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After the violence in 2002 the Indian parliament introduced the Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill in 2005. The bill was heavily criticised by human rights groups and lawyers.<ref name="TNN" /> A direct result of this violence has been a massive decrease in [[Dalits]] converting to Islam.<ref name="Sikand" /> Anti-Muslim violence creates a security risk for Hindus residing outside of India. Since the 1950s there have been retaliatory attacks on Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh in response to anti-Muslim violence, after the 1992 violence Hindu temples were attacked in Britain, Dubai and Thailand.<ref name="Wilkinson" /> This recurring violence has become a rigidly conventional pattern which has created a divide between the Muslim and Hindu communities.<ref name="Shani" /> [[Jamaat-e-Islami Hind]] has spoken out against these communal clashes, as it believes that the violence not only impacts upon Muslims but on India as a whole and that these riots are damaging to progress.<ref name="Sikand2" /> In Gujarat the [[Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act]](TADA) was used in incidents pertaining to communal violence in 1992 and 1993, the majority of those arrested under the act were Muslim, conversely TADA was not used after the violence carried out against Muslims during the [[Bombay riots]].<ref name="Singh2" />
After the violence in 2002 the Indian parliament introduced the Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill in 2005. The bill was heavily criticised by human rights groups and lawyers.<ref name="TNN" /> A direct result of this violence has been a massive decrease in [[Dalits]] converting to Islam.<ref name="Sikand" /> Anti-Muslim violence creates a security risk for Hindus residing outside of India. Since the 1950s there have been retaliatory attacks on Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh in response to anti-Muslim violence, after the 1992 violence Hindu temples were attacked in Britain, Dubai and Thailand.<ref name="Wilkinson" /> This recurring violence has become a rigidly conventional pattern which has created a divide between the Muslim and Hindu communities.<ref name="Shani" /> [[Jamaat-e-Islami Hind]] has spoken out against these communal clashes, as it believes that the violence not only impacts upon Muslims but on India as a whole and that these riots are damaging to progress.<ref name="Sikand2" /> In Gujarat the [[Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act]](TADA) was used in incidents pertaining to communal violence in 1992 and 1993, the majority of those arrested under the act were Muslim, conversely TADA was not used after the violence carried out against Muslims during the [[Bombay riots]].<ref name="Singh2" />


The BJP as well as other politicians argue that demographics play an essential role in Indian elections. The BJP believe that the higher the number of Muslims within a constituency then, the higher are the chances of parties from the center to agree with minority groups requests, which lowers the chances of Muslims "building bridges" with their Hindu neighbors, as such according to this argument "Muslim appeasement" is the root cause of communal violence.<ref name="Varshney 2003" /> Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph argue that economic disparity is a reason for the aggression shown towards Muslims by Hindus. As India's economy expanded due to globalization and investment from overseas companies the expectations of the Hindu population were not matched by opportunities. Hindu nationalists then encouraged this perception which leads the Hindus to view Muslims as the source of their troubles.<ref name="Price 2012 p95" />
The BJP as well as other politicians argue that demographics play an essential role in Indian elections. The BJP believe that the higher the number of Muslims within a constituency then, the higher are the chances of parties from the center to agree with minority groups requests, which lowers the chances of Muslims "building bridges" with their Hindu neighbors, as such according to this argument "Muslim appeasement" is the root cause of communal violence.<ref name="Varshney 2003" /> Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph argue that economic disparity is a reason for the aggression shown towards Muslims by Hindus. As India's economy expanded due to globalization and investment from overseas companies the expectations of the Hindu population were not matched by opportunities. Hindu nationalists then encouraged this perception which leads the Hindus to view Muslims as the source of their troubles.<ref name="Price 2012 p95" /> Elaisha Nandrajog argues that the violence in Gujarat in 2002 was inevitable as the state government had replaced history and political science textbooks with material written by the RSS. And that this "communal indoctrination" over twenty years had made young people willing subjects of the state.<ref name="Nandrajog 2010" />


==Incidents==
==Incidents==

Revision as of 10:33, 17 July 2013

Template:Violence against Muslims Violence against Muslims in India has occurred periodically since partition[1][2] frequently in the form of mob attacks on Muslims by Hindus. These attacks, known as 'communal riots'[3] in India, usually occur in the northern and western states of India, whereas few such incidents happen in the South where communalist sentiment is less pronounced.[4] Among the largest incidents were Nellie in 1983[5] and Bihar in 1946[6] and Gujarat in 2002[7]. The roots of this violence lie in India's history, from lingering resentment toward the Islamic domination of India during the Middle Ages, from policies followed by the British colonizers of India, and from the violent partition of India into an Islamic Pakistan and a secular India with a large but minority Muslim population.[8] Inside India, these attacks are categorised as riots, but numerous scholarly observers posit that this violence is often organised and political in nature and some scholars have characterized the attacks as pogroms[9] or acts of genocide[10][11] against the minority Muslim population.[12] Others argue that although Muslims face discrimination and violence some have been highly successful[13], that the violence is not as widespread as it appears but is restricted to certain urban areas because of local socio-political conditions, and that there are many cities where Muslims and Hindus live peacefully together with almost no incidences of sectarian violence.[14]

According to political scientists, organizations with roots in Hindu nationalism have played a large part in these incidents of anti-Muslim violence, and in generating anti-Muslim sentiment in India. In particular, organizations associated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal are all considered by scholars to have a central role in the violence. The BJP, and its predecessor the Jan Sangh, have used these communal riots and anti-Muslim propaganda as a part of a larger political strategy.

These incidents of violence against Muslims have marred India’s post independence history with a spill over effect on India’s cause in the Kashmir conflict.

Causes and effects

Violence against Muslims in independent India is located in India
Ahmedabad (1969)
Ahmedabad
(1969)
Bihar (1946)
Bihar
(1946)
Nellie (1983)
Nellie
(1983)
Bhagalpur (1989)
Bhagalpur
(1989)
Ayodhya (1992)
Ayodhya
(1992)
Moradabad (1980)
Moradabad
(1980)
Mumbai (1992)
Mumbai
(1992)
Gujarat (2002)
Gujarat
(2002)
Bhiwandi (1984)
Bhiwandi
(1984)
Meerut (1982,1987)
Meerut
(1982,1987)
class=notpageimage|
Location of incidents. City name with year

These incidents have been described by Gyanendra Pandey as a new form of State Terrorism, and that these are not riots but "organized political massacres".[15] In 1989 there were incidents of mass violence throughout the north of India.[16] According to Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah the violence in Bhagalpur in 1989, Hashimpura in 1987 and in Moradabad 1980 were organised killings.[17] Praveen Swami believes these periodic acts of violence have "scarred India's post independence history" and have also hindered India's cause in Jammu and Kashmir.[18]

According to research by political scientist Paul Brass, though these acts of violence are usually referred to as riots they habitually become massacres of Muslims and pogroms with relatively few Hindus being killed.[19] Brass argues that in affected areas there are "“institutionalized riot systems,” in which the organizations of militant Hindu nationalism are deeply implicated."[20] His research also shows that those organizations that are a part of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal all have a central role in the violence.[21] When it was founded in 1925 the RSS saw itself as having the role of protecting Hindus against Muslims, and since its first involvement in Hindu/Muslim confrontations in the 1927 Nagpur riots,[22][23] it has formed militant groups who engage in attacks on minority groups throughout India.[24]

Brass has given an example of police actions in Uttar Pradesh where he says that the state itself is not institutionalised as anti-Muslim, nor are the police. Their actions or inactions depend on who is in power at the time, and that though some officers will act according to their beliefs their actions are constrained by those with political power.[25] Christophe Jaffrelot has said that some of these incidents are a result of an electoral strategy by the BJP.[26] According to research by Raheel Dhattiwala and Michael Biggs killings are far higher in areas where the BJP face stiff electoral opposition than in areas in which they are already strong.[27] In 1989 the North of India saw an increase in orchestrated attacks on muslims and the BJP had further success in the local and state elections.[28] Gyan Prakash has cautioned that the BJP actions in Gujarat does not equate to the entirety of India and it remains to be seen if the Hindutva movement are successful in deployment of this strategy nationwide.[29] Ram Puniyani says that those who carry out these attacks are portrayed as "heroes" who have defended the majority from "anti-nationals". He also says that Thackery and Shiv Sena were victorious in the elections due to the violence in the 1990s, as was Modi after the 2002 violence.[30] One reason given for anti-Muslim violence is the ill will which is still prevalent after the violence during partition. Muslims are viewed as suspect and their loyalty to the state is questioned. This tension will at times explode into mass violence against the Muslim population.[31] According to Omar Khalidi

Anti-Muslim violence is planned and executed to render muslims economically and socially crippled and, as a final outcome of that economic and social backwardness, assimilating them into lower rungs of Hindu society.[32]

Cultural nationalism has also been given as a reason for instances of violence carried out by Shiv Sena, a fascist political party. They initially claimed to speak for the people of Maharashtra but their rhetoric quickly turned to inciting violence against Muslims. They were complicit in the violence in 1984 in the town of Bhiwandi and again in the violence in Bombay in 1992 and 1993.[16] In both of these instances Sena had help from the police and local officials. Violence has been incited by Sena in 1971 and 1986,[33][34] and in Bhiwandi in 1984[35] According to Sudipta Kaviraj the VHP are still engaged in the religious conflicts which began in medieval times.[36] Another reason given for these outbreaks of violence is the upward mobility of the lower castes caused by the expansion of the economy. The violence has become a substitute for class tensions and nationalists, rather than deal with the claims from the lower class instead Muslims and Christians as they were not "fully Indian" due to their religion.[9] Hindu nationalists also use the subjugation of India by Muslims as an excuse for violence. Their narrative is that these conquerors had raped Hindu women and destroyed places of worship. That since partition the Muslims are allied to Pakistan and possible terrorists and that the Hindus must take revenge for these past wrongs and reassert their pride.[37] The higher fertility rate among Muslims has been a recurring theme in the Hindu rights rhetoric. They claim that the higher birth rate amongst Muslims is part of a plan to turn the Hindus into a minority within their own country.[38] Jaffrelot has said that Modi in his election campaign following the violence in 2002 in Gujarat referred to the higher birth rate of Muslims which is "something Hindus fear".[39]

Dead and wounded after the 'Direct Action Day' which developed into pitched battles as Muslim and Hindu mobs rioted across Calcutta in 1946, the year before independence

After the violence in 2002 the Indian parliament introduced the Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill in 2005. The bill was heavily criticised by human rights groups and lawyers.[40] A direct result of this violence has been a massive decrease in Dalits converting to Islam.[11] Anti-Muslim violence creates a security risk for Hindus residing outside of India. Since the 1950s there have been retaliatory attacks on Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh in response to anti-Muslim violence, after the 1992 violence Hindu temples were attacked in Britain, Dubai and Thailand.[41] This recurring violence has become a rigidly conventional pattern which has created a divide between the Muslim and Hindu communities.[42] Jamaat-e-Islami Hind has spoken out against these communal clashes, as it believes that the violence not only impacts upon Muslims but on India as a whole and that these riots are damaging to progress.[43] In Gujarat the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act(TADA) was used in incidents pertaining to communal violence in 1992 and 1993, the majority of those arrested under the act were Muslim, conversely TADA was not used after the violence carried out against Muslims during the Bombay riots.[44]

The BJP as well as other politicians argue that demographics play an essential role in Indian elections. The BJP believe that the higher the number of Muslims within a constituency then, the higher are the chances of parties from the center to agree with minority groups requests, which lowers the chances of Muslims "building bridges" with their Hindu neighbors, as such according to this argument "Muslim appeasement" is the root cause of communal violence.[45] Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph argue that economic disparity is a reason for the aggression shown towards Muslims by Hindus. As India's economy expanded due to globalization and investment from overseas companies the expectations of the Hindu population were not matched by opportunities. Hindu nationalists then encouraged this perception which leads the Hindus to view Muslims as the source of their troubles.[46] Elaisha Nandrajog argues that the violence in Gujarat in 2002 was inevitable as the state government had replaced history and political science textbooks with material written by the RSS. And that this "communal indoctrination" over twenty years had made young people willing subjects of the state.[47]

Incidents

In October 1946 in Bihar between seven and eight thousand people were killed in an anti-Muslim riot, the Hindu premier refused to give the order to allow British troops to fire on the rioters, no enquiry was held and he ignored the complicity of members of Congress who took part in the violence.[48][49][50] This rioting was caused in retaliation to reports of atrocities carried out against Hindus in Noakhali which in turn had been caused by reports of the atrocities which occoured as a result of Direct Action Day in Calcutta.[51] The Nellie massacre has been described as one the largest and most severe pogroms since WW2 with an estimated death toll of 5000, with the majority of those killed being women and children as a result of actions undertaken by the Assam Movement.[52][53] One reason cited for this incident is that it resulted from a build up of resentment over immigration.[54] The Assam movement insisted on the striking of the names of illegal immigrants from the electoral register and the deportation of all illegals from the state. There was widespread support for the movement although this support tapered off between 1981 and 1982. The movement insisted that anyone who had entered the state illegally since 1951 be deported, the central government however insisted on a cutoff date of 1971. Towards the end of 1982 the central government called elections and the movement called for people to boycott it, which lead to widespread violence.[55] Since the incident no investigation has ever been launched.[56] In 1969 in Ahmedabad it is estimated that 630 people lost their lives.[57]

In 1980 in Moradabad it is estimated that up to 2500 people were killed, the official estimate is 400 and other observers estimate between 1500 and 2000. Local police were directly implicated in planning the violence.[58] In 1989 in Bhagalpur it is estimated nearly one thousand people lost their lives in violent attacks.[57] It is believed that this was a result of tensions raised over the Ayodhya dispute and the processions carried out by VHP activists which were to be a show of strength and to serve as a warning to the minority communities.[59]

The destruction of the Babri Mosque by nationalists lead directly to the violence in 1992 in Bombay.[9] BBC correspondent Toral Varia called the riots "a pre-planned pogrom", that had been in the making since 1990 and stated that the destruction of the mosque was "the final provocation".[60] Famed Indian author Arundhati Roy also published the essay "Fascism's Firm Footprint in India" in The Nation arguing that the attack had been a "meticulously planned pogrom".[61] Several scholars have likewise concluded that the riots must have been pre-planned, and that Hindu rioters had been given access to information about the locations of Muslim homes and businesses from non-public sources.[62] This violence is widely reported as having been orchestrated by Shiv Sena a nationalist group led by Bal Thackeray.[63]

The skyline of Ahmedabad filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs
.

Since partition there have been several acts of mass violence carried out against Muslims in Gujarat.[12] In 2002 in an incident described as an act of "fascistic state terror"[64] Hindu extremists carried out acts of extreme violence against the Muslim minority population. The starting point for the incident was the attack on a train which was blamed on Muslims.[65] During the incident young girls were sexually assaulted, burned or hacked to death.[66] These rapes were condoned by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP)[67][68] whose refusal to intervene lead to 200000 displaced.[42] Death toll figures range from the official estimate of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus killed to 2000 Muslims killed.[69] Chief Minister Narendra Modi has also been accused of initiating and condoning the violence as have the police and government officials who took part as they directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim owned properties to the extremists.[70] Mallika Sarabhai who had complained over state complicity in the violence was harassed intimidated and falsely accused of human trafficking by the BJP.[71] Three police officers were given punitive transfers by the BJP after they had successfully put down the rioting in their wards so as not to interfere further in preventing the violence.[72] According to Brass the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical pogrom which was carried out with exceptional brutality and was highly coordinated.[1] In February 2002 Tehelka released The Truth: Gujarat 2002 which implicated the state government in the violence and that what had been called a spontaneous act of revenge was in reality a state sanctioned pogrom.[73] According to Human Rights Watch the violence in Gujarat in 2002 was preplanned and the police and state government participated in the violence.[74] In 2012 Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court. The Muslim community are reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief" and Teesta Setalvad of the NGO, Citizen for Peace and Justice has said the legal fight was not yet over as they had the right to appeal.[75] Human rights watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence.[76]

Depictions

The film Parzania which is based on the Gulbarg Society massacre which occurred during the 2002 violence was boycotted by cinemas in Gujarat over fear of sparking another riot. The film documents atrocities such as families being burned alive in their homes by Hindu extremists. Women being set on fire after being gang-raped, and children being hacked to pieces.[77]

Final Solution by Rakesh Sharma is considered one of the better documentaries which cover the violence in Gujarat in 2002.[78] The Central Board of Film Certification had tried to ban the film but in 2004, chairman Anupam Kher granted a certificate which allowed an uncut version to be screened.[79]

References

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  3. ^ The term "communalist riot" covers not just violence by Hindus against Muslims but all sectarian violence in South Asia, such as inter-group violence between Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and Christians
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  64. ^ Singh, Sujala (2009). Elleke Boehmer, Stephen Morton (ed.). Terror and the Postcolonial: A Concise Companion. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 248. ISBN 978-1405191548. one of the most horrific instances of fascistic state terror took place in Gujarat in 2002
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  72. ^ Eckhert, Julia (25). Austin Sarat, Christian Boulanger (ed.). The Cultural Lives of Capital Punishment: Comparative Perspectives. Stanford University Press. p. 215. ISBN 978-0804752343. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
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  74. ^ Narula, Smita (1 May, 2002). "India: Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence". Human Rights Watch. not a spontaneous uprising, it was a carefully orchestrated attack against Muslims. The attacks were planned in advance and organised with extensive participation of the police and state government officials {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  75. ^ Krishnan, Murali; Shamil Shams (11 March 2012). "Modi's clearance in the Gujarat riots case angers Indian Muslims". Deutsche Welle.
  76. ^ Watch, H R. (2003). "Compounding Injustice: The Government's Failure to Redress Massacres in Gujarat". Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme. p. 57.
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