 March 1638
Shengjing, Manchuria
Died5 February 1661(1661-02-05) (aged 22)
Forbidden City, Beijing, Qing Empire
Burial
Xiaoling, Eastern Qing Tombs, Zunhua
SpouseThe Demoted Empress
Empress Xiaohuizhang
Empress Xiaokangzhang
Empress Xiaoxian
IssueYinti
Fuquan, Prince Yu
Hiowanyei, Emperor Ren
Prince Rong
Changning, Prince Gong
Jishou
Longxi, Prince Jin of Chun
Yonggan
Names
Chinese: Aixin-Jueluo Fulin 愛新覺羅福臨
Manchu: Aisin-Gioro hala-i Fulin ᠠᡳᠰᡳᠨ ᡤᡳᠣᡵᠣ ᡶᡠᠯᡳᠨ
Posthumous name
Emperor Titian Longyun Dingtong Jianji Yingrui Qinwen Xianwu Dade Honggong Zhiren Chunxiao Zhang
體天隆運定統建極英睿欽文顯武大德弘功至仁純孝章皇帝[Listenⓘ
Temple name
Emperor Shizu of Qing
清世祖
HouseHouse of Aisin-Gioro
FatherHong Taiji
MotherEmpress Dowager Xiaozhuang

The Shunzhi Emperor (Wade-Giles: Shun-chih Emperor; Chinese: 順治帝; pinyin: Shùnzhìdì; Manchu: ᡳᠵᡳᠰᡥᡡᠨ ᡩᠠᠰᠠᠨ ijishūn dasan hūwangdi; Mongolian: Eyebeer Zasagch Khaan; 15 March 1638 – 5 February 1661) was the third emperor of the Manchu-led Qing dynasty, and the first Qing emperor to rule over China, which he did from 1644 to 1661. "Shunzhi" (Wade-Giles: Shun-chih) was the name of his reign period. His personal name was Fulin (of the Aisin Gioro clan) and his temple name (chosen after he died) was Shizu (Wade-Giles: Shih-tsu; Chinese: 世祖).

A committee of Manchu princes chose the five-year-old Fulin to succeed his father Hong Taiji (1592–1643) in September 1643. The princes also appointed two co-regents: Dorgon (1612–1650), fourtheenth son of Qing founder Nurhaci (1559–1626), and Jirgalang (1599–1655), one of Nurhaci's nephews. From 1643 until Dorgon's death, political power lay mostly in the hands of Dorgon. After the young emperor started to rule personally in 1651, he tried, with mixed success, to fight corruption and to reduce the political influence of the Manchu nobility. He died of smallpox, a highly contagious disease that was endemic in China, but against which the Manchus had no immunity. He was succeeded by his third son Xuanye, who had already survived smallpox, and who subsequently reigned for sixty years as the Kangxi Emperor.

Under the leadership of Dorgon and the Shunzhi Emperor, the Qing dynasty conquered most of the territory of the fallen Ming and its last claimants and established the basis of Qing rule over China despite highly unpopular policies like the "haircutting command" of 1645, which forced Qing subjects to shave their forehead and braid their remaining hair into a queue. Because the Shunzhi reign is not well documented, it constitutes a relatively little-known period of Qing history.[1]

Becoming emperor

Hong Taiji, who was succeeded by his five-year-old son Fulin

When Hong Taiji, the second Qing Emperor, died on 21 September 1643 without having named a successor, the fledgling Qing state faced a possibly serious crisis.[2] Several contenders––namely Nurhaci's second and eldest surviving son Daišan, Nurhaci's fourteenth and fifteenth sons Dorgon and Dodo (both born to the same mother), and Hong Taiji's eldest son Hooge––started to vie for the throne.[3] With his brothers Dodo and Ajige, Dorgon (31 years old) controlled the Plain and Bordered White Banners, Daišan (60) was in charge of the two Red Banners, whereas Hooge (34) had the loyalty of his father's two Yellow Banners.[4]

The decision about who would become the new Qing emperor fell to the Deliberative Council of Princes and Ministers, which was the Manchus' main policymaking body until the emergence of the Grand Council in the 1720s. Many Manchu princes advocated that Dorgon, a proven military leader, should become the new emperor, but Dorgon refused and insisted that one of Hong Taiji's sons should succeed his father.[5] To recognize Dorgon's authority while keeping the throne in Hong Taiji's descent line, the members of the council named Hong Taiji's ninth son Fulin as the new Emperor, but decided that Dorgon and Jirgalang (a nephew of Nurhaci who controlled the Bordered Blue Banner) would act as the five-year-old child's regents.

On 8 October 1643, Fulin was officially crowned Emperor of the Qing dynasty; it was decided that he would reign under the era name "Shunzhi."[6]

Dorgon's regency (1643–1650)

Prince Regent Dorgon in imperial regalia. He reigned as a quasi emperor from 1643 to his death in 1650, a period during which the Qing conquered almost all of China.

A quasi emperor

On 17 February 1644, Jirgalang, who was a capable military leader but looked uninterested in managing state affairs, willingly yielded control of all official matters to Dorgon.[7] After an alleged plot by Hooge to undermine the regency was exposed on 6 May of that year, Hooge was stripped of his title of Imperial Prince and his co-conspirators were executed.[8] Dorgon soon replaced Hooge's supporters (mostly from the Yellow Banners) with his own, thus gaining closer control of two more Banners.[9] By early June 1644, he was in firm control of the Qing government and its military.

The fall of the Ming and the Qing takeover

Just as Dorgon and his advisors were pondering how to attack the Ming, peasant rebellions were ravaging northern China and dangerously approaching the Ming capital Beijing. In February 1644, rebel leader Li Zicheng had founded the Shun Dynasty in Xi'an and proclaimed himself king. In March his armies had captured the important city of Taiyuan in Shanxi. Seeing the progress of the rebels, on 5 April the Ming Chongzhen Emperor requested the urgent help of any military commandant in the Empire.[10] But it was too late: on 24 April Li Zicheng breached the walls of Beijing, and the Emperor hanged himself the next day on a hill behind the Forbidden City.[11] He was the last Ming emperor to reign in Beijing.

Soon after the emperor had called for help, powerful Ming general Wu Sangui had left his stronghold of Ningyuan north of the Great Wall and started marching toward the capital. On 26 April, his armies had moved through the fortifications of Shanhai Pass (the eastern end of the Great Wall) and were marching toward Beijing when he heard that the city had fallen.[12] He returned to Shanhai Pass. Li Zicheng sent two armies to attack the Pass but Wu's battle-hardened troops defeated them easily on 5 May and 10 May.[13] Then on 18 May, Li Zicheng personally led 60,000 of his troops out of Beijing to attack Wu.[13] At the same time, Wu Sangui wrote to Dorgon to request the Qing's help in ousting the bandits and restoring the Ming dynasty.

A portrait of Hong Chengchou (1593–1665), a former Ming official who advised Dorgon to take advantage of the violent death of the Ming Chongzhen Emperor to present the Qing as the avengers of the Ming and to conquer all of China instead of raiding for loot and slaves.[14]
  1. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 73.
  2. ^ Oxnam 1975 (p. 38), Wakeman 1985 (p. 297), and Gong 2010 (p. 51) all place Hung Taiji's death on September 21 (Chongde 崇德 8.8.9). Dennerline 2002 (p. 74) gives the date as September 9.
  3. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 98.
  4. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 99 (about the White and Yellow banners); Dennerline 2002, p. 79 (table with age of the imperial princes and the banners they controlled).
  5. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 78.
  6. ^ Fang 1943, p. 255.
  7. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 299.
  8. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 300, note 231.
  9. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 79.
  10. ^ Struve 1988, p. 641.
  11. ^ Mote 1999, p. 809.
  12. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 290.
  13. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 296.
  14. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 305–6.

Meanwhile Wu Sangui's departure from the stronghold of Ningyuan had left all territory outside the Great Wall under Qing control.[1] Two of Dorgon's most prominent Chinese advisors, Hong Chengchou and Fan Wencheng (范文程), urged the Manchu prince to seize the opportunity of the fall of Beijing to present themselves as avengers of the fallen Ming and to claim the Mandate of Heaven for the Qing.[2] Therefore when Dorgon received Wu's letter, he was already about to lead an expedition to attack northern China and had no intention to restore the Ming. When Dorgon asked Wu to work for the Qing instead, Wu had little choice but to accept.[3]

After Wu formally surrendered to the Qing in the morning of 27 May, his elite troops charged the rebel army repeatedly, but were unable to break the enemy lines.[4] Dorgon waited until both sides were weakened before ordering his cavalry to gallop around Wu's right wing to charge Li's left flank.[5] Li Zicheng's troops were quickly routed and fled back toward Beijing.[6] After their defeat at the Battle of Shanhai Pass, the Shun troops looted Beijing for several days until Li Zicheng left the capital on 4 June with all the wealth he could carry, one day after he had defiantly proclaimed himself Emperor of the Great Shun.[7]

Settling in the capital

After six weeks of mistreatment at the hands of rebel troops, the Beijing population sent a party of elders and officials to greet their liberators on 5 June.[8] They were startled when, instead of meeting Wu Sangui and the Ming heir apparent, they saw Dorgon, a horseriding Manchu with his shaved forehead, present himself as the Prince Regent.[9] In the midst of this upheaval, Dorgon installed himself in the Wuying Palace (武英殿), "the only reasonably undamaged structure" after Li Zicheng had set fire to the palace complex on 3 June.[10] Banner troops were ordered not to loot; their discipline made the transition to Qing rule "remarkably smooth."[11] Yet at the same time as he claimed to have come to avenge the Ming, Dorgon ordered that all claimants to the Ming throne (including descendants of the last Ming emperor) should be executed along with their supporters.[12]

On June 7, just two days after entering the city, Dorgon issued special proclamations to officials around the capital, assuring them that if the local population accepted to shave their forehead, wear a queue, and surrender, the officials would be allowed to stay at their post.[13] He had to repeal this command three weeks later after several peasant rebellions erupted around Beijing, threatening Qing control over the capital region.[14]

The circular mound of the Altar of Heaven, where the Shunzhi emperor conducted sacrifices on 30 October 1644, ten days before being officially proclaimed Emperor of China. The ceremony marked the moment when the Qing dynasty seized the Mandate of Heaven.

Dorgon greeted the Shunzhi Emperor at the gates of Beijing on 19 October 1644.[15] On 30 October the young emperor performed sacrifices to Heaven and Earth at the Altar of Heaven.[16] A formal ritual of enthronement for Fulin was held on 8 November, during which the six-year-old emperor compared Dorgon's achievements to those of the Duke of Zhou, a revered regent from antiquity.[17] During the ceremony, Dorgon's official title was raised from "Prince Regent" to "Uncle Prince Regent" (Shufu shezheng wang 叔父攝政王), in which the Manchu term for "Uncle" (ecike) represented a rank higher than that of imperial prince.[18] Three days later Dorgon's co-regent Jirgalang was demoted from "Prince Regent" to "Assistant Uncle Prince Regent" (Fu zheng shuwang 輔政叔王).[19] In June 1645, Dorgon eventually decreed that all official documents should refer to him as "Imperial Uncle Prince Regent" (Huang shufu shezheng wang 皇叔父攝政王), which left him one step short of claiming the throne for himself.[19]

One of Dorgon's first orders in the new Qing capital was to vacate the entire northern part of Beijing to give it to Bannermen. The Yellow Banners were given the place of honor north of the palace, followed by the White Banners east, the Red Banners west, and the Blue Banners south.[20] This distribution accorded with the order established in the Manchu homeland before the conquest and under which "each of the banners was given a fixed geographical location according on the points of the compass."[21] Despite tax remissions and large-scale building programs designed to facilitate the transition, in 1648, many Chinese civilians still lived among the newly arrived Banner population and there was still animosity between the two groups.[22] Agricultural land outside the capital was also marked off (quan 圈) and given to Qing troops.[23] Former landowners now became tenants who had to pay rent to their absentee Bannermen landlords.[23] This transition in land use caused "several decades of disruption and hardship."[23]

The conquest of China

Under the reign of Dorgon––whom historians have variously called "the mastermind of the Qing conquest" and "the principal architect of the great Manchu enterprise"––the Qing subdued the capital area, received the capitulation of Shandong local elites and officials, and conquered Shanxi and Shaanxi, then turned their eyes to the rich region of Jiangnan south of the lower Yangtze River.[24] They also wiped out the last remnants of rival regimes established by Li Zicheng (killed in 1645) and Zhang Xianzhong (Chengdu taken in early 1647). Finally they managed to kill claimants to the throne of the Southern Ming in Nanjing (1645) and Fuzhou (1646), and chased Zhu Youlang, the last Southern Ming emperor, out of Guangzhou (1647) and into the far southwestern reaches of China.

Suppressing the bandits

See also: Zhang Xianzhong and Li Zicheng

Very soon after entering Beijing in June 1644, Dorgon despatched Wu Sangui and his troops to pursue Li Zicheng, the rebel leader who had driven the last Ming emperor to suicide, but had been defeated by the Qing in late May at the Battle of Shanhai Pass.[25] Wu managed to engage Li's rearguard many times, but Li still managed to cross Gu Pass (故關) into Shanxi; Wu then broke pursuit to return to Beijing.[26] Li Zicheng reestablished a power base in Xi'an (Shaanxi province), where he had declared the foundation of his Shun dynasty in February 1644.[27] After repressing revolts against Qing rule in Hebei and Shandong in the Summer and Fall of 1644, in October of that year Dorgon sent several armies to root out Li Zicheng from his Shaanxi stronghold.[28] Qing armies led by Ajige, Dodo, and Shi Tingzhu (石廷柱) won consecutive engagements against Shun forces in Shanxi and Shaanxi, forcing Li Zicheng to leave his Xi'an headquarters in February 1645.[29] Li retreated through several provinces until he was killed in September 1645, either by his own hand or by a peasant group that had organized for self-defense in this time of rampant banditry.[30]

In early 1646 Dorgon sent two expeditions to Sichuan to try to destroy Zhang Xianzhong's regime: the first expedition did not reach Sichuan because it was caught up against remnants; the second one, under the direction of Hooge (the son of Hung Taiji who had lost the succession struggle of 1643) reached Sichuan in October 1646.[31] Hearing that a Qing army led by a major general was approaching, Zhang Xianzhong fled toward Shaanxi, splitting his troops into four divisions that were ordered to act independently if something were to happen to him.[31] Before leaving, he ordered a massacre of the population of his capital Chengdu.[31] Zhang Xianzhong was killed in a battle against Qing forces near Xichong in central Sichuan on 1 February 1647.[32] Hooge then easily took Chengdu, but found it in a state of desolation he had not expected. Unable to find food in the countryside, his soldiers looted the area, killing resisters, and even resorted to cannibalism as food shortages grew acute.[33]

Jiangnan

A late-Qing woodblock print representing the Yangzhou massacre of May 1645. Dorgon's brother Dodo ordered this massacre to scare other southern Chinese cities into submission. By the late nineteenth century the massacre was used by anti-Qing revolutionaries to arouse anti-Manchu sentiment among the Han Chinese population.[34]

A few weeks after the Chongzhen Emperor committed suicide in Beijing in April 1644, some descendants of the Ming imperial house started arriving in Nanjing, which had been the auxiliary capital of the Ming dynasty.[35] Agreeing that the Ming needed an imperial figure to rally support in the south, the Nanjing Minister of War Shi Kefa and the Fengyang Governor-general Ma Shiying (馬士英) agreed to form a loyalist Ming government around the Prince of Fu, Zhu Yousong, a first cousin of the Chongzhen emperor who had been next in line for succession after the dead emperor's sons, whose fates were still unknown.[36] The Prince was crowned as emperor on 19 June 1644 under the protection of Ma Shiying, who had arrived in Nanjing two days earlier with a large war fleet.[37] It was decided that the next lunar year would be the first year of the Hongguang (弘光) reign. This Hongguang regime was ridden with factional bickering that facilitated the Manchu conquest of Jiangnan, which was launched from Xi'an in April 1645.[38] Greatly aided by the surrender of Southern Ming commanders Li Chengdong (李成東) and Liu Liangzuo (劉良佐), the Qing army took the key city of Xuzhou north of the Huai River in early May 1645, leaving Shi Kefa in Yangzhou as the main defender of the Southern Ming's northern frontiers.[39]

A man in San Francisco's Chinatown around 1900. The Chinese habit of wearing a queue came from Dorgon's July 1645 edict ordering all men to shave their forehead and tie their hair into a queue like the Manchus.

Several contingents of Qing forces converged on Yangzhou on 13 May 1645.[40] Shi Kefa's small force refused to surrender, but could not resist Dodo's artillery: on 20 May Qing cannon breached the city wall and Dodo ordered the "brutal slaughter" of Yangzhou's entire population, probably to instill fear in the population of other Jiangnan cities so that they would surrender to the Qing instead of fighting on.[41] On 1 June Qing armies crossed the Yangzi River and easily took the garrison city of Zhenjiang, which protected access to Nanjing.[42] The Qing arrived at the gates of Nanjing a week later, but the Hongguang emperor had already fled.[42] The city surrendered without a fight on 16 June after its last defenders had made Dodo promise he would not hurt the city's inhabitants.[43] Within less than a month, the Qing had captured the fleeing Ming emperor (he died in Beijing the following year) and seized Jiangnan's main cities, including Suzhou and Hangzhou; by then the frontier between the Qing and the Southern Ming had been pushed south to the Qiantang River.[44]

On 21 July 1645, after the Jiangnan region had been superficially pacified, Dorgon issued "the most untimely promulgation of his career": he ordered all Chinese men to shave their forehead and to braid the rest of their hair into a queue just like the Manchus.[45] The punishment for non-compliance was death.[46] This policy of symbolic submission to the new dynasty helped the Manchus in telling friend from foe.[47] For Han officials and literati, however, the new hairstyle was "a humiliating act of degradation" (because it breached a common Confucian directive to preserve one's body intact), whereas for common folk cutting their hair "was tantamount to the loss of their manhood."[48] Because it united Chinese of all social backgrounds into resistance against Qing rule, the haircutting command "broke the momentum of the Qing conquest."[49] The population of Jiading and Songjiang, which refused to submit to the Qing, was massacred by former Ming general Li Chengdong (李成東), respectively on August 24 and September 22.[50] The city of Jiangyin also held out against about 10,000 Qing troops for 83 days. When the city wall was finally breached on 9 October 1645, the Qing army led by Ming defector Liu Liangzuo (劉良佐), who had been ordered to "fill the city with corpses before you sheathe your swords," massacred the city's entire population, killing between 74,000 and 100,000 people.[51] Hundreds of thousands of people were killed before all of China was brought into compliance.

The Southern Ming

Main article: Southern Ming Dynasty
A cannon cast in 1650 by the Southern Ming. (From the Hong Kong Museum of Coastal Defence.)

Meanwhile the Southern Ming had not been eliminated. When Hangzhou fell to the Qing on 6 July 1645, Prince of Tang Zhu Yujian, a ninth-generation descendant of Ming founder Zhu Yuanzhang, retreated up the Qiantang River and proceeded to Fujian from a land route that went through northeastern Jiangxi and mountainous areas in northern Fujian.[52] Crowned as the Longwu Emperor in the coastal city of Fuzhou on 18 August, he depended on the protection of Zheng Zhilong (known in many western sources as "Nicholas Iquan"), a seatrader with exceptional organizational skills who had surrendered to the Ming in 1628.[53] The childless emperor adopted Zheng's eldest son, granted him the imperial surname, and gave him a new personal name: Chenggong.[54] The name Koxinga by which this adopted son is known to Westerners is a distortion of his title "Lord of the Imperial Surname" (Guoxingye 國姓爺).[55] In October 1645 the Longwu emperor heard that another Ming pretender, the Prince of Lu Zhu Yihai, had named himself regent in Zhejiang, and thus represented another center of loyalist resistance.[56] But the two regimes failed to cooperate, making their chances of success even lower than they already were.[57]

Portrait of Shang Kexi by Johan Nieuhof (1655). Shang recaptured Guangzhou from Ming loyalist forces in 1650 and organized a massacre of the city's population. Known to the Dutch as the "Old Viceroy" of Guangdong, he was one of the Three Feudatories who rebelled against the Qing in 1673.

In February 1646, Qing armies seized land west of the Qiantang River from the Lu regime and defeated a ragtag force representing the Longwu emperor in northeastern Jiangxi.[58] In May of that year Qing forces besieged Ganzhou, the last Ming bastion in Jiangxi.[59] In July, a new Southern Campaign led by Manchu Prince Bolo sent the Zhejiang regime of Prince Lu into disarray and proceeded to attack the Longwu regime in Fujian.[60] Zheng Zhilong, the Longwu emperor's main military defender, fled to the coast.[61] On the pretext of relieving the siege of Ganzhou in southern Jiangxi, the Longwu court left their base in northeastern Fujian in late September 1646, but the Qing army caught up with them.[62] Longwu and his empress were summarily executed in Tingzhou (western Fujian) on 6 October.[63] After the fall of Fuzhou on 17 October, Zheng Zhilong surrendered to the Qing and his son Koxinga fled to the island of Taiwan with his fleet.[64]

The Longwu Emperor's younger brother Zhu Yuyue, who had fled Fuzhou by sea, soon founded another Ming regime in Guangzhou, the capital of Guangdong province, taking the reign title Shaowu (紹武) on 11 December 1646.[65] Short of official costumes, they had to purchase robes from local theater troops.[65] On 24 December, Prince of Gui Zhu Youlang established the Yongli (永曆) regime in the same vicinity.[65] The two Ming regimes fought each other until 20 January 1647, when a small Qing force led by former Southern Ming commander Li Chengdong (李成東) captured Guangzhou, killing the Shaowu Emperor and sending the Yongli Emperor fleeing to Nanning in Guangxi.[66]

Li Chengdong suppressed more loyalist resistance in Guangdong in 1647, but mutinied against the Qing in May 1648 because he resented having been named only regional commander of the province he had conquered.[67] The concurrent rebellion of another former Ming general in Jiangxi helped the Yongli regime to retake most of southern China, leaving the Qing in control of only a few enclaves in Guangdong and southern Jiangxi.[68] This resurgence of loyalist hopes was short-lived. New Qing armies managed to reconquer the central provinces of Huguang (present-day Hubei and Hunan), Jiangxi, and Guangdong in 1649 and 1650.[69] The Yongli emperor fled to Nanning and from there to Guizhou.[69] Finally on 24 November 1650, Qing forces led by Shang Kexi––one of the "Three Feudatories" who would rebel against the Qing in 1673––captured Guangzhou after a ten-month siege and massacred the city's population, killing as many as 70,000 people.[70]

The northwest

"Moghul embassy" (actually emissaries from a Mughal prince who ruled Turfan in Central Asia) as portrayed in 1656 by Dutch visitors to Shunzhi's Beijing.[71]

In 1646 sultan Abu al-Muhammad Haiji Khan, a Mughal prince who ruled Turfan, sent an embassy requesting the resumption of trade with China, which had been interrupted by the fall of the Ming dynasty.[72] The mission was sent without solicitation, but the Qing accepted to receive it, allowing it to conduct tribute trade in Beijing and Lanzhou (Gansu).[73] Later in 1646, forces assembled by a Muslim leader known in Chinese sources as Milayin (米喇印) revolted against Qing rule in Ganzhou (Gansu). He was soon joined by another Muslim named Ding Guodong (丁國棟).[74] Proclaiming that they wanted to restore the fallen Ming, they occupied a number of towns in Gansu, including the provincial capital Lanzhou.[74] These rebels' willingness to collaborate with non-Muslim Chinese suggests that they were not only driven by religion, and were not aiming to create an Islamic state.[74] To pacify the rebels, the Qing government quickly despatched Meng Qiaofang (孟喬芳), governor of Shaanxi, a former Ming official who had surrendered to the Qing in 1631.[75] Both Milayin and Ding Guodong were captured and killed in 1648,[75] and by 1650 the Muslim rebels had been crushed in campaigns that inflicted heavy casualties.[76] Tribute and trade with Hami and Turfan, which had aided the rebels, were resumed in 1656.[76] In 1655, however, the Qing court had announced that tributary missions from Turfan would be accepted only once every five years.[77]

Transition and personal rule (1651–1661)

Purging Dorgon's clique

The Shunzhi Emperor in his mature years

Dorgon's unexpected death during a hunting trip on 31 December 1650 triggered a period of fierce factional struggles and opened the way for deep political reforms.[78] Because Dorgon's supporters were still influential at court, Dorgon was given an imperial funeral and was posthumously elevated to imperial status as the "Righteous Emperor" (yi huangdi 義皇帝).[79] On the same day of mid-January 1651, however, several officers of the White Banners led by former Dorgon supporter Ubai arrested Dorgon's brother Ajige for fear he would proclaim himself as the new regent; Ubai and his officers then named themselves presidents of several Ministries and prepared to take charge of the government.[80]

Meanwhile Jirgalang, who had been stripped of his title of regent in 1647, gathered support among Banner officers who had been disgruntled during Dorgon's rule.[81] In order to consolidate support for the emperor in the two Yellow Banners (which had been attached to the emperor since Hong Taiji) and to gain followers in Dorgon's Plain White Banner, Jirgalang decided to name them the "Upper Three Banners" (shang san qi 上三旗; Manchu: dergi ilan gūsa), which from then on were owned and controlled by the emperor.[82] Oboi and Suksaha, who would become regents for the Kangxi Emperor in 1661, were among the Banner officers who gave Jirgalang their support, and Jirgalang appointed them to the Council of Deliberative Princes to reward them.[81]

On 1 February, Jirgalang announced that the emperor, who was about to turn thirteen, would now assume full imperial authority.[81] The regency was thus officially abolished. Jirgalang then moved to the attack. In late February or early March 1651 he accused Dorgon of usurping imperial prerogatives: Dorgon was found guilty and all his posthumous honors were removed.[81] Jirgalang continued to purge former members of Dorgon's clique and to bestow high ranks and nobility titles upon a growing number of followers in the Three Imperial Banners, so that by 1652 all of Dorgon's former supporters had been either killed or effectively removed from government.[83]

Factional politics and corruption

Portrait of the Shunzhi Emperor in adulthood

To counteract the power of the Imperial Household Department and the Manchu nobility, in July 1653 Shunzhi established the Thirteen Offices (十三衙門), or Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus, which were supervised by Manchus, but manned by Chinese eunuchs rather than Manchu bondservants.[84] Eunuchs had been kept under tight control during Dorgon's regency, but the young emperor used them to counter the influence of other power centers like the his mother the Empress Dowager and former regent Jirgalang.[85] By the late 1650s eunuch power became formidable again: they handled key financial and political matters, offered advice on official appointments, and even composed edicts.[86] Because eunuchs isolated the emperor from the bureaucracy, Manchu and Chinese officials feared a return to the abuses of eunuch power that had plagued the late Ming.[87] Despite the emperor's attempt to impose strictures on eunuch activities, Shunzhi's favorite eunuch Wu Liangfu (吳良輔), who had helped the young emperor defeat the Dorgon faction in the early 1650s, was caught in a corruption scandal in 1658.[88] The fact that Wu only received a reprimand for his accepting bribes did not reassure the Manchu elite, which saw eunuch power as a degradation of Manchu power.[89] The Thirteen Offices would be eliminated (and Wu Liangfu executed) by Oboi and the other regents of the Kangxi Emperor in March 1661 soon after Shunzhi's death.[90]

After he assumed personal rule in 1651, the Emperor tried to root out corruption in the realm, but with little success. In November 1657, a major cheating scandal erupted during the Shuntian provincial-level examinations in Beijing.[91] Eight candidates from Jiangnan who were also relatives of Beijing officials had bribed examiners in the hope of being ranked higher in the contest.[92] Seven examination supervisors found guilty of receiving bribes were executed, and several hundred people were sentenced to punishments ranging from demotion to exile and confiscation of property.[93] The scandal, which soon spread to Nanjing examination circles, uncovered the corruption and influence-peddling that was rife in the bureaucracy, and that many moralistic officials from the north attributed to the existence of Jiangnan literary clubs and to the decline of classical scholarship.[94]

Frontiers, tributaries, and foreign relations

The bell-shaped White Dagoba, which can still be seen in Beihai Park in Beijing, was commissioned by the Shunzhi Emperor to honor Tibetan Buddhism.

In 1646, when Qing armies led by Bolo had entered the city of Fuzhou, they had found envoys from the Ryūkyū Kingdom, Annam, and the Spanish in Manila.[95] These tributary embassies that had come to see the now fallen Longwu Emperor of the Southern Ming were forwarded to Beijing, and eventually sent home with instructions about submitting to the Qing.[95] The King of the Ryūkyū Islands sent his first tribute mission to the Qing in 1649, Siam in 1652, and Annam in 1661, after the last remnants of Ming resistance had been removed from Yunnan, which bordered Annam.[95]

In 1651 the young emperor invited to Beijing the Fifth Dalai Lama, the leader of the Yellow Hat Sect of Tibetan Buddhism, who, with the military help of Khoshot Mongol Gushri Khan, had recently unified religious and secular rule in Tibet.[96] Qing emperors had been patrons of Tibetan Buddhism since at least 1621 under the reign of Nurhaci, but there were also political reasons behind the invitation.[97] Namely, Tibet was becoming a powerful polity west of the Qing, and the Dalai Lama held influence over Mongol tribes, many of which had not submitted to the Qing.[98] To prepare for the arrival of this "living Buddha," Shunzhi ordered the building of the White Dagoba (baita 白塔) on an island on one of the imperial lakes northwest of the Forbidden City, at the former site of Qubilai Khan's palace.[99] After more invitations and diplomatic exchanges to decide where the Tibetan leader would mean the Qing emperor, the Dalai Lama arrived in Beijing in January 1653.[100] The Dalai Lama later had a scene of this visit carved in the Potala Palace in Lhasa, which he had started building in 1645.[101] This was the beginning of the Qing regime's complex official relations with Tibet, which eventually fell under indirect but exclusive Qing control in the 1720s.

Personality and relationships

A portrait of Johann Adam Schall von Bell, a Jesuit missionary the Shunzhi Emperor affectionately called mafa ("grand'pa" in Manchu).

After Fulin came to rule on his own in 1651, his mother the Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang arranged for him to marry her niece, but the young emperor deposed his new Empress in 1653.[102] The following year Xiaozhuang arranged another imperial marriage with her Khorchin Mongol clan, this time matching her son with her own grand-niece.[102] Though the emperor also disliked his second empress (known posthumously as Empress Xiaohuizhang), he was not allowed to demote her. She never bore him children.[103] Starting in 1656, Shunzhi lavished his affection on Consort Donggo, who, according to Jesuit accounts from the time, had first been the wife of another Manchu noble.[104] She gave birth to a son (Shunzhi's fourth) in November 1657. The emperor would have made him his heir apparent, but he died early in 1658 before he was given a name.[105]

During his short reign, the Shunzhi emperor encouraged the Han Chinese to participate in government activities. He employed Han Chinese to teach his children. He was also an open minded emperor and relied on the advice of Johann Adam Schall von Bell, a Jesuit missionary from Cologne in the Germanic parts of the Holy Roman Empire, for guidance ranging from astronomy, technologies, to tips for governing an empire. In late 1644, Dorgon had put Schall in charge of preparing a new calendar because his eclipse predictions had proven more reliable than those of the official astronomer.[106] After Dorgon's death Schall also developed a personal relationship with the young emperor, who called him "grand-father" (mafa in Manchu).[107] At the height of his influence in 1656 and 1657, Schall reports that Shunzhi often visited his house and talked to him late into the night.[108] He was excused from prostrating himself in the presence of the emperor, was granted land to build a church in Beijing, and was even given imperial permission to adopt a son (because the emperor worried that Schall did not have an heir), but the Jesuits' hope of converting the emperor to Christianity was crushed when Shunzhi became a devout follower of Chan Buddhism in 1657.[109]

The emperor developed a good command of Chinese that allowed him to manage matters of state and to appreciate Chinese arts like calligraphy and drama.[110] One of his favorite texts was "Rhapsody of a Myriad Sorrows" (Wan chou qu 萬愁曲), by Gui Zhuang (歸莊), who was a close friend of anti-Qing intellectuals Gu Yanwu and Wan Shouqi (萬壽祺).[111] "Quite passionate and attach[ing] great importance to qing (love)," he could also recite by heart long passages of the popular Romance of the Western Chamber.[110]

Death and succession

Smallpox

Electron micrograph of the smallpox virus, against which the Manchus had no immunity. The Shunzhi emperor died of it, and his young successor Kangxi was chosen because he had already survived it.

In September 1661, Shunzhi's favourite concubine Donggo suddenly died as a result of grief over the loss of a child.[112] Overwhelmed with grief himself, the emperor fell into dejection for months, until he contracted smallpox on 2 February 1661.[112] On 4 February 1661, officials Wang Xi 王熙 (1628–1703) and Margi (the latter a Manchu) were called to the emperor's bedside to record his last will.[113] On the same day, his seven-year-old third son Xuanye was chosen to be his successor, probably because he had already survived smallpox.[114] The emperor died on 5 February 1661 in the Forbidden City at the age of twenty-two.[112]

The Manchus feared smallpox more than any other disease because they had no immunity to it and almost always died when they contracted it.[115] By 1622 at the latest, the Manchus had already established an agency to investigate smallpox cases and isolate sufferers in order to avoid contagion.[116] During outbreaks, royal family members were routinely sent to "smallpox avoidance centers" (bidousuo 避痘所) to protect themselves from infection.[117] The Shunzhi emperor was particularly fearful of the disease, because he was young and lived in a large city, near sources of contagion.[118] Indeed, during his reign at least nine outbreaks of smallpox were recorded in Beijing, each time forcing the emperor to move to a protected area like the "Southern Park" (Nanyuan 南苑), a hunting ground south of Beijing where Dorgon had built a "smallpox avoidance center" in the 1640s.[119] Despite this and other precautions––such as rules forcing Chinese residents to move out of the city when they contracted smallpox––the Shunzhi still succombed to that illness.[120]

An official court portrait of Oboi, who on February 5, 1661, was named as the main regent to the newly enthroned Kangxi Emperor, who was only seven years old.

The emperor's forged last will

The emperor's last will, which was made public on the evening of 5 February, appointed four regents for his young son: Oboi, Soni, Suksaha, and Ebilun, who had all helped Jirgalang to purge the court of Dorgon's supporters after Dorgon's death on the last day of 1650.[121] It is difficult to determine whether Shunzhi had really named these four Manchu nobles as regents, because they and Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang clearly tempered with the emperor's testament before promulgating it.[122] The emperor's will expressed his regret about his Chinese-style ruling (his reliance on eunuchs and his favoritism toward Chinese officials), his neglect of Manchu nobles and traditions, and his headstrong devotion to his concubine rather than to his mother.[123] Though the emperor had often issued self-deprecating edicts during his reign, the policies his will rejected had been central to his government since he had assumed personal rule in the early 1650s.[124] The will as it was formulated gave "the mantle of imperial authority" to the four regents, and served to support their pro-Manchu policies during the period known as the Oboi regency, which lasted from 1661 to 1669.[125]

After death

The mausoleum of the Shunzhi Emperor at the Eastern Qing Tombs.

Because court statements did not clearly announce the cause of the emperor's death, rumors soon started to circulate that he had not died but in fact retired to a Buddhist monastery to live anonymously as a monk, either out of grief for the death of his beloved consort, or in a coup by the Manchu nobles his will had named as regents.[126] These rumors were not so incredible, because the emperor had become a fervent follower of Chan Buddhism in the late 1650s, even letting monks move into the imperial palace.[127] But much circumstantial evidence––including an account by one of these monks that the emperor's health greatly deteriorated in early February 1661 because of smallpox, and the fact that a concubine and an Imperial Bodyguard committed suicide to accompany the emperor in burial––suggests that Shunzhi's death was not staged.[128]

After being kept in the Forbidden City for 27 days of mourning, on 3 March 1661, the emperor's corpse was transported to Jingshan 景山 (north of the Forbidden City) in a lavish procession, after which a large amount of precious goods were burned as funeral offerings.[129] Only two years later, in 1653, was the body transported to its final resting place.[130] Contrary to Manchu customs at the time, which usually dictated that a deceased person should be cremated, the Shunzhi Emperor was buried.[131] He was interred in what later came to be known as the Eastern Qing Tombs, 125 kilometers/75 miles northeast of Beijing, one of two Qing imperial cemeteries.[132] His tomb was part of the Xiaoling (孝陵) mausoleum complex (known in Manchu as the Hiyoošungga Munggan), which was the first mausoleum to be erected on that site.[132]

Family

Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang, who was an influential political figure during the reigns of both her son Shunzhi and her grand-son Kangxi.

Ancestors

His father was the previous Qing emperor Hong Taiji; his mother was Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang.

Empress Xiaohuizhang, a Khorchin Mongol just like Shunzhi's mother, became the emperor's second Empress Consort in 1654.

Empresses and consorts

Although only nineteen Empresses and Consorts are recorded for Shunzhi in the Aisin Gioro genealogy made by the Imperial Clan Court, burial records show that he had at least thirty-two of them.[133] Eleven bore him children. There were two Empresses in his reign, both relatives of Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang from the Borjigit clan. After the 1644 conquest, Imperial Consorts and Empresses were usually known by their titles and by the name of their patrilineal clan.[134]

  • First Empress: the Demoted Empress Suoerna, from the Borjigit clan; niece of Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang. She was made Empress in 1651, but the monarch disliked her so much that he had her demoted in 1653.
  • Second Empress: Empress Xiaohuizhang (d. 1718) from the Borjigit clan. She was named Empress in 1654.
  • Concubine from the Tunggiya clan (1640–1663). Her family was of Jurchen origin but had lived among Chinese for generations. It had Chinese family name Tong (佟) but switched to the Manchu clan name Tunggiya. She was made Empress Dowager Cihe in 1661 when Kangxi became emperor. She is known posthumously as Empress Xiaokangzhang.
  • Imperial Noble Consort from the Donggo clan (1639–1660), posthumously raised to Empress Xiaoxian. She had a Han Chinese mother. The Emperor was deeply in love with her and was very grieved when she died soon after their first son (Shunzhi's fourth) had died in infancy. He died of smallpox shortly thereafter.

Children

Eleven of Shunzhi's thirty-two spouses bore him a total of fourteen children,[135] but only four sons (Fuquan, Xuanye, Changning, and Longxi) and one daughter (Princess Gongyi Chang) lived old enough to marry. Unlike later Qing emperors, the names of Shunzhi's sons did not include a generational character.[136]

Shunzhi's third son Xuanye after he had become the Kangxi Emperor (r. 1661–1722).

Sons

  1. Niuniu 牛鈕 (Manchu: Nionio) (13 December 1651 – 9 March 1652).[137] Born to Consort Ba 巴.[138]
  2. Fuquan 福全 (Manchu: Fuciowan) (8 September 1653 – 10 August 1703).[139] Born to Consort Ningyi 寧懿 from the Donggo clan. Became Prince Yu (裕親王) in 1667.
  3. Xuanye 玄燁 (Manchu: Hiowan Yei) (4 May 1654 – 20 December 1722). Later became the Kangxi Emperor. Born to Empress Xiaokangzhang.
  4. 4th son (5 November 1657 – 25 February 1658), who died before he was given a name. Born to Imperial Noble Consort Donggo. Posthumously granted the title of Prince Rong (榮親王).[140]
  5. Changning 常寧 (Manchu: Cangning) (8 December 1657 – 20 July 1703).[141] Born to Consort Chen 陳.[142] Became Prince Gong (恭親王) in 1671.[143]
  6. Qishou 奇授 (Manchu: Kišeo) (3 January 1660 – unknown date, at the age of seven sui).[144] Born to Consort Tang 唐.[145]
  7. Longxi 隆禧 (Manchu: Lunghi) (30 May 1660 – 20 August 1679).[146] Born to Consort Niu 鈕. Became Prince Chun (純親王) in 1674; posthumouly called Prince Chun Jing (純靖親王). He fathered a son who died heirless.[147]
  8. Yonggan 永幹 (Manchu: Yunggan) (23 January 1661 – unknown date, at the age of eight sui).[148] Born to Consort Muktu 穆克圖.[149]

Daughters

  • 1st Daughter (1652–1653). Born to Consort Chen 陳.
  • 2nd Daughter (1653–1685): second-rank Princess (M.: hošoi gungju) Gongyi Chang (Ch.: heshuo Gongyi Chang gongzhu 和碩恭懿長公主). Married in 1667.[150] Born to Consort Yang 楊.
  • 3rd Daughter (1653–1658). Born to Consort Ba 巴.
  • 4th Daughter (1654–1661). Born to Consort Usu 烏蘇.
  • 5th Daughter (1654–1660). Born to Consort Wang 王.
  • 6th Daughter (1657–1661). Born to Consort Nala 那拉.

Adopted daughters

  • Princess Heshun (1648–1691). Married to Shang Zilong in 1660.
  • Princess Roujia (1652–1673). Married to Guan Juzhong in 1663.
  • Princess Duanmin (1653–1729). Married to Bandi in 1670.

Notes

  1. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 304.
  2. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 304; Dennerline 2003, p. 81.
  3. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 308.
  4. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 310 (surrender to the Qing) and 311 (repeated charges).
  5. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 311.
  6. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 311–12.
  7. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 313; Mote 1999, p. 817.
  8. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 313.
  9. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 314 (were all expecting Wu and the heir apparent) and 315 (reaction to seeing Dorgon instead).
  10. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 315.
  11. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 289.
  12. ^ Mote 1999, p. 818.
  13. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 416; Mote 1999, p. 828.
  14. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 420–22 (which explains these matters and claims that the order was repealed by edict on 25 June). Gong 2010, p. 84 gives the date as 28 June.
  15. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 857.
  16. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 858.
  17. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 858 and 860 ("According to the emperor's speechwcriter, who was probably Fan Wencheng, Dorgon even 'surpassed' (guo) the revered Duke of Zhou because 'The Uncle Prince also led the Grand Army through Shanhai Pass to smash two hundred thousand bandit soldiers, and then proceeded to take Yanjing, pacifying the Central Xia. He invited Us to come to the capital and received Us as a great guest'.").
  18. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 860–61, and p. 861, note 31.
  19. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 861.
  20. ^ See maps in Naquin 2000, p. 356 and Elliott 2001.
  21. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 170.
  22. ^ Naquin 2000, pp. 289–91.
  23. ^ a b c Naquin 2000, p. 291.
  24. ^ Dai 2009, p. 15 ("mastermind"); Wakeman 1985, p. 893 ("principal architect").
  25. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 317.
  26. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 482–83.
  27. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 483.
  28. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 501.
  29. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 501–06.
  30. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 507.
  31. ^ a b c Dai 2009, p. 17.
  32. ^ Dai 2009, pp. 17–18.
  33. ^ Dai 2009, p. 18.
  34. ^ Zarrow 2004a, passim.
  35. ^ Struve 1988, p. 641.
  36. ^ Struve 1988, p. 642.
  37. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 346; Struve 1988, p. 644.
  38. ^ Dorgon's brother Dodo, who led the Qing army, received "the imperial command to conduct a southern expedition" (nan zheng 南征) on 1 April of that year (Wakeman 1985, p. 521). He set out from Xi'an on that very day (Struve 1988, p. 657). For examples of the factional struggles that weakened the Hongguang court, see Wakeman 1985, pp. 523–43.
  39. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 522.
  40. ^ Struve 1988, p. 657.
  41. ^ Struve 1988, p. 657 (20 May, cannon fire, purpose of massacre); Finnane 1993, p. 131 ("brutal slaughter").
  42. ^ a b Struve 1988, p. 658.
  43. ^ Struve 1988, p. 660.
  44. ^ Struve 1988, p. 660 (capture of Suzhou and Hangzhou by early July 1645; new frontier); Wakeman 1985, p. 580 (capture of the emperor around 17 June, and later death in Beijing).
  45. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 647; Struve 1988, p. 662. The citation is from Dennerline 2003, p. 87.
  46. ^ Kuhn 1990, p. 12.
  47. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 647 ("From the Manchus' perspective, the command to cut one's hair or lose one's head not only brought rulers and subjects together into a single physical resemblance; it also provided them with a perfect loyalty test").
  48. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 648–49 (officials and literati) and 650 (common men). In the Classic of Filial Piety, Confucius is cited to say that "a person's body and hair, being gifts from one's parents, are not to be damaged: this is the beginning of filial piety" (original: 身體髮膚，受之父母，不敢毀傷，孝之始也). Prior to the Qing dynasty, adult Han Chinese men customarily did not cut their hair, but instead, wore it in the form of a top-knot.
  49. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 662–63 (for the citation); Wakeman 1975, p. 56 ("the hair-cutting order, more than any other act, engendered the Kiangnan [Jiangnan] resistance of 1645"); Wakeman 1985, p. 650 ("the rulers' effort to make Manchus and Han one unified 'body' initially had the effect of unifying upper- and lower-class natives in central and south China against the interlopers").
  50. ^ Wakeman 1975, p. 78.
  51. ^ Wakeman 1975, p. 83.
  52. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 660 (date of the fall of Hangzhou) and 665 (9th-generation descendant, escape route to Fujian).
  53. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 666–67.
  54. ^ Struve 1988, p. 667.
  55. ^ Struve 1988, p. 667.
  56. ^ Struve 1988, p. 667.
  57. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 667–69 (for their failure to cooperate), 669-74 (for the deep financial and tactical problems that beset both regimes).
  58. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 670 (seizing land west of the Qiantang River) and 673 (defeating Longwu forces in Jiangxi).
  59. ^ Struve 1988, p. 674.
  60. ^ Struve 1988, p. 675.
  61. ^ Struve 1988, p. 675.
  62. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 675–76.
  63. ^ Struve 1988, p. 676.
  64. ^ Struve 1988, p. 676.
  65. ^ a b c Wakeman 1985, p. 737.
  66. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 738.
  67. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 760–61 (Ming resistance in late 1647) and 765 (Li Chengdong's mutiny).
  68. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 766.
  69. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 767.
  70. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 767–68.
  71. ^ In 1951 Italian scholar Luciano Petech was the first to hypothesize that these emissaries actually came from Turfan, not from the Moghul India (Petech 1951, pp. 124–27, cited in Lach & van Kley 1994, plate 315). Kim 2008, p. 109 discusses this Turfan embassy in some detail.
  72. ^ Kim 2008, p. 109.
  73. ^ Kim 2008, p. 109 ("without solicitation"; location of trade); Rossabi 1979, p. 190 (within the constraints of the old tributary system).
  74. ^ a b c Rossabi 1979, p. 191.
  75. ^ a b Larsen & Numata 1943, p. 572.
  76. ^ a b Rossabi 1979, p. 192.
  77. ^ Kim 2008, p. 111.
  78. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 47 ("intense factional rivalry," "among the fiercest and most complex of the early Ch'ing"); Wakeman 1985, pp. 892–93 (date and cause of Dorgon's death) and 907 (second "great wave of Qing institutional reform" from 1652 to 1655).
  79. ^ Oxnam 1975, pp. 47–48.
  80. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 47.
  81. ^ a b c d Oxnam 1975, p. 48.
  82. ^ Elliott 2001, p. 79 (Manchu name; "personal property of the emperor"); Oxnam 1975, p. 48 (timing and purpose of Jirgalang's move).
  83. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 49.
  84. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 931 ("Thirteen Offices"; Rawski 1998, p. 163 ("Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus," supervised by Manchus).
  85. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 113; Oxnam 1975, pp. 52–53.
  86. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 931 (composed edicts); Oxnam 1975, p. 52.
  87. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 52 (isolated emperor from his officials); Kessler 1976, p. 27.
  88. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 1016; Kessler 1976, p. 27; Oxnam 1975, p. 54.
  89. ^ Oxnam 1975, pp. 52–53.
  90. ^ Kessler 1976, p. 27; Rawski 1998, p. 163 (specific date).
  91. ^ Gong 2010, p. 295 gives the date as 30 November 1657.
  92. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 1004, note 38.
  93. ^ Ho 1962, pp. 191–92.
  94. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 1004–5.
  95. ^ a b c Wills 1984, p. 40.
  96. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 250 (unification or religious and secular rule).
  97. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 251 (beginning of Qing patronage of Tibetan Buddhism).
  98. ^ Zarrow 2004b, p. 187, note 5 (political reasons for inviting the Dalai Lama).
  99. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 929, note 81 (site of Qionghua Island and Qubilai's former palace); Naquin 2000, p. 309 (preparation for Lama's visit, "bell-shaped" temple).
  100. ^ Western historians do not seem to agree on the date of the Dalai Lama's visit: see Wakeman 1985, p. 929, note 81 ("1651"); Crossley 1999, p. 239 ("1651"); Naquin 2000, pp. 311 and 473 ("1652"); Benard 2004, p. 134, note 23 ("1652"); Zarrow 2004b, p. 187, note 5 ("between 1652 and 1653"); Rawski 1998, p. 252 ("1653"). The Qing Veritable Records (Shilu 實錄) cited on p. 476 of Li 2003, however, clearly indicate that the Dalai Lama arrived in Beijing on 14 January 1653 (on the 15th day of the last month of the 9th year of Shunzhi) and left the capital sometime in the second month of the 10th year of Shunzhi (March 1653).
  101. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 473; Chayet 2004, p. 40 (date of the beginning of the construction of the Potala).
  102. ^ a b Gates & Fang 1943, p. 300.
  103. ^ Wu 1979, p. 36.
  104. ^ Wu 1979, pp. 15–16.
  105. ^ Wu 1979, p. 16.
  106. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 54; Wakeman 1985, p. 858, note 24.
  107. ^ Spence 1969, p. 19; Wakeman 1985, p. 929, note 82.
  108. ^ Spence 1969, p. 19.
  109. ^ Spence 1969, p. 19 (list of privileges); Fang 1943, p. 258 (date of conversion to Buddhism).
  110. ^ a b Zhou 2009, pp. 12.
  111. ^ Wakeman 1984, p. 631, note 2.
  112. ^ a b c Dennerline 2002, p. 118.
  113. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 205.
  114. ^ Spence 2002, p. 125. Note that Xuanye was born in May 1654, and was therefore less than seven years old. Both Spence 2002 and Oxnam 1975 (p. 1) nonetheless claim that he was "seven years old." Dennerline 2002 (p. 119) and Rawski 1998 (p. 99) indicate that he was "not yet seven years old." In Chinese documents concerning the succession, Xuanye was said to be eight sui (Oxnam 1975, p. 62).
  115. ^ Perdue 2005, p. 47 ("Seventy to 80 percent of those infected died"); Chang 2002, p. 196 (most feared disease among the Manchus).
  116. ^ Chang 2002, p. 180.
  117. ^ Chang 2002, p. 181.
  118. ^ Chang 2002, p. 181.
  119. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 311 (Southern Park used as hunting ground); Chang 2002, pp. 181 (number of outbreaks) and 192 (Dorgon building a bidousuo in the Southern Park).
  120. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 296 (on rule forcing Chinese residents to move out).
  121. ^ Oxnam 1975, pp. 48 (on the four men helping Jirgalang), 50 (date of promulgation of the edict of succession), and 62 (on appointment of the four regents); Kessler 1976, p. 21 (on helping to get rid of Dorgon's faction in the early 1650s).
  122. ^ Historians agree that the Shunzhi will was either deeply modified or forged altogether. See for instance Oxnam 1975, pp. 62–63 and 205-7; Kessler 1976, p. 20; Wakeman 1985, p. 1015; Dennerline 2002, p. 119; and Spence 2002, p. 126.
  123. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 52.
  124. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 51 (on proclamations in which the emperor "publicly degraded himself") and 52 (on the centrality of these policies to Shunzhi's rule).
  125. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 63.
  126. ^ Spence 2002, p. 125.
  127. ^ Fang 1943, p. 258 (emperor became a devout Buddhist in 1657); Dennerline 2002, p. 118 (emperor had become devoted to Buddhism "by 1659"; monks living in the palace).
  128. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 205 (for monk's diary, citing an older study by Chinese historian Meng Sen 孟森); Spence 2002, p. 125 (on the two suicides).
  129. ^ Standaert 2008, pp. 73–74.
  130. ^ Standaert 2008, p. 75.
  131. ^ Elliott 2001, p. 477, note 122 (citing several studies and primary documents). By contrast, Hong Taiji and two of Shunzhi's empresses had been cremated (Elliott 2001, p. 264).
  132. ^ a b Fang 1943, p. 258.
  133. ^ See table in Rawski 1998, p. 141.
  134. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 129.
  135. ^ See table in Rawski 1998, p. 142.
  136. ^ See table in Rawski 1998, p. 112.
  137. ^ Date of birth: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, p. 127, Shunzhi 8.11.乙亥 (1st). Date of death: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, p. 128, Shunzhi 9.1.壬寅 (30th).
  138. ^ The mother is named in Qingshi gao, ch. 219, p. 9052.
  139. ^ Date of birth: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, p. 135, Shunzhi 10.7.庚戌 (17th). Date of death: Qingshi gao, ch. 8, p. 263, Kangxi 42.6.壬寅 (28th).
  140. ^ Li 2003, pp. 594–95.
  141. ^ Birth: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, p. 150, Shunzhi 14.11.壬寅 (4th). Death: Qingshi gao, ch. 8, p. 263, Kangxi 42.6.辛巳 (7th).
  142. ^ Qingshigao, ch. 219, p. 9052.
  143. ^ Qingshi gao, ch. 6, p. 180, Kangxi 10.1.癸酉 (21st), i.e., 1 March 1671.
  144. ^ Birth: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, p. 156, Shunzhi 16.11.戊寅 (21st). Death: Qingshi gao, ch. 214, p. 8910.
  145. ^ Qingshi gao, ch. 219, p. 9052.
  146. ^ Birth: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, pp. 158-59, Shunzhi 17.4.丙午 (22nd). Death: Qingshi gao, ch. 6, p. 200, Kangxi 18.7.丁未 (15th).
  147. ^ Fang 1943, p. 258.
  148. ^ Birth: Qingshi gao, ch. 5, p. 161, Shunzhi 17.12.甲辰 (23rd). Death: Qingshi gao, ch. 214, p. 8910.
  149. ^ Qingshi gao, ch. 219, p. 9052.
  150. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 148.

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Shunzhi Emperor
Born: 15 March 1638 Died: 5 February 1661
Regnal titles
Preceded by Emperor of Qing dynasty
1643–1661 		Succeeded by
Preceded by Emperor of China
1644–1661

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