Anti-Albanian sentiment

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Anti-Albanian sentiment or Albanophobia is discrimination or prejudice towards Albanians as an ethnic group, described in countries with large Albanian population as immigrants, especially Greece and Italy though in Greece the sentiment has existed mainly in the post-communist Albania era where many criminals escaped to Greece.[1][2][3]

A similar term used with the same denotation is anti-albanianism[4] used in many sources similarly with albanophobia, although its similarities and/or differences are not defined.

Its opposite is Albanophilia.

History and origin[edit]

Albanophobia till 19th century[edit]

After the death of Skanderbeg in 1468, the organized Albanian resistance against the Ottomans came to an end. Like much of the Balkans, Albania became subject to the invading Turks. Many of its people under the rule of Luca Baffa and Marco Becci fled to the neighboring countries and settled in a few villages in Calabria. From the time of Skanderbeg's death until 1480 there were constant migrations of Albanians to the Italian coast. Throughout the 16th century, these migrations continued and other Albanian villages were formed on Italian soil.[5] The new immigrants often took up work as mercenaries hired by the Italian armies.

Albanians fleeing from Turkish Persecution to Italy

The years and richest migration date back to between 1468 and 1506, when the Venetians, the Albanians, had heard Mehmed II's insatiable languishing after more domination. More and more Albanian cities and fortresses belong to Ottoman rule. The representation was rejected and slaughtered. Many Albanians who foresaw the entire occupation of their homeland and the revenge of the Ottomans, the example of those Albanians who had already settled in southern Italy. From the ports of Ragusa, Skutari and Lezha she heard her home on Venetian, Neapolitan and Albanian ships.

Pope Paul II wrote to the Duke of Burgundy: “The cities [of Albania], which were wider up to this day the rage of the Turks, have come under their control from now on. All the peoples who inhabit the shores of the Adriatic Sea tremble at the threat they face. Everywhere you see horror, grief, captivity and death. It is not without tears that you can see the ships that flee from the Albanian leadership themselves in the ports of Italy, those bare miserable families who stretch out their hands to the sky from their own contents of the sea and hear the air with lamentations in an unintelligible language . " Many of the Albanians who fled to Italy, those of the local feudal lords in the populated areas and civil rights. You need to feel settled in Genazzano to feel settled in Genazzano. Others in the Marche, a country where they are listed in Urbino and other places in central Italy; of these, all memories are quickly lost.

Albanophobia in the 19th century[edit]

Realising the seriousness of the situation and the danger of a general uprising, Reşid Mehmed Pasha invited the Albanian beys to a meeting on the pretext that they would be rewarded for their loyalty to the Porte.[6] Two of the main leaders, Veli and Arslan Bey, accepted the invitation and went together with their followers to meet with Reşid Mehmed Pasha at his headquarters in Monastir. On their arrival there, the Turkish commander led them into an enclosed field when they saw Turkish forces aligned in ceremonial salute parade. In fact, this was an ambush, and upon a sign from the pasha, the soldiers opened fire on the surprised Albanian beys and their personal guards. All the Albanians who had entered the field, some four to five hundred, were killed, while Arslan tried in vain to escape. He was killed by Ottoman forces after a short pursuit.[7]

In 1889, Spiridon Gopčević published an ethnographic study titled Old Serbia and Macedonia that was a Serbian nationalist book on Kosovo and Macedonia and contained a pro-Serbian ethnographic map of Macedonia.[8][9] Gopčević's biographer argues that he did not actually go to Kosovo and the study is not based on authentic experiences.[9] Within scholarship Gopčević's study has been noted for its plagiarisms, manipulations and misrepresentations, especially overstressing the Serbian character of Macedonia.[9][10] Gopčević's views on Serbian and Albanian populations in Kosovo and also the issue of the Arnautaš theory or Albanians of alleged Serbian (descent) have only been partially examined by some authors.[9] Noted for being an ardent Serbian nationalist, his book Old Serbia and Macedonia is seen as a work that opened the path for unprecedented Serbian territorial claims in the region.[10] Cyprien Robert does the same in The Slavs of Turkey. Stuttgart 1844. “ and Dr. Friedrich Ludwig Lindner in the painting of European Turkey. A contribution to regional and ethnology. Weimar 1813. “.

The Expulsion of the Albanians was a lecture presented by the Yugoslav historian Vaso Čubrilović (1897–1990) on 7 March 1937.[11] The text elaborates on the ethnic composition dynamics of Kosovo and other Albanian populated areas within Yugoslavia from medieval times to present. While explaining why any previous methods put in place by the Yugoslav authorities to overturn the ethnic majority of the Albanians in those areas, such as slow colonization or agrarian reforms, had failed so far, it suggested in details a radical solution, the mass expulsion of Albanians. The expulsion was seen by Čubrilović as a geopolitical measure, as to prevent potential Albanian irredentism.

20th century[edit]

A series of massacres of Albanians in the Balkan Wars were committed by the Montenegrin Army, Serbian Army and paramilitaries, according to international reports.[12][13] During the First Balkan War of 1912–13, Serbia and Montenegro during the war with the Ottoman forces (many Albanians were among the Ottoman forces) and after expelling the official Ottoman Empire's forces in present-day Albania and Kosovo - committed numerous war crimes against the Albanian population, which were reported by the European, American and Serbian opposition press.[14] Most of the crimes happened between October 1912 and summer of 1913. The goal of the forced expulsions and massacres of ethnic Albanians was a statistic manipulation before the London Ambassadors Conference which was to decide on the new Balkan borders.[14][15][16] According to contemporary accounts, between 20,000 and 25,000 Albanians were killed or died because of hunger and cold during that period.[14][16][17] Most of the victims were children, women and old people and were part of an warfare of extermination.[18] Aside from massacres, civilians had their lips and noses severed.[19]

Albanophobia in the literature[edit]

Karl May represents the Albanian stereotype in some of his works. Especially in the novel "Through the Land of Shippers", published in 1892. In a criticism of this novel, Michael Schmitt-Some cited these stereotypes in 1995, the reasons for their origin and their later use.

Collective characteristics of the Albanians: positive (will to independence, powerful demeanor, seriousness, complexity towards the enemy); negative (inhospitable, relentless, cold, hate, revenge, anger, mutual suspicion, isolation, fragmentation, rejection of state authority, rejection of common law, right of the stronger)

Origins and forms[edit]

The term "Albanophobia" was coined by Anna Triandafyllidou on a report analysis called Racism and Cultural Diversity in the Mass Media published in 2002.[1] Although, the first recorded usage of the term comes from 1982 in The South Slav journal, Volume 8 by Albanian author Arshi Pipa.[20] The report by Triandafyllidou represented Albanian migrants in Greece[21] and was followed by other researchers like Karyotis in Greece and Mai in Italy. The hyphenated form "Albano-phobia" is used on some references (including Triandafyllidou), apparently with the same meaning.

Albanian stereotypes that formed amid the creation of an independent Albanian state, and stereotypes that formed as a result of massive immigrations from Albania and Kosovo during the 1980s and '90s, although they may differ from each other, are still both considered Albanophobic and anti-Albanian by many authors such as Triandafyllidou, Banac, Karyotis.[citation needed]

Albanophobia signifies a wider range of concepts that could be roughly grouped in two main categories:[citation needed]

  • Albanophobia as xenophobic - referring to stereotypes in countries with a considerable number of Albanian immigrants like Greece, Italy, Switzerland, Germany, France and United States.
  • Albanophobia as nationalistic - referring to stereotypes in countries with active disputes with Albanian ethnicity in the region, most commonly ex-Yugoslav countries (Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro). The second is more likely to be associated with the term anti-albanianism.[citation needed]


The stereotype by some in Greece of Albanians as criminal and degenerate in Greece has been subject of a 2001 study by the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHFHR) and by the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC).[22][23] It is considered that prejudices and mistreatment of Albanians to be still present in Greece.[22] According to a 2002 statement of the IHFUR, the Albanians are the most likely ethnic group in Greece to be killed by Greek law enforcement officials.[22] In addition, the EUMC singles out ethnic Albanians as principal targets of racism. Furthermore, the EUMC found that undocumented Albanian migrants "experience serious discrimination in employment, particularly with respect to the payment of wages and social security contributions".[22][23] Albanians are often pejoratively named and or called by Greeks as "Turks", represented in the expression "Turkalvanoi".[24][25] Albanians in Greece are also classified in terms as "savage", while the Greeks view themselves as "civilised".[26]

Prejudicial representations of Albanians and Albanian criminality (see Albanian mafia) by the Greek media is largely responsible for the social construction of negative stereotypes, in contrast to the commonly held belief that Greek society is neither xenophobic nor racist.[27]

In March 2010, during an official military parade in Athens, Greek soldiers chanted "They are Skopians, they are Albanians, they are Turks we will make new clothes out of their skins". The Civil Protection Ministry of Greece reacted to this by suspending the coast guard officer who was in charge of the parade unit, and pledged to take tough action against the unit's members.[28]


Albanophobia in Italy is primarily related to the Albanian immigrants mainly young adults who are stereotypically seen as criminals, drug dealers and rapists.[29][30] Italian media provide a lot of space and attention to crimes committed by ethnic Albanians, even those just presumed.[31]


Not infrequently, the Albanian diaspora in Switzerland is affected by xenophobia and racism. Many integration difficulties and criminal offenses of some criminal Albanians has caused many Swiss to be prejudiced against Albanians, which has led to fear, hatred and insecurity.[32]

Political parties that publicly oppose excessive immigration and the conservatism of traditional Swiss culture - in particular the Swiss People's Party (SVP) - strengthen this negative attitude among many party supporters.[33] These parties have already launched a number of popular initiatives, which were referred to by the Albanians as discriminatory.[34][35] In 1998, the Zurich SVP created an election poster with the words "Kosovo Albanians" and "No" in large letters when it came to financing an integration project for Albanians.[36] In 2009, the Swiss People's Initiative "Against the Construction of Minarets" was adopted by the Swiss people. Many Muslim Albanians were outraged by this result and expressed their rejection. In 2010, the so-called "expulsion initiative" followed, which was also adopted by the voters. According to the law, foreigners who have committed serious crimes should be expelled from the country. The initiative on foreigners crime should thus reduce the crime rate and make the naturalization of foreigners more difficult. The "Sheep's Poster" designed by the SVP attracted international attention and was again described by many immigrant organizations in Switzerland as discriminatory.[37]

Economic integration continues to present difficulties for Albanians in Switzerland. In October 2018, Kosovo's unemployment rate was 7.0% and in Macedonia population 5.3%, well above the figure for the rest of the permanent resident population. A study by the Federal Office for Migration justifies this with in part low vocational qualifications among the older generation and the reservations that Albanian youth are exposed to when entering the world of work. In the 1990s, many well-qualified Albanians, because of unrecognized diplomas, with jobs such. B. in construction or in the catering trade, in which the unemployment is generally higher. This also has implications for the social assistance rate, which is higher for ethnic Albanians, with significant differences depending on the country of origin. The most affected are people from Albania. In contrast, the number of students with Albanian descent is increasing today. In 2008, only 67 people were enrolled at Swiss universities, there are already 460 in 2017. Albanologists and migration researchers today assume that the integration and assimilation of Albanians is increasing, analogous to the development of Italians in Switzerland.

In its annual report, Amnesty International stated in 2010 that the "anti-minaret initiative" stigmatized Albanian Muslims in Switzerland and increased racism in Switzerland in general


By 1942, the city of Bar became a home of many Serbians and other refugees who were forced to flee from Kosovo and to escape the violence done by Albanian units. Many of these joined the Partisan forces and participated in their activities at Bar.[38]

The victims were Albanian recruits from Kosovo, who had been pressed by the Yugoslav Partisans into service. These men were then assembled in Prizren and marched on foot in three columns to Bar where they were supposed to receive short training and then sent off to the front.[38] The march took the rugged mountain ranges of Kosovo and Montenegro to reach its destination. Upon arrival locals reported that these men, who had marched a considerable distance, were "exhausted" and "distressed". The column of men which stretched a few kilometres were then gathered on the Barkso Polje. At one point, in Polje, one of the Albanians from the column attacked and killed one of the Yugoslav officers, Boža Dabanovića.[38] Very soon after that somebody from the column threw a smuggled bomb at the commander of the brigade.[38] This created a panic among the Partisans. The guards watching over the recruits then fired into the crowd killing many and prompting the survivors to flee into the surrounding mountains.[38] In another case, several hundred Albanians were herded into a tunnel, near Bar, which was subsequently sealed off so that all of those trapped within the tunnel were asphyxiated.[39]

Yugoslav sources put the number of victims at 400[38] while Albanian sources put the figure at 2,000 killed in Bar alone.[40] According to Croatian historian Ljubica Štefan, the Partisans killed 1,600 Albanians in Bar on 1 April after an incident at a fountain.[41] There are also accounts claiming that the victims included young boys.[42] Other sources cited that the killing started en route for no apparent reason and this was supported by the testimony of Zoi Themeli in his 1949 trial.[43] Themeli was a collaborator who worked as an important official of the Sigurimi, the Communist Albanian secret police.[44] After the massacre, the site was immediately covered in concrete by the Yugoslav communist regime and built an airport on top of the mass grave.[42]

North Macedonia[edit]

Ethnic tensions have simmered in North Macedonia since the end of an armed conflict in 2001, where the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army attacked the security forces of North Macedonia with the goal of securing greater rights and autonomy for the ethnic Albanian minority.

The Macedonian Academy for Science and Art was accused of Albanophobia in 2009 after it published its first encyclopedia in which was claimed that the Albanian endonym, Shqiptar, means "highlander" and is primarily used by other Balkan peoples to describe Albanians, if used in South Slavic languages the endonym is considered derogatory by the Albanian community. The encyclopaedia also claimed that the Albanians settled the region in the 16th century.[45][46][47] Distribution of the encyclopedia was ceased after a series of public protests.

On 12 April 2012, five ethnic Macedonian civilians were shot dead allegedly by ethnic Albanian in an attack known as the Železarsko lake killings. On 16 April 2012, in the wake of the attack, an anti-Albanian protest was held in Skopje by ethnic Macedonians in which the participants were recorded chanting "a good Shqiptar is a dead Shqiptar" and "gas chambers for Shqiptars".[48]

Anti-Albanian inscription written in Macedonian on a mosque, meaning "Death for Albanians"

On 1 March 2013 in Skopje, a mob of ethnic Macedonians protested against the decision to appoint Talat Xhaferi, an ethnic Albanian politician, as Minister of Defence[49] The protest turned violent when the mob started hurling stones and also attacking Albanian bystanders and police officers alike. The police reports 3 injured civilians, five injured police officers and much damage to private property. Although the city hospital reported treating five heavily injured Albanian men, two of which are on Intensive-care unit. During this protest part of the mob burned the Albanian flag.

On the 108th anniversary of the Congress of Manastir the museum of the Albanian alphabet in Bitola was vandalized, the windows and doors were broken. A poster with the words "Death to Albanians" and with the drawing of a lion cutting the heads of the Albanian double-headed eagle was placed on the front doors of the museum.[50] One week after this incident, on the day of the Albanian Declaration of Independence graffiti with the same messages, as those of the previous week, were placed on the directorate of Pelister National Park.[51]

Amongst the unemployed, Albanians are highly overrepresented. In public institutions as well as many private sectors they are underrepresented. They also face discrimination by public officials and employers.[52] According to the United States' Country Report on Human Rights 2012 for Macedonia "certain ministries declined to share information about ethnic makeup of employees". The same report also added: {{quotation|"...ethnic Albanians and other national minorities, with the exception of ethnic Serbs and Vlachs, were underrepresented in the civil service and other state institutions, including the military, the police force, and the intelligence services, as well as the courts, the national bank, customs, and public enterprises, in spite of efforts to recruit qualified candidates from these communities.


The origins of anti-Albanian propaganda in Serbia started by the end of 19th century and the reason for this was the claims made by Serbian state on territories that were about to be controlled by Albanians after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.[53] By the late nineteenth century, Albanians were being characterized by Serbian government officials as a "wild tribe" with "cruel instincts".[54] Others from Serbia's intelligentsia such as the geographer Jovan Cvijić referred to Albanians as being "the most barbarous tribes of Europe".[54] Whereas politician Vladan Đorđević described Albanians as "modern Troglodytes" and "prehumans, who slept in the trees" with still having "tails" in the nineteenth century.[55] On the eve of the First Balkan War 1912, Serbian media had implemented a strong anti-Albanian campaign.[56]

Throughout the 1930s, anti-Albanian sentiment existed in the country and solutions for the Kosovo question were put forward that involved largescale deportation.[57] These included Yugoslav-Turkish negotiations (1938) that outlined the removal of 40,000 Albanian families from the state to Turkey and another was a memorandum (1937) entitled "The Expulsion of the Albanians" written by a Serbian scholar Vaso Čubrilović (1897-1990).[57] The document proposed methods for expelling Albanians[57] that included creating a "psychosis" by bribing clergymen to encourage the Albanians to leave the country, enforcing the law to the letter, secretly razing Albanian inhabited villages, ruthless application of all police regulations, ruthless collection of taxes and the payment of all private and public debts, the requisitioning of all public and municipal pasture land, the cancellation of concessions, the withdrawal of permits to exercise an occupation, dismissal from government, the demolition of Albanian cemeteries and many other methods.[58]

Aleksandar Ranković, the Yugoslav security chief had misgivings and a strong dislike of Albanians.[59] Following the Second World War and until 1966, Ranković upheld Serbian control of Kosovo through repressive anti-Albanian policies.[60][59]

During the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, on some occasions activities undertaken by Serbian officials in Kosovo have been marked as albanophobic.[61]

The Serbian media during Milošević's era was known to espouse Serb nationalism while promoting xenophobia toward the other ethnicities in Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanians were commonly characterized in the media as anti-Yugoslav counter-revolutionaries, rapists, and a threat to the Serb nation.[62] During the Kosovo War, Serbian forces continually discriminating Kosovo Albanians:

Throughout Kosovo, the forces of the FRY and Serbia have harassed, humiliated, and degraded Kosovo Albanian civilians through physical and verbal abuse. Policemen, soldiers, and military officers have persistently subjected Kosovo Albanians to insults, racial slurs, degrading acts, beatings, and other forms of physical mistreatment based on their racial, religious, and political identification.[63]

— War Crimes Indictment against Milosevic and others

A survey in Serbia showed that 40% of the Serbian population would not like Albanians to live in Serbia while 70% would not enter into a marriage with an Albanian individual.[64] In 2012, Vuk Jeremić, a Serb politician made comments on Twitter about the rights and wrongs of the Kosovo dispute and compared Albanians to the "evil Orcs" of the movie The Hobbit.[65] During 2017, amidst a background of political tension between Serbia and Kosovo, Serbian media engaged in warmongering and anti-Albanian sentiment by using ethnic slurs such as "Šiptar" in their coverage.[66]

According to Olivera Milosavljević, from the mid-1980s along with Albanian name were used words such as "genocide",[67] "oppression", "robbery" and "rape",[68] while negative connotation was carried by mention of this national minority in political speeches. Modern intellectuals according to Milosavljević write about Albanians mainly within stereotype framework about theirs hatred towards Serbs[69] which is "congenital" and with desire for their destruction, which is a product of their dominant characteristic such as "robbery" and "primitivism".[70][71]

Derogatory terms[edit]

  • German terms:
    • Germany
      • Bergtürken ('mountain Turks') – used by German chancellor Otto von Bismarck in 1878, 10 June (three days before the Berlin Congress). Bismarck denied the existence of an Albanian nation.[72][73]
      • Turkalbaner ('Turco-Albanian', borrowed from Greek 'Turkoalvanós')[74]
      • The neutral terms are Albaner (m.) and Albanerin (f.).
    • Switzerland (german-speaking region)
      • Viereckchopf, Kantechopf ('Squarehead, Boxhead')[75] – slang, derogatory term to refer to Albanian immigrants, particularly Kosovo Albanians (or Ghegs) but also 'Jugos' (short for (Ex-)'Yugoslavs', South-Slavs) such as Bosnians and Macedonians. The term is associated with allegedly square-shaped headshapes of Albanians (and South Slavs). This ethnic slur was earlier on (during World War era) associated with the Nazis and their square-shaped helmets.[76]
      • The neutral terms are Albaner (m.) and Albanerin (f.).
  • English terms:
    • Australia/United States
      • Boxhead, Squarehead. In North America 'squarehead' and 'boxhead' were late 19th century ethnic slurs directed at German and Scandinavian immigrants (associated with supposedly large, square-shaped heads) but also an ethnic slur used for Albanian and south-Slavic immigrants (also associated with supposedly large, square-shaped heads).
  • Greek terms:
      • Turkoalvanós (Turco-Albanian)[77]
      • The neutral terms are Αλβανός/Alvanós (m.), Αλβανή/Alvaní (f.) and Αλβανίδα/Alvanída (f.).
      • Tourkalvanoí/Τουρκαλβανοί ('Turco-Albanian') – derogatory term for Albanian.
      • Tourkotsámides/Τουρκοτσάμηδες ('Turco-Chams')[78] – derogatory term for Cham Albanian (an Albanian from Chameria).
      • The neutral term is Tsámides/Τσάμηδες (Chams).
  • South-Slavic terms:
    • Serbia/North Macedonia
      • Šiptar/Шиптар[79] (m.) and Šiptarka/Шиптарка (f.) – are derogatory term for Albanians. Formed from their endonym Shqiptar which is used by Balkan Slavic ethnicities such as the Serbs and Macedonians and it carries pejorative meanings which classify a person as being somewhat backward or aggressive.[80] The Albanian term 'Shqiptar' was originally borrowed into south-Slavic as Šćìpetār/Шћѝпета̄р[81] (with a 'ć', now archaic form) and wasn't considered offensive - unlike the term without 'ć' (Šiptar). Albanian derogatory terms for south-slavs are shqa, shkja; which were borrowed from Late Latin sclavus or Sclavus.[82]
      • The neutral terms are Albanac/Албaнац (m., srb-cro); Albanec/Албанец (m., mac.) and Albanka/Албанка (f.).

See also[edit]


  1. ^ a b By Russell King, Nicola Mai, Out of Albania: from crisis migration to social inclusion in Italy, pp 114
  2. ^ Georgios Karyotis, Irregular Migration in Greece, pp. 9
  3. ^ By Russell King, Nicola Mai, Out of Albania: from crisis migration to social inclusion in Italy, pp 21
  4. ^ By Michael Mandelbaum, The new European diasporas: national minorities and conflict in Eastern Europe, 234
  5. ^ The Italo-Albanian villages of southern Italy Issue 25 of Foreign field research program, report, National Research Council (U.S.). Division of Earth Sciences Volume 1149 of Publication (National Research Council (U.S.))) Foreign field research program, sponsored by Office of Naval research, report ; no.25 Issue 25 of Report, National Research Council (U.S.). Division of Earth Sciences Volume 1149 of (National Academy of Sciences. National Research Council. Publication) Author George Nicholas Nasse Publisher National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council, 1964 page 26 link [1]
  6. ^ Vickers 1999, p. 24.
  7. ^ Tozer 2009, pp. 167–169.
  8. ^ Yosmaolğu, Ipek K. (2010). "Constructing national identity in Ottoman Macedonia". In Zartman, I. William (ed.). Understanding life in the borderlands: Boundaries in depth and in motion. University of Georgia Press. p. 168. ISBN 9780820336145.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  9. ^ a b c d Promitzer 2015, pp. 204–205."In 1889 the journalist Spiridon Gopčević (1855-1936) published an allegedly scientific, but for all intents and purposes Serbian nationalist monograph on Macedonia and "Old Serbia" (i.e. Kosovo). Gopčević’s biographer nevertheless argues that the monograph is not the result of authentic experiences and that he was never in Kosovo. While his manipulations with respect the allegedly Serbian character of Macedonia have already been the topic of exhaustive research, his views on the mutual relations between the Serbian and Albanian populations of Kosovo, in particular with respect to the contested notion of so- called Arnautaš" (Albanians of alleged Serbian (descent), have been only addressed superficially by various authors. Whatever the final judgment might be, Gopčević’s monograph represents a singular attempt to combine sympathies for the cultural development of the Serbian nation with the aspirations of Austria-Hungary as a Great Power in the Balkans."
  10. ^ a b Elsie, Robert (2012). A biographical Dictionary of Albanian history. IB Tauris. p. 117. ISBN 9781780764313.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  11. ^ Roger D. Petersen (30 September 2011). Western Intervention in the Balkans: The Strategic Use of Emotion in Conflict. Cambridge University Press. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-139-50330-3. The colonization program, despite the emigration of tens of thousands, failed to significantly change the ethnic imbalance in Kosovo. The idea, however, persisted. Vaso Čubrilović, a respected historian, wrote in a 7 March 1937, government memorandum entitled "The Expulsion of the Albanians", "It is impossible to repel the Albanians just by gradual colonization...The only possibility and method is the brutal power of a well-organized state... We have already stressed that for us the only efficient way is the mass deportation of the Albanians out of their triange".[dubious ]
  12. ^ United States Department of State (1943). Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States. U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 115. Retrieved 2 January 2020.
  13. ^ International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Division of Intercourse and Education (1 January 1914). "Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan War". Washington, D.C. : The Endowment. Retrieved 6 September 2016 – via Internet Archive.
  14. ^ a b c Leo Freundlich: Albania's Golgotha Archived 31 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine
  15. ^ "Otpor okupaciji i modernizaciji". 9 March 2007. Retrieved 6 September 2016.
  16. ^ a b Hudson, Kimberly A. (5 March 2009). Justice, Intervention, and Force in International Relations: Reassessing Just War Theory in the 21st Century. Taylor & Francis. p. 128. ISBN 9780203879351. Retrieved 6 September 2016 – via Google Books.
  17. ^ Archbishop Lazër Mjeda: Report on the Serb Invasion of Kosova and Macedonia Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  18. ^ Bessel, Richard (2006). No Man's Land of Violence: Extreme Wars in the 20th Century. Wallstein Verlag. p. 226. ISBN 978-3-89244-825-9. Retrieved 24 December 2019.
  19. ^ Tatum, Dale C. (2010). Genocide at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century: Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Darfur. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 113. ISBN 978-0-230-62189-3. Retrieved 3 January 2020.
  20. ^ The South Slav journal, Volume 8 page 21, Arshi Pipa (1982).
  21. ^ By Anna Triandafyllidou, Racism and Cultural Diversity In the Mass Media, Robert Schuman Centre, European University Institute, pp. 149
  22. ^ a b c d United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "Refworld - Greece: Treatment of ethnic Albanians". Refworld. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
  23. ^ a b (EUMC Nov. 2001, 25, 38 n. 85)
  24. ^ Millas, Iraklis (2006). "Tourkokratia: History and the image of Turks in Greek literature." South European Society & Politics. 11. (1): 50. "The 'timeless' existence of the Other (and the interrelation of the Self with this Other) is secured by the name used to define him or her. Greeks often name as 'Turks' various states and groups—such as the Seljuks, the Ottomans, even the Albanians (Turkalvanoi)".
  25. ^ Megalommatis, M. Cosmas (1994). Turkish-Greek Relations and the Balkans: A Historian's Evaluation of Today's Problems. Cyprus Foundation. p. 28. "Muslim Albanians have been called "Turkalvanoi" in Greek, and this is pejorative."
  26. ^ Nitsiakos, Vassilis (2010). On the border: Transborder mobility, ethnic groups and boundaries along the Albanian-Greek frontier. LIT Verlag. p. 65. "The few exchanges also bear the imprint of the above structural asymmetry and reflect the level of development of the two countries. While mainly agricultural and dairy products (drugs and weapons are a separate chapter) flow in from Albania, mostly uncontrollably, from Greece to Albania we have, in addition to money, a flow of a great gamut of material goods and products, from simple items of everyday use and consumption, to electrical equipment and cars. One may say that, whereas Albanian products represent "nature", Greek ones represent "civilization", a dichotomy that characterises the differences of the two groups from the point of view of the Greeks: Albanians are classified as "savage", while Greeks as "civilized", a fact that expresses, of course, the general racist attitude of the Greeks."
  27. ^ Diversity and equality for Europe Annual Report 2000. European Monitoring Centre of Racism and Xenophobia, p. 38
  28. ^ "Greek soldiers chant anti-Turkish-Albanian slogans at military parade - Balkans - Worldbulletin News". World Bulletin. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
  29. ^ King, Russell; Mai, Nicola (2009). "Italophilia meets Albanophobia: Paradoxes of asymmetric assimilation and identity processes among Albanian immigrants in Italy". Ethnic and Racial Studies (Submitted manuscript). 32: 117–138. doi:10.1080/01419870802245034. S2CID 55552400.
  30. ^ "Breaking the Albanian stereotype". Archived from the original on 28 July 2011. Retrieved 28 March 2010.
  31. ^ King, Russell; Mai, Nicola (2008). Out of Albania. ISBN 9781845455446. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
  32. ^ "Die Albaner werden dereinst so integriert sein, wie die Italiener". 27 May 2011. Retrieved 3 December 2018.
  33. ^ "SVP mit Ausländerpolitik auf dem Vormarsch". 8 December 2009. Retrieved 3 December 2018.
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  53. ^ By Ivo Banac, The national question in Yugoslavia - origins, history, politics, page 293
  54. ^ a b Stefanović, Djordje (2005). "Seeing the Albanians through Serbian eyes: The Inventors of the Tradition of Intolerance and their Critics, 1804-1939." European History Quarterly. 35. (3): 472. "Officials of the Serbian Ministry of Foreign affairs described Albanians as a 'wild tribe' with 'cruel instincts'.... A number of Serbian intellectuals and journalists added to the angry hate propaganda that seemed to culminate during the preparations for the Balkan Wars. Cvijić argued that 'there is a general consensus that the Albanians are the most barbarous tribes of Europe'. Another intellectual described the Albanians as 'European Indians' and 'lazy savages'."
  55. ^ Gay, Peter (1993). The Cultivation of Hatred: The Bourgeois Experience: Victoria to Freud (The Bourgeois Experience: Victoria to Freud). WW Norton & Company. p. 82. "In 1913, Dr. Vladan Djordjević, a Serbian politician and expert in public health, characterized Albanians as bloodthirsty, stunted, animal—like, so invincibly ignorant that they could not tell sugar from snow. These "modern Troglodytes" reminded him of "prehumans, who slept in the trees, to which they were fastened by their tails." True, through the millennia, the human rail had withered away, but "among the Albanians there seem to have been humans with tails as late as the nineteenth century.""
  56. ^ Dimitrije Tucović, Srbija i Arbanija (in Izabrani spisi, book II, pp. 56) Prosveta, Beograd, 1950.
  57. ^ a b c Dragović-Soso, Jasna (2002). Saviours of the nation: Serbia's intellectual opposition and the revival of nationalism. Hurst & co. p. 128. ISBN 9780773570924.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  58. ^ Ćubrilović, Vaso, The Expulsion of the Albanians: Memorandum 1937
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  60. ^ Mertus, Julie (1999). Kosovo: How myths and truths started a war. University of California Press. pp. 98. ISBN 9780520218659. anti-Albanian Rankovic.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  61. ^ By Nebojša Popov, Drinka Gojković, The road to war in Serbia: trauma and catharsis, pp. 222
  62. ^ International Centre Against Censorship. "Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina". International Centre Against Censorship, Article 19. Avon, United Kingdom: Bath Press, May 1994. P55
  63. ^ American Public Media. "Justice for Kosovo". Retrieved 9 May 2015.
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  66. ^ Rudic, Filip (16 May 2017). "Rabid Anti-Albanian Sentiment Grips Serbian Media". Retrieved 25 October 2019.
  67. ^ Jovičić, Miodrag (1991) Ustavnopravni položaj pripadnika albanske nacionalnosti u Jugoslaviji, Srbi i Albanci u XX veku (in Serbian) p. 138–139, 143–146, 151–153; {Oni osećanju "iskonsku mržnju prema Srbima i Srpstvu", a njihovo "genocidno ponašanje" je "vekovni posao"..They feel "primordial hatred towards Serbs and their "genocidal behavior" is a "century-old job!} Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Beograd
  68. ^ Dušan T Bataković; (1992) Kosovske migracije (Kosovo migrations, in Serbian) p. 450-454; {"otvorenom genocidu nad srpskim narodom", za koji su u XIX veku korišćene "pljačke, ubistva, silovanja i otmice žena koje se potom prevode na islam"..."Open genocide against the Serbian people", for which "robberies, murders, rapes and kidnappings of women were used in the 19th century, which were then converted to Islam".} Catena Mundi, vol. I, Belgrade [2]
  69. ^ Jevtić, Atanasije; (1992) Dani crveno-crne okupacije na Kosovu (Days of red and black occupation in Kosovo, in Serbian) p. 542; {o “agresivnom, rušilačkom besu na sve što je srpsko”, kakvo je “oduvek bilo njihovo ponašanje, osvajačko i okupatorsko”..about "aggressive, destructive rage against everything that is Serbian", which was "always been their behavior, conquering and occupying"} Catena mundi, II, Kraljevo, Beograd [3]
  70. ^ Olivera Milosavljević; (2002) U tradiciji nacionalizma ili stereotipi srpskih intelektualaca XX veka o "nama" i "drugima" p.218-219; Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji [4]
  71. ^ Gluščević, Zoran; (1992): Stazama izdaje, (Trails of betrayal, in Serbian) p. 620; {"divljeg agresivnog usijanja šiptarskog nacionalizma i separatizma redovno dolazi kad se poremeti demografska ravnoteža", što je u prirodi "primitivne rodovske organizacije".."The wild aggressive heat of Shiptar nationalism and separatism regularly occurs when the demographic balance is disturbed," which is in the nature of "primitive clan organization."} Catena mundi, II, Kraljevo, Beograd [5]
  72. ^ [6] Spiegel article Die Stämme da unten (Engl. 'The tribes down there') – written by Roland Schleicher, 12.04.1999
  73. ^ [7] Ethnischer Nationalismus und ethnische Minderheiten (Ethnic Nationalism and ethnic Minorities) - by Georg Feyrer (Autor), 1999, Quote/Translation: At the end of the Wars of Liberation, in the late 19th century, the Serbs conquered large parts of Albanian territory and committed massacres on the muslim population. The Albanian resistance cannot receive attention and support at the international level, quite the opposite, the Albanians are not even accorded the status of their own people. In this context, the German Chancellor Bismarck speaks derogatory of 'Bergtürken' (german for 'mountain Turks'))
  74. ^ Walter Puchner (2016). Die Folklore Südosteuropas: Eine komparative Übersicht. Vienna, Austria: Böhlau Verlag Wien. p. 289. ISBN 978-3-205-20312-4.
  75. ^ [8] squarehead in The racial slur database
  76. ^ [9] The racial slur database (boxhead)
  77. ^ [10] The Muslim Minority of Greek Thrace- Vemund Aarbakke Volume I, University of Bergen, Year: 2000, Page: 48
  78. ^ [11] - Nikolaou Chidiroglou Chidiroglou, Paulos (1990). Symvolē stēn Hellēnikē Tourkologia (in German). Athēna: Hērodotos. p. 127. ISBN 9789607290182. Hiermit nicht zu verwechseln sind die zusammengesetzen Volksnamen, die sich auf Herkunft oder Religion beziehen, wie z.B. Τουρκαλβανός (Turkalbaner), Τουρκοκρήτες (Turkkreter), Τουρκοκύπριοι (Turkzyprioten). [Hereby does not to be confused the composite national name, they were referred to by origin or religion, such as Τουρκαλβανός (Turco-Albanian) Τουρκοκρήτες (Turco-Cretans), Τουρκοκύπριοι (Turko-Cypriots).]"
  79. ^ [12] (derogatory) Šiptar in Hrvatski jezični portal (Croatian language portal)
  80. ^ Guzina, Dejan (2003). "Kosovo or Kosova – Could it be both? The Case of Interlocking Serbian and Albanian Nationalisms". In Florian Bieber and Židas Daskalovski (eds.). Understanding the war in Kosovo. Psychology Press. p.30.
  81. ^ [13] Šćìpetār (arh. jez. knjiž/archaic form) in Hrvatski jezični portal (Croatian language portal)
  82. ^  alb. "shqa", in Albanian Etymological Dictionary - by Vladimir Orel, Leiden, Boston, Cologne: Brill, Year 1998, page 432

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