Jump to content

Justicialist Party

Coordinates: 34°36′40.5″S 58°24′0.5″W / 34.611250°S 58.400139°W / -34.611250; -58.400139
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Partido Justicialista)

Justicialist Party
Partido Justicialista
AbbreviationPJ
PresidentCristina Fernández de Kirchner[1]
Vice-PresidentJosé Mayans
Senate leaderJosé Mayans (UP)
Chamber leaderGermán Martínez (UP)
FoundersJuan Perón
Eva Perón
Founded21 July 1946; 79 years ago (1946-07-21)
Merger ofLabour Party
UCR Board Renewal
Independent Party[2]
Headquarters130 Matheu Street
Buenos Aires
Student wingPeronist University Youth [es]
Youth wingPeronist Youth [es]
Membership (2024)3,102,341[3]
Ideology
Political positionCentre-left to left-wing[7][A]
National affiliationUnion for the Homeland[8]
Continental affiliationChristian Democrat Organization of America[9]
São Paulo Forum
COPPPAL[10]
International affiliationCentrist Democrat International (formerly)
International Democracy Union (formerly)
Colors  Light blue   White
Anthem"Peronist March"
Seats in the Senate
31 / 72
Seats in the Chamber of Deputies
99 / 257
Governors
7 / 24
Flag
Flag
Website
pj.org.ar
^ A: The PJ has been described as catch-all,[11] but mainly as centre-left,[12] left-wing,[13] or leftist.[14]
Peronism historically stretched from far-left to far-right views.[15] The party is classified as centre-left or left-wing because of the dominating position of Kirchnerism; Steven Levitsky notes that under Kirchnerism, the party "shifted programmatically to the left".[16] Juan Perón, the founder of Peronism, is considered ideologically left-wing.[19]

The Justicialist Party (Spanish: Partido Justicialista, IPA: [paɾˈtiðo xustisjaˈlista]; abbr. PJ), also known as the Peronist Party (Spanish: Partido Peronista),[20] is a major political party in Argentina, and the largest branch within Peronism.[21] Following the 2023 presidential election, it has been the largest party in the opposition against President Javier Milei.

Founded by Juan Perón and his wife, First Lady Eva Perón, the party followed a left-wing agenda based on his policies.[22] It is overall the largest party in Congress. Historically, the party's factual position was undermined by divisions that emerged in the 1990s and lasted until 2020; the PJ was rocked by a conflict between two Peronist tendencies, Kirchnerism,[26] the main, left-wing populist faction,[27] and Federal Peronism,[30] which was located on the centre[31] and centre-right[32] of the political spectrum. The division ended with the failure of Federal Peronism to challenge the dominating Kirchnerist faction in 2019.[35] This was completed by Cristina Kirchner, the leader of Kirchnerism, being elected the leader of the party,[36] and the creation of a separate dissident party — the Federal Consensus. Today, the party adheres to an ideology based on economic intervention, welfare-state policies, and economic independence from wealthier countries;[37] it is located on the centre-left and left wing of the political spectrum.[7]

Aside from Juan Perón, who governed Argentina on three occasions from 1946 to 1955 and later from 1973 to 1974, eleven presidents of Argentina have belonged to the Justicialist Party: Héctor Cámpora, Raúl Alberto Lastiri, Isabel Perón, Carlos Menem, Ramón Puerta, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Camaño, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Alberto Fernández. Justicialists have been the largest party in Congress almost consistently since 1987.

History

[edit]

Overview

[edit]

The Justicialist Party was founded in 1946 by Juan and Eva Perón, uniting the Labour Party, the Radical Civic Union Renewal Board and the Independent Party, the three parties that had supported Peron in the election. After the enactment of women's suffrage, the Female Peronist Party, led by the First Lady, was also established. All Peronist entities were banned from elections after 1955, when the Revolución Libertadora overthrew Perón, and civilian governments' attempt to lift Peronism's ban from legislative and local elections in 1962 and 1965 resulted in military coups.[38]

Basing itself on the policies espoused by Perón as Argentine president, the party's platform has, from its inception, centered on populism, and its most consistent base of support has historically been the General Confederation of Labor, Argentina's largest trade union. Perón ordered the mass nationalization of public services, strategic industries, and the critical farm export sector; enacted progressive labor laws and social reforms; and accelerated public works investment.[38]

His tenure also favored technical schools, harassed university staff, and promoted urbanization as it raised taxes on the agrarian sector. Those trends earned Peronism the loyalty of much of the working and lower classes but helped alienate the upper and middle classes of society. Censorship and repression intensified, and following his loss of support from the influential Argentine Catholic Church, Perón was ultimately deposed in a violent 1955 coup.[38]

The alignment of groups as supporting or opposing Peronism has largely endured, but the policies of Peronism itself varied greatly over the subsequent decades, as did increasingly those put forth by its many competing figures. During Perón's exile, it became a big tent party united almost solely by its support for the aging leader's return. A series of violent incidents, as well as Perón's negotiations with both the military regime and diverse political factions, helped lead to his return to Argentina in 1973 and to his election in September that year.[39]

An impasse followed in which the party had a place both for leftist armed organizations such as Montoneros, and far-right factions such as José López Rega's Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance. Following Perón's death in 1974, however, the tenuous understanding disintegrated, and a wave of political violence ensued, ultimately resulting in the March 1976 coup. The Dirty War of the late 1970s, which cost hundreds of Peronists (among thousands more) their lives, solidified the party's populist outlook, particularly following the failure of conservative Economy Minister José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz's free trade and deregulatory policies after 1980.[39]

In the first democratic elections after the end of the dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, in 1983, the Justicialist Party lost to the Radical Civic Union (UCR). Six years later, it returned to power with Carlos Menem, during whose term the Constitution was reformed to allow for presidential reelection. Menem (1989–1999) adopted neoliberal right-wing policies which changed the overall image of the party.[40]

The Justicialist Party was defeated by a coalition formed by the UCR and the centre-left FrePaSo (itself a left-wing offshoot of the PJ) in 1999, but regained political weight in the 2001 legislative elections, and was ultimately left in charge of managing the selection of an interim president after the economic collapse of December 2001. Justicialist Eduardo Duhalde, chosen by Congress, ruled during 2002 and part of 2003.[40]

The 2003 elections saw the constituency of the party split in three, as Carlos Menem, Néstor Kirchner (backed by Duhalde) and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá ran for the presidency leading different party coalitions. After Kirchner's victory, the party started to align behind his leadership, moving slightly to the left.[41][42]

The Justicialist Party effectively broke apart in the 2005 legislative elections when two factions ran for a Senate seat in Buenos Aires Province: Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (then the First Lady) and Hilda González de Duhalde (wife of former president Duhalde). The campaign was particularly vicious. Kirchner's side allied with other minor forces and presented itself as a heterodox, left-leaning Front for Victory (FpV), while Duhalde's side stuck to older Peronist tradition. González de Duhalde's defeat to her opponent marked, according to many political analysts, the end to Duhalde's dominance over the province, and was followed by a steady defection of his supporters to the winner's side.

Néstor Kirchner proposed the entry of the party into the Socialist International in February 2008. His dominance of the party was undermined, however, by the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, when a bill raising export taxes was introduced with presidential support. Subsequent growers' lockouts helped result in the defection of numerous Peronists from the FpV caucus, and further losses during the 2009 mid-term elections resulted in the loss of the FpV absolute majorities in both houses of Congress.[43]

In 2015, the PJ, with its presidential candidate Daniel Scioli, was defeated by the Cambiemos coalition. Mauricio Macri was inaugurated as President of Argentina, ending 12 years of Kirchnerism.[44][45]

However, in the elections of 2019, the PJ joined the Frente de Todos, which won the presidential elections. The PJ returned to power, with Alberto Fernández as President of the nation. On 10 December 2019, the Centre-left Alberto Fernández of the Justicialist Party was inaugurated president, after defeating the incumbent Mauricio Macri in the 2019 Argentine general election.[46]

The success of the party in the 2019 elections was juxtaposed with the failure of dissident Federal Peronists to challenge the Kirchnerist majority within the party. The Federal Peronists failed to distinguish themselves from anti-Peronist movements, and their bid to put up its own electoral lists to compete with Kirchnerists failed. The election resulted in a "dismantling of the Federal Peronism alternative".[33]

On 22 March 2021, Fernández was elected by the national congress of the Justicialist Party as the party's new national chairman, succeeding José Luis Gioja.[47] Fernández ran unopposed, heading the Unidad y Federalismo list, which received the support of diverse sectors in the Peronist movement, including La Cámpora.[48]

The Union for the Homeland (Unión por la Patria, UP) is a centre-left to left-wing political and electoral coalition of Peronist political parties in Argentina, formed to compete in the 2023 general election.[49] The coalition is a successor to the previous Frente de Todos coalition.[50] The coalition is centered on the Justicialist Party and its allies both on the federal and provincial levels, including the Renewal Front of Sergio Massa.[51][52]

In April 2023, President Alberto Fernandez announced that he would not seek re-election in the next presidential election.[53] In the primary elections on August of that year, Sergio Massa defeated Juan Grabois by a margin of nearly 16 percentage points, although it became the worst result for a ruling Peronist coalition since the PASO was first implemented in 2009.[52]

In the runoff in November 2023, Libertarian candidate Javier Milei defeated Massa with 55.7% against 44.35% of the vote, the highest percentage of the vote since Argentina's transition to democracy. Massa conceded defeat shortly before the official results were published.[54][55]

Beginning

[edit]

The Justicialist party was created in November 1946, 10 months after Juan D. Perón was elected president of the nation, with the name Single Revolutionary party; previously this would be called the Peronist party. The party was a result of the fusion of three parties that had been created in 1945 in order to sustain the presidential candidacy of Perón: the Labor party, the Radical Renovating Together Civic Union, and the Independent party.

Peronism

[edit]
Main article: Peronism

Peronism is a political current that was established between November 1943 and October 1945, as a result of an alliance between a large number of unions, principally of socialist and revolutionary union ideology, and two soldiers – Juan Domingo Perón and Domingo Mercante, whose initial objective was to run the National Labor Department – later elevated to the level of Secretary of Labor and Social Security – and to drive until there were laws and measures for the worker's benefit. The Secretary was run by Perón, who in the course of those years was converted into the leader of a new political movement that would take the name Peronism in the course of 1945.

Since 1943, the country was governed by a military dictatorship self-designated as the Revolution of ‘43, made of a very heterogeneous composition, that had overthrown at its time a fraudulent regime, known as the Infamous Decade. At the start of 1945, the US ambassador to Argentina, Spruille Braden, organized a broad movement that was defined as anti-peronist, with the goal of opposing Perón and the sanctioned labor laws. Largely as a reaction to the union movement, principally the socialist and revolutionary union majority started to define themselves as peronists.[56][57]

On 8 October 1945, at the loss of the vote from the officials of Campo de Mayo, Perón renounced, being later detained. Nine days later, a big worker mobilization known as Loyalty Day, compelled the military government to prepare Perón's liberation and call elections. That day is the most cited as the date of peronism's birth.[58]

Party Organization until 1955

[edit]

Many union leaders opposed him, but their political inexperience and Perón's charisma before the masses made them unsuccessful.[59] Lewinsky characterizes the Peronist party (PP) as a popular party that will differ from other European, union based parties in four aspects.

The first of them is that they had been created from above by agents of the State, destined to retain power more than to obtain it; operated in major part by their own government using State resources whereas PP never developed their own organization. The second is that they were an extremely personalist party that in the statutes of 1954 declared Perón is their “Supreme Leader” and gave him the authority to “modify or declare null and void the decision of the party authorities... to inspect, intervene, and replace” the leaders of the party and even prohibited party headquarters from displaying photographs that were not Perón or Eva Perón. The national party management intervened in permanent form in the provincial subsidiaries and used to choose the local candidates. Usually the leaders with independent support were displaced and replaced by those “loyal to the death” that followed Perón's directives exclusively. In this form, the political career inside the party depended exclusively on the bonds with Perón; there was not a structure for political promotion nor a stable bureaucratic hierarchy. For example, the reorganization of the party in 1947 signified the replacement of the entirety of the highest party leadership members.[60]

Third, the party had a fluid structure that was maintained until the final days of the decade of 1940. In 1951, Perón once again reorganized the party structure creating a parallel hierarchy with a “strategic national command” and provincial “tactical commands” that would have representatives of the three party branches – masculine, feminine, and union – but in practice Perón and Eva Perón exercised strategic leadership, and the governors and “inventors” arrived ahead of the tactics. Lastly, differently from the English Labor party, the PP did not initially have rules about their relation with the unions. In the decade of 1950, the union was recognized as one of the three branches and, as such, was attributed to them by tradition – without a written norm – a right to a third of the candidacies, but until 1955 it was not complied with rigor.[60]

Ideology

[edit]
Political alignment of Argentine parties by political scientist Carlos Gervasoni. The Justicialist Party is coded as PJ, and occupies the left-populist dimension.[61]

The Justicialist Party is a left-wing populist party,[6] which is also its historical alignment.[62] According to Mariano Dagatti, "In its origins, its main commitment was the aid of workers and it remained since then closely linked to the working classes and labour unions."[63] Founded by Juan Perón (who rose to Argentinian presidency in the 1940s with the support of his wife Eva Perón), the party was composed of Perón's loyalists and was a personification of populism in the form of a strong charismatic leader. The reforms carried out by Perón in 1940s and 1950s were described as socialist and populist.[64] Christopher Wylde defines Peronism as "a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military."[65] Writing on Perón and his ideology, Charles D. Ameringer argued that "The rise to power of Juan Perón in 1943 was not the end of the socialist impulse in Argentina; it was the culmination" and added that "much of the social legislation either introduced or implemented by Perón. .. originated with the Socialist Party."[66]

Economic policy

[edit]

The modern Justicialist Party is described as economically nationalist,[67] working class-oriented,[68] and as a "blend of nationalism and labourism".[69] It has a strong focus on state intervention in economy and social security.[70] According to Yasmin Mertehikian and Emilio Parrado, party's policies give the state a predominant role in the economy; PJ pursues market regulation, expansion of public sector, protecting employment and vulnerable worker groups, along with government subsidies for unemployed or low-income workers.[71] The Economist wrote that the party pursues "near-autarky, and extended welfare benefits".[69] Its policies are also considered protectionist and redistributionist.[72] Greg Mills wrote that the PJ focuses on elimination of poverty as its main economic goal, and summed up its traditional policy as "interventions in markets, the nationalisation of companies [and] widespread price and exchange controls". Axel Kicillof, the party's Minister of the Economy during Cristina Kirchner's presidency, argued that the advancement of technology now allows it "to centrally manage the economy now Soviet style".[73] The party also pursues reduced dependence on foreign credit,[74] and since the emergence of Kirchnerism, its platform has been described as left-wing populist and anti-neoliberal.[75]

The basic principles of Peronism and the Justicialist Party are economic independence, political sovereignty, and social justice, as formulated by Perón. Economically, Perón expanded public spending and gave the state a dominating role in production and distribution (economic nationalism), implemented egalitarian distribution of national income (therefore Peronism is considered to represent syndicalism and/or non-Marxist socialism), and implemented a system of incentives and rewards that would direct economic activities towards local markets while severely limiting production for international markets (protectionism).[65] Peronism rejected individualism in favor of communitarianism and sought rejected capitalism in favor of an economic system that would be oriented around "social equity, rather than the individual pursuit of wealth." This was combined with Peronist redefinition of citizenship, as Perón attracted and empowered groups that were previously excluded socially and economically - urban poor, immigrant communities and unionised workers.[76]

Social policy

[edit]

Socially, Peronism was authoritarian, yet it also implemented free suffrage and promoted causes such as feminism, indigenous rights and emancipation of the working class. Peter Ranis wrote that "paradoxically, Perón democratized Argentina in the sense of bringing the working class more fully into the political process, though his administrations often placed cultural and political restrictions on the opposition that severely compromised that democracy."[77] The legitimacy of Peronism derived from trade unions who gave Perón their support, and his ideology was a reflection of demands and expectations of the Argentinian labor movement. According to historian Daniel James, the reliance of Peronism on trade unions was so strong, that in the Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with the trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his."[78]

Modern Justicialist Party is divided on social issues - it traditionally defends the Catholic social doctrine, and is the most popular party in pro-life districts. On the other hand, Cristina Kirchner's social agenda has been described as very progressive. According to political scientists Ana Carolina Garriga and Juan Negri, most Peronist leaders oppose abortion, but refrain from campaigning on it to maintain the party's capacity to represent various sectors of Argentine society.[79] At the same time, the Journal of Populism Studies described the party as "anti-feminist, anti-LGBT, nationalist".[80] Cristina Kirchner opposed abortion, stating: "I am not progre, I am Peronist... Furthermore, I am against abortion".[81] However, Peronist governments reluctantly backed progressive legislation under popular pressure, and under the presidency of Cristina, the party signed into law bills that legalized abortion up to the 14th week of pregnancy,[82] along with same-sex marriage.[83] The party aligned closer to the Catholic Church following the election of Pope Francis, who expressed his support for Peronism; he remarked to President Kirchner: "It is the first time we have had a Peronist pope."[84] This renewed PJ's commitment to social conservatism, leading to "silencing of pending proposals related to sexual and reproductive rights".[85]

Foreign policy

[edit]

In terms of foreign policy, the modern Justicialist Party has been described as nationalist,[86] pro-China,[87] supportive of Cuba and Venezuela, and hostile towards the IMF, Washington Consensus, and the United States.[88] It asserts the Argentine claim to Falkland Islands,[89] pressing for the recognition of Argentine sovereignty of the territory and considering it to illegally be occupied by the United Kingdom.[90] The governments of the party have been described to have had "tense and hostile" relations with the USA, while deepening ties with countries such as Russia, Venezuela, Iran and Cuba.[87] The party had friendly relations and was allied with Hugo Chávez, Fidel Castro, and Lula Da Silva.[88]

The party has extensive ties and close relationship with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which dates back to Perón's presidency.[91] Perón admired CCP chairman Mao Zedong, and stated that "if he had been Chinese he would be a Maoist".[92] He had an epistolar relationship with Mao in the 1960s; the Chinese leader likewise expressed his sympathy for Perón, famously advising a delegation of Argentine communists to become Peronist in 1969,[93] and stating: "If I were a young Argentinian, I would be a Peronist."[94] The Justicialist Party gives China priority as the primary trade partner of Argentina.[95] Writing on the party's relationship with Chinese authorities, Ricardo Ferrer Picado wrote:

On its part, the Peronist Party has a broad level of contact with the Chinese Communist Party. Political meetings are held between both parties – Juntos por el Cambio also held some – and there is a fluid exchange in diffferent levels of the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Power between the two countries, which exceeds the political and also reaches public education – universities – with Chinese and Argentine delegations visiting both countries. […] Within this ever-closer bond, there have been some striking situations. For example, during his visit to Beijing in February 2022, Fernández told Xi Jinping in a meeting that if “he were Argentine, he would be a Peronist”, marking the ideological alignment that the Argentine president assumes exists between both parties, as did other Peronist leaders.[96]

Justicialist Party is also an ally of Venezuela, and supported its presidents Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro.[89] Chávez felt strong ideological affinity with Néstor Kirchner and Juan Perón, and on a visit to Argentina, declared that he had read Perón's biography and "could indeed call himself a Peronist". Chávez's affinity towards Kirchnerist Argentina was such that Venezuela was the only country to buy Argentine bonds during the Argentine monetary crisis; this served to help Argentina recover from the recession, and was done by Chávez despite the fact that it was unfavourable to Venezuela itself.[97] Argentina and Venezuela formed a strategic alliance that sought to "establish a new model of socio-economic development and bilateral integration with the purpose of reaching a South American autonomy." Both countries declared opposition to "Yankee imperialism", and Venezuela became the country that Argentina established the most international agreements with.[98] Peronism became an important inspiration for Chávez and his ideology of Chavismo; Chávez called himself "a true Peronist".[99] Maduro likewise declared : "I am a Peronist and an Evista."[100] Members of the Justicialist Party were government-approved observers at the 2024 Venezuelan presidential election.[101]

Since the rise of Kirchnerism, the Justicialist Party has had antagonistic relations with the IMF, denouncing it for imposing austerity measures and citing it as an example of US interventionism.[88] Justicialist Party considers multilateral agreements as exploitative, arguing that they are designed to benefit wealthy countries. Michael Andrew Scanlaw wrote that the Justicialists "railed against the foreign interference of the IMF and World Bank via the Washington Consensus, articulating the same anti-colonial message as Perón before them."[102] Under the party's rule, Argentina allied with Venezuela, Brazil and Bolivia to oppose the Washington consensus.[103] The party also entered negotiations for Argentina to become a member of BRICS+ in 2023, and Argentina was to become a member on 1 January 2024. However, this was disrupted by the election of anti-Peronist Javier Milei in the 2023 Argentine general election, who formally rejected the invitation to BRICS+ upon taking office.[104]

The party withheld condemning Russia after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The Justicialist government opted to maintain friendly relations with Russia, and Alberto Fernández, the Argentine president and leader of the party at the time, argued that “Argentina must become the gate of access” for Russia.[105] Party members were also observers at the 2024 Russian presidential election, invited by Russian authorities.[106] In 2023, in response to the Gaza War, the Justicialist government criticized Israel for its actions in Gaza, accusing it of violating international law.[107] The party itself released a statement accusing Israel of "indiscriminate killing in Gaza".[108] As president, Cristina Kirchner became known for her hostile stance towards Israel. In a demonstration, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine members carried a photo of Kircher next to Hugo Chávez, Ali Khamenei, Fidel Castro and Hasan Nasrallah, honouring them as "symbols of resistance against imperialism."[109]

Development

[edit]

Following the overthrow of Perón in 1955, Peronism would gradually shift further to the left, something that was influenced by political developments in Latin America such as the Cuban Revolution and the development of far-left liberation theology amongst Latin American Catholics, as well as by Perón's tactical endorsement and promotion of socialist and leftist currents within his movement.[110] In 1956, exiled Perón picked left-wing activist John William Cooke to represent the Peronist movement in Argentina in his absence. Cooke promoted socialism and presented Peronism as a movement that was "antibureaucratic, socialist, profoundly national, and sister to all the world's exploited [peoples]", and praising Perón as the "leader of national liberation".[111] In 1960, Cooke moved to Revolutionary Cuba, where he combined Peronism with Guevarism, Castroism and the foco theory.[112]

Perón approved of Cooke's activism and wrote positively of Marxism himself, identifying Peronist struggle with the Cuban Revolution. With Perón's encouragement, Peronist youth formed left-wing, revolutionary organizations such as the Montoneros and the People's Revolutionary Army. Perón supported their struggle as a realisation of his justicialist doctrine, agreeing with the Montoneros' conclusion that "the only possible road for the people to seize power and install national socialism is total, national, and prolonged revolutionary war. .. [following] the methods of rural and urban guerrillas."[113] Following Vatican II that led to development of anti-capitalist, revolutionary and Marxist-aligned rhetoric amongst Latin American clergy, Perón also gained support of left-wing Catholics who supported the far-left liberation theology. Left-wing priests praised Peronism as a precursor to liberation theology, and the Movement of Priests for the Third World argued that "the Peronist movement, revolutionary, with its massive force... will necessarily lead to the revolution which will make possible an original and Latin American socialism."[114]

From the return of Perón in 1973 and under the leadership of Isabel Perón, the Justicialist Party was no longer characterized by anti-imperialist and revolutionary tones but by a strong focus on Orthodox Peronism and anti-communism (of which it became the main bulwark in South America). That line continued even after the military dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, with the government of Carlos Menem until that of Eduardo Duhalde. The party moved from Orthodox Peronism to the centre-right, while its rival Radical Civic Union acted as a centre-left party. Later in the 20th century, it was described as a catch-all party.[11] Since 2003, the party has undergone an abrupt revolution, with the rise of a faction known as the Front for Victory, led by Néstor Kirchner. The policies and ideology of that faction were dubbed Kirchnerism, a mix of anti-neoliberalism, left-wing nationalism and radicalism. Kirchner was elected President of Argentina and soon became a popular left-wing figure. The party shifted to being left-wing populist, while the Radical Civic Union joined with other anti-Kirchnerist centrist and center-right parties including Republican Proposal. After his death in 2010, his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, took over the leadership of the Front for Victory, which continues to be a major faction of the Justicialist Party.

Leaders

[edit]

The party is headed by a National Committee, whose president is the de facto leader of the party.

Electoral history

[edit]

Presidential elections

[edit]
Election year Candidate(s) First Round Second Round Result Note
# votes % vote # votes % vote
1951 Juan Perón 4,745,168 63.40 Green tickY Elected as the Peronist Party
1958 no candidate (banished) Steady — Perón-Frondizi Pact
1963 no candidate (banished) Steady —
M-1973 Héctor Cámpora 5,907,464 49.56 Green tickY Elected as the Justicialist Party part of the Justicialist Liberation Front
S-1973 Juan Perón 7,359,252 61.85 Green tickY Elected part of the Justicialist Liberation Front
1983 Ítalo Lúder 5,944,402 40.16 Red XN Defeated 247 Electoral College seats
1989 Carlos Menem 7,953,301 47.49 Green tickY Elected 325 Electoral College seats, part of the Popular Justicialist Front
1995 Carlos Menem 8,687,319 49.94 Green tickY Elected Joint-ticket (PJ—UCeDé)
1999 Eduardo Duhalde 7,254,417 38.27 Red XN Defeated part of the Justicialist Coalition for Change
2003 Carlos Menem 4,740,907 24.45 null 0 Red XN 2nd-R Forfeited Front for Loyalty, a faction of PJ
Néstor Kirchner 4,312,517 22.24 null 0 Green tickY 2nd-R Unopposed Front for Victory, a faction of PJ
Adolfo Rodríguez Saá 2,735,829 14.11 Red XN 1st-R Defeated Front of the Popular Movement, a faction of PJ
2007 Cristina Kirchner 8,651,066 45.29 Green tickY Elected part of the Front for Victory Alliance
Alberto Rodríguez Saá 1,458,955 7.64 Red XN Defeated part of the Justice, Union and Liberty Front Alliance
2011 Cristina Kirchner 11,865,055 54.11 Green tickY Elected Front for Victory, a faction of PJ
2015 Daniel Scioli 9,338,449 37.08 12,198,441 48.60 Red XN 2nd-R Defeated part of the Front for Victory Alliance
2019 Alberto Fernández 12,473,709 48.10 Green tickY Elected part of the Everyone's Front Alliance
2023 Sergio Massa 9,853,492 36.78 11,516,142 44.31 Red XN 2nd-R Defeated part of the Union for the Homeland
Juan Schiaretti 1,802,068 6.73 Red XN 1st-R Defeated part of the Hacemos por Nuestro País

Congressional elections

[edit]

Chamber of Deputies

[edit]
Election year votes % seats won Total seats Position Presidency Note
1948 64.1
109 / 158
 Majority Juan Perón (PP) as the Peronist Party
1951 63.5
135 / 149
 Majority Juan Perón (PP) as the Peronist Party
1954 4,977,586 62.96
161 / 173
 Majority Juan Perón (PJ) as the Peronist Party
1958 null 0 0
0 / 187
 Banned Pedro Eugenio Aramburu (de facto)
1960 null 0 0
0 / 192
 Banned Arturo Frondizi (UCRI)
1962 1,592,446 17.53
23 / 192
 Minority Arturo Frondizi (UCRI) as Unión Popular
1963
16 / 192
 Minority José María Guido (UCRI) as Unión Popular and other pro-Justicialist
1965 2,833,528
(UP only) 		29.6
(UP only)
52 / 192

(UP only) 		Minority Arturo Umberto Illia (UCRP) as Unión Popular and other pro-Justicialist
1973 5,908,414 48.7
144 / 243
 Majority Alejandro Agustín Lanusse (de facto) as Justicialist Party part of the Justicialist Liberation Front
1983 5,697,610 38.5
56 / 127
111 / 254
 Minority Reynaldo Bignone (de facto)
1985 5,259,331 34.3
55 / 127
101 / 254
 Minority Raúl Alfonsín (UCR)
1987 6,649,362 41.5
60 / 127
108 / 254
 Minority Raúl Alfonsín (UCR)
1989 7,324,033 42.9
65 / 127
126 / 254
 Minority Raúl Alfonsín (UCR) part of the Popular Justicialist Front
1991 6,288,222 40.2
62 / 127
116 / 257
 Minority Carlos Menem (PJ)
1993 6,946,586 42.5
64 / 127
127 / 257
 Minority Carlos Menem (PJ)
1995 7,294,828 43.0
68 / 127
131 / 257
 Majority Carlos Menem (PJ)
1997 6,267,973 36.3
50 / 127
118 / 257
 Minority Carlos Menem (PJ)
1999 5,986,674 32.3
51 / 127
101 / 257
 Minority Carlos Menem (PJ)
2001 5,267,136 37.5
67 / 127
121 / 257
 Minority Fernando de la Rúa (UCR—Alianza)
2003 5,511,420 35.1
62 / 127
129 / 257
 Majority Eduardo Duhalde (PJ) as part of the FPV
2005 6,883,925 40.5
80 / 128
140 / 257
 Majority Néstor Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2007 5,557,087 45.6
82 / 127
162 / 257
 Majority Néstor Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2009 5,941,184 30.3
44 / 127
110 / 257
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2011 12,073,675 58.6
86 / 130
130 / 257
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2013 12,702,809 55.4
47 / 127
133 / 257
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2015 8,797,279 37.4
59 / 127
95 / 257
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2017 9,518,813 39.0
58 / 127
110 / 257
 Minority Mauricio Macri (PRO-Cambiemos) as part of the Citizen's Unity
2019 11,359,508 45.5
64 / 127
122 / 257
 Minority Mauricio Macri (PRO-Cambiemos) as part of the PDT
2021 8.041.290 34.56
50 / 127
118 / 257
 Minority Alberto Fernández (PJ-FDT) as part of the PDT
2023 8.252.357 33.62
58 / 127
108 / 257
 Minority Alberto Fernández (PJ-FDT) as part of the UxP

Senate elections

[edit]
Election year votes % seats won Total seats Position Presidency Note
2001 5,668,523 39.0
40 / 72
40 / 72
 Majority Fernando de la Rúa (UCR-Alianza)
2003 1,852,456 40.7
18 / 24
41 / 72
 Majority Eduardo Duhalde (PJ) as part of the FPV
2005 3,572,361 45.1
18 / 24
45 / 72
 Majority Néstor Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2007 1,048,187 45.6
14 / 24
48 / 72
 Majority Néstor Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2009 756,695 30.3
8 / 24
34 / 72
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2011 5,470,241 54.6
12 / 24
43 / 72
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2013 1,608,846 32.1
14 / 24
40 / 72
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2015 2,336,037 32.7
11 / 24
39 / 72
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (PJ-FPV) as part of the FPV
2017 3,785,518 32.7
9 / 24
36 / 72
 Minority Mauricio Macri (PRO—Cambiemos) as part of the Citizens' Unity
2019 2,609,017 46.30
13 / 24
39 / 72
 Majority Mauricio Macri (PRO—Cambiemos) as part of the FDT
2021 2,122,648 29.83
9 / 24
35 / 72
 Minority Alberto Fernández (PJ—FDT) as part of the FDT
2023 5,076,244 43.71
13 / 24
33 / 72
 Minority Alberto Fernández (PJ—FDT) as part of the UxP

References

[edit]
  1. ^ "Justicialista Party declares Cristina Kirchner party president". Buenos Aires Herald. 5 November 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2024.
  2. ^ "Se crea la Unión Cívica Radical Junta Renovadora UCR-JR". Laopinionpopular.com.ar. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  3. ^ Fitz Patrick, Mariel (17 March 2025). "La cantidad de afiliados a partidos políticos es la más baja de las últimas dos décadas". Infobae (in Spanish). A diciembre del 2024, el ranking de partidos con más afiliados lo lidera el Partido Justicialista (PJ) con 3.102.341 afiliados la fuerza fundada por Juan Domingo Perón en 1946. [As of December 2024, the ranking of parties with the most members is led by the Justicialist Party (PJ) with 3,102,341 members, the party founded by Juan Domingo Perón in 1946.]
  4. ^
  5. ^
    • Aelo, Oscar Humberto; Rodrigo, Cintia; Meglio, María Sol; Pérez Amsler, Javier Lucas (December 2023). "Estado y grupos dirigentes en la Provincia de Buenos Aires: Un balance sobre las configuraciones de los elencos ministeriales en el periodo 2003-2023". Cuadernos del ISTeC (in Spanish) (5). Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Facultad de Humanidades: 1. ISSN 2953-433X. De este modo, PJ Kirchnerista y PRO –ambos emergentes de aquella crisis inédita– han constituido los núcleos centrales de los espacios políticos que disputaron el poder en las últimas dos décadas, estableciendo al menos entre 2008 y 2023 un "régimen de hegemonía escindida" (Pucciarelli y Castellani, 2017). [Thus, the Kirchnerist PJ and the PRO – both emerging from that unprecedented crisis – have formed the core of the political spaces that have contested power over the last two decades, establishing, at least between 2008 and 2023, a ‘regime of divided hegemony’ (Pucciarelli and Castellani, 2017).]
    • "Barrionuevo, de acérrimo opositor de Colombi a compañero de fórmula". República de Corrientes (in Spanish). 14 July 2025. De esta manera, el otrora dirigente del Partido Justicialista kirchnerista se pasó a la fórmula del radical Colombi y en segundo lugar. [In this way, the former leader of Kirchnerist Justicialist Party switched to Colombi's Radical ticket and came in second place.]
    • Rijo, Ariel (29 April 2024). "Juan Manuel Casella apuntó contra el silencio de la UCR sobre la candidatura de Lijo a la Corte y denunció "un pacto de impunidad preelectoral"". La Nación (in Spanish). Reclamamos de todos y cada uno de los senadores de la Unión Cívica Radical que se opongan a ese intento de cooptar nuevamente a la Justicia, advirtiendo que no existe razón valedera alguna para entrar en un intercambio de favores con el actual Gobierno, ni con el partido justicialista kirchnerista. [We call on each and every senator from the Radical Civic Union to oppose this attempt to co-opt the judiciary once again, warning that there is no valid reason to enter into an exchange of favours with the current government or with the Kirchnerist Justicialist Party.]
    • "Un año de Milei: predomina el optimismo, pero hay inquietud por el salario y el empleo". Primera Edición (in Spanish). 17 December 2024. En cuanto al panorama electoral, el estudio mostró que solo dos fuerzas parecían dominantes para las elecciones de 2025: La Libertad Avanza y el Partido Justicialista Kirchnerista. [As for the electoral landscape, the study showed that only two forces appeared dominant for the 2025 elections: La Libertad Avanza and the Kirchnerist Justicialist Party.]
    • "El PJ perdió en todo". El Libertador (in Spanish). 4 September 2025. Sobre el total de 127.415 para la categoría de gobernador el PJ kirchnerista logro 62.043 votos lo que representa el 9,73% de los votos provinciales. [Of the total 127,415 votes cast in the governor category, Kirchnerist PJ party obtained 62,043 votes, representing 9.73% of the provincial votes.]
    • "Argentina". Journal of Populism Studies. Brussels: European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS). 10 August 2020. Partido Justicialista, IPA (The Justicialist Party); Ideology: Perónism, Kirchnerism, Conservatism, anti-corruption, anti-establishment, Antifeminism, Anti-LGBT, nationalism, left-wing populism
    • Oppenheimer, Andres (25 August 2023). "Newcomer in Ecuador's first-round election may be bad omen for leftist populist candidate". Miami Herald. After the disastrous performance of the populist-leftist Kirchnerista party in Argentina's primary elections a week earlier, the Aug. 20 elections in Ecuador may turn out to be a crippling setback for Correa's party.
    • "Argentina joins chorus of leftist Latin American leaders criticizing Israeli military response". ADN America. 2 November 2023. Argentina is currently under the rule of President Alberto Fernández, a member of the leftist, Peronist Justicialist Party who assumed power in 2019.
    • Origlia, Gabriela (10 June 2025). "Cristina Kirchner, a prisión: en el peronismo asumen que se abre una etapa forzada de renovación". La Nación (in Spanish). Por fuera de la estructura del PJ hay dirigentes que tomaron distancia cuando el partido quedó dominado por el kirchnerismo. [Outside the PJ structure, there are leaders who distanced themselves when the party became dominated by Kirchnerism.]
    • "Llaryora y Schiaretti se distancian otra vez del PJ nacional". Hoy Día Córdoba (in Spanish). 21 March 2024. Hace 20 años que el PJ nacional está dominado por el kirchnerismo. Y la estrategia es siempre la misma. [For 20 years, the national PJ has been dominated by Kirchnerism. And the strategy is always the same.]
    • Crivelli, Sergio (4 August 2024). "Arrancan prematuramente las maniobras electorales para 2025". La Prensa (in Spanish). Pero, dominado por el kirchnerismo, el PJ perdió la oportunidad. [However, dominated by Kirchnerism, the PJ missed its opportunity.]
    • Stanich, Fernando (22 March 2024). "El peronismo se reperfila en busca de nuevos liderazgos". La Gaceta (in Spanish). Sin embargo, el gobernador de Córdoba Martín Llaryora y su antecesor Juan Schiaretti, presidente del PJ cordobés, acordaron no figurar en la foto del congreso. El motivo del faltazo responde a que el partido a nivel nacional "sigue siendo dominado por el kirchnerismo y el massismo". [However, the governor of Córdoba, Martín Llaryora, and his predecessor, Juan Schiaretti, president of the Córdoba PJ, agreed not to appear in the photo of the congress. The reason for their absence is that the party at the national level ‘continues to be dominated by Kirchnerism and Massism.’]
    • "Axel Kicillof lanza el Movimiento Derecho al Futuro y redefine su rol en el peronismo". El Observador (in Spanish). 22 February 2025. Para eso, necesita construir una identidad propia dentro del peronismo, sin depender de La Cámpora ni del PJ controlado por el kirchnerismo. [To do so, he needs to build his own identity within Peronism, without depending on La Cámpora or the PJ controlled by Kirchnerism.]
    • Raventos, Jorge (11 August 2024). "Enredados por WhatsApp". La Capital (in Spanish). Milei tiene ahora como telón de fondo el colapso del sistema político y la derrota que él mismo le infligió a un PJ controlado por el kirchnerismo. [Milei now has as his backdrop the collapse of the political system and the defeat he himself inflicted on a PJ controlled by Kirchnerism.]
  6. ^ a b
    • Lindstaedt, Natasha (2021). Democratic Decay and Authoritarian Resurgence. Bristol University Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-1-5292-1040-8. Citizens were asked if they would support a ban on the leftist populist Peronist party in future elections.
    • Rucht, Dieter (2021). "Right-wing populism in context: A historical and systematic perspective". In Gregor Fitzi; Jürgen Mackert; Bryan S. Turner (eds.). Populism and the Crisis of Democracy: Politics, Social Movements and Extremism. Vol. 2. Routledge. p. 115. ISBN 978-1-315-10806-3. Before becoming a national figure, Kirchner was a local leader of a left-populist Peronist party (Partido Justicialista) in his home district Santa Cruz.
    • Fearon-Hernandez, Patrick; Wash, Thomas (20 November 2023). The Daily Comment (PDF) (Report). Confluence Investment Management. p. 2. Radical libertarian economist and first-term congressman Javier Milei won yesterday's run-off presidential election, defeating Economy Minister Sergio Massa of the ruling left-wing populist Peronist Party by approximately 56% to 44%.
    • Miller, Terry; Kim, Anthony B.; Roberts, James M. (2020). Patrick Tyrrell (ed.). 2020 Index of Economic Freedom (PDF). Heritage Foundation. p. 116. ISBN 978-0-89195-300-5. With the return to power in 2019 of the left-wing populist Peronist party, whose policies caused such economic damage to Argentina earlier in this century, the prospects for new reforms that would improve economic freedom have dimmed.
    • "Argentina". Journal of Populism Studies. Brussels: European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS). 10 August 2020. Partido Justicialista, IPA (The Justicialist Party); Ideology: Perónism, Kirchnerism, Conservatism, anti-corruption, anti-establishment, Antifeminism, Anti-LGBT, nationalism, left-wing populism
    • Miller, Terry; Kim, Anthony B.; Roberts, James M. (2021). 2021 Index of Economic Freedom (PDF). Heritage Foundation. p. 36. ISBN 978-0-89195-303-6. The biggest setback for economic freedom in the region in 2021 is the return to power of the left-wing populist Peronist Party in Argentina.
    • Oppenheimer, Andres (25 August 2023). "Newcomer in Ecuador's first-round election may be bad omen for leftist populist candidate". Miami Herald. After the disastrous performance of the populist-leftist Kirchnerista party in Argentina's primary elections a week earlier, the Aug. 20 elections in Ecuador may turn out to be a crippling setback for Correa's party.
    • "Countries and Markets 1/2019: Financial and political uncertainty is increasing – export credit agencies play a more significant role in ensuring the preconditions for export". Finnvera. 25 October 2019. In the recent presidential primary, Alberto Fernández, the candidate of the left-wing populist Peronist party, gained a surprisingly clear win over the reigning President Mauricio Macri, whose popularity has declined as economic challenges have continued.
    • Chambers, Bala (28 October 2019). "Argentina votes in Fernandez ticket as country shifts to the left". TRT World. The economic crisis has hit the South American nation hard, but voters have backed the country's populist-leftist Peronist party, as the political pendulum swings from right to left.
  7. ^ a b
  8. ^ Múgica Díaz, Joaquín (14 June 2023). "Unión por la Patria es el nuevo nombre elegido por el Frente de Todos para las elecciones". Infobae (in Spanish). Retrieved 4 March 2025.
  9. ^ "Partidos | ODCA.cl".
  10. ^ "Países y Partidos Miembros de la COPPPAL – Copppal". Archived from the original on 21 August 2020. Retrieved 5 July 2020.
  11. ^ a b
    • Iglesias, Fernando A. (12 August 2020). El Medioevo peronista (in Spanish). Libros del Zorzal. ISBN 978-987-599-621-2. El Partido Justicialista es un partido catch all, una organización éticamente amorfa y carente de ideología cuyo objetivo es la captura y retención del poder.
    • Anderson, Cora Fernández (13 May 2020). Fighting for Abortion Rights in Latin America: Social Movements, State Allies and Institutions. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-000-07142-9. From the 1940s until the end of the twentieth century, Argentine politics was dominated by two catch-all political parties: The Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) and the Partido Justicialista (PJ), also known as peronism because of the prominence of its founding figure, former president Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955 and 1973-1974).
    • Sutton, Barbara; Vacarezza, Nayla Luz (5 August 2021). Abortion and Democracy: Contentious Body Politics in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-000-40446-3. From the 1940s until the end of the 20th century, Argentine politics was dominated by two catch-all political parties, meaning parties that aim to attract a large part of the electorate despite holding diverse viewpoints: The Unión Cívica Radical (Radical Civic Union, UCR) and the Partido Justicialista (Justicialist Party, PJ), also known as Peronism because of the prominence of its founding figure, former President Juan Domingo Perón (1946-55 and 1973-74).
    • Strassner, Veit (7 December 2007). Die offenen Wunden Lateinamerikas: Vergangenheitspolitik im postautoritären Argentinien, Uruguay und Chile (in German). Springer-Verlag. ISBN 978-3-531-90657-7. Das argentinische Parteiensystem ist nach 1983 maBgeblich durch die beiden grofen Parteien Unión Cívica Radical und die Peronistische Parte1 (Partido Justicialista, PJ) gekennzeichnet. Bei beiden handelt es sich um catch all-Parteien, wobei die Peronisten traditionell eher caudillistisch oder personalistisch ausgerichtet waren, und die UCR ¡hre Wáhlerschaft urspriinglich eher aus der (oberen) Mittelklasse rekrutierte (Dix 1989: 27).
    • Torre, Juan Carlos; Casullo, María Esperanza; Quirós, Julieta (24 May 2019). ¿Volverá el peronismo? (in Spanish). Capital Intelectual. ISBN 978-987-614-580-0. la implosión de ese formidable catch-all party que era el Partido Justicialista, el cual, como el Partido Demócrata de Estados Unidos en los años sesenta -recordemos a John Kennedy versus la máquina política demócrata del Surdaba cabida en sus filas a una gran diversidad ideológica.
    • Standard & Poor's Creditweek. Standard & Poor's Corporation. 2005. In Argentina, the administration of President Nestor Kirchner represents the left wing of the catch-all Peronist Party.
    • Gordin, Jorge P. (2006). "Intergovernmental fiscal relations, 'Argentine Style'". Journal of Public Policy. 26 (3): 255–277. doi:10.1017/S0143814X06000535. ISSN 1469-7815. Further, the 'catch-all' nature of Argentina'smainstream parties, the Peronist Party and the UCR, leads to intra-partyconfrontations because these parties embrace quite distinct factions.
  12. ^ Cupples, Julie (2021). Development and Decolonization in Latin America. Routledge. p. 104. ISBN 9780367627089. The centre-left Justicialist Party returned to power in 2019, and Cristina Fernández became vice-president.
  13. ^ Del Real, Deisy (2019). Documenting the Undocumented: the Construction of Legal Residency as a Substantive Right Under the Mercosur Residency Agreements. Los Angeles: University of California. pp. 106–107. These included Argentina's President Nestor Kirchner (2003-2007) of the left-wing Justicialist Party; Bolivia's President Evo Morales (2006–present) of the left-wing Movement for Socialism-Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples; Uruguay's President Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) of the left-wing Socialist Party; and Brazil's Presidents Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016) of the left-wing Workers' Party.
  14. ^ Singer, Matthew M. (2014). "The 2013 congressional elections in Argentina". Electoral Studies. 35 (1). Elsevier Ltd.: 371. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2014.01.003. ISSN 0261-3794. This tendency started in the 1980s as the economic collapse decimated the unions that had formed the base of the leftist Justicialist Party (PJ, although it is more commonly referenced as the Peronist Party).
  15. ^ Levitsky, Steven; Roberts, Kenneth M. (2011). The Resurgence of the Latin American Left. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 285. ISBN 978-1-4214-0110-2.
  16. ^ Levitsky, Steven; Roberts, Kenneth M. (2011). The Resurgence of the Latin American Left. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-1-4214-0110-2.
  17. ^ Ellner, Steve (2020). Latin America's Pink Tide: Breakthroughs and Shortcomings. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 7. ISBN 9781538125649. These writers also argue that twenty-first-century Latin American leftist governments, like Peronism in the 1940s, were doomed to failure since the success of their defiance of powerful actors was contingent on the indefinite duration of favorable international markets for their nations' exports.
  18. ^ Wylde, Christopher (2017). Emerging Markets and the State: Developmentalism in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 138–139. doi:10.1057/978-1-137-55655-4. ISBN 978-1-137-55654-7. Perón and Peronismo (Peronism) therefore represented a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military.
  19. ^ [17][18]
  20. ^ Glasserman Apicella, Carolina (2025). "Women legislators' strategies to "hack" the gender gap in decision-making: the case of the parliamentary secretary of the Argentine Congress". European Journal of Politics and Gender. 20 (20). Bristol University Press. doi:10.1332/25151088Y2025D000000094. ISSN 2515-1096. In terms of party representation: 13 belong to the Justicialist Party in its various factions (56.5 percent), also known as the "Peronist Party," a broad, center-left, nationalist and popular political force.
  21. ^ "Partido Justicialista". Pj.org.ar. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  22. ^ Santa Cruz, Arturo (25 August 2022). "US Hegemony, Economic Statecraft, and the Political Economy of US Power". Brazilian Journal of International Relations. 11 (2). Marília: Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências: 197. doi:10.36311/2237-7743.2022.v11n2.p190-218. ISSN 2237-7743. It was actually related to Perón's political economy conception, as well as to what he considered appropriate a state led by his left-leaning Justicialist party should do; these ideational matters therefore greatly affected the economic policies, that is, the means, his government implemented.
  23. ^ Dube, Ryan (19 August 2019). "Argentina's Fernández Moves from Little-Known Politician to Next Likely President". Wall Street Journal.
  24. ^ Jalalzai, Farida (2015). Routledge (ed.). Women Presidents of Latin America: Beyond Family Ties?. Routledge. p. 27. ISBN 9781317668350.
  25. ^ Agustín, Óscar G.; Briziarelli, Marco (2017). Springer (ed.). Podemos and the New Political Cycle: Left-Wing Populism and Anti-Establishment Politics. Springer. p. 195. ISBN 9783319634326.
  26. ^ [23][24][25]
  27. ^
  28. ^ Gallego-Díaz, Soledad (19 October 2011). "El peronista Duhalde intenta conservar una parcela de poder en Buenos Aires". El País.
  29. ^ Silva, Eduardo; Rossi, Federico (2018). University of Pittsburgh Press (ed.). Reshaping the Political Arena in Latin America: From Resisting Neoliberalism to the Second Incorporation. University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 9780822983101.
  30. ^ [28][29]
  31. ^ "Alejandro "Topo" Rodríguez: No se puede construir nada a futuro con impronta macrista". La Voz del Interior. 15 October 2020. Rodríguez, politólogo de profesión y docente de Políticas Públicas, sostiene que este peronismo federal, que subsiste en el medio del antagonismo rabioso entre el Frente de Todos (FDT) y Juntos por el Cambio (JPC), se propone insistir en la construcción de un espacio independiente, de centro moderado y progresista.
  32. ^ ABDO, GERARDO DAVID OMAR (13 November 2014). "Peronismo Federal: ambicion y despretigio hechos fuerza politica". Monografias.com (in Spanish). Retrieved 12 December 2023.
  33. ^ a b Garriga, Ana Carolina; Negri, Juan (2020). "It's (Almost) Always the Economy: Economic Performance and Political Realignments in Argentina in 2019". Revista de Ciencia Política. 40 (2): 152. doi:10.4067/S0718-090X2020005000104. As said, his candidacy was severely weakened by the dismantling of the Federal Peronism alternative.
  34. ^ Medina, Juan M. Abal (2020). "Peronism Back in Power in Argentina: Economic Crisis and Political Stability". Latin American Policy. 11 (1). Wiley Periodicals, Inc.: 151. doi:10.1111/lamp.12184. Thus, the attempt by Federal Peronism, which the previous year saw itself as a consolidated actor, to create a "third alternative" was destroyed.
  35. ^ [33][34]
  36. ^ "Justicialista Party declares Cristina Kirchner party president". Buenos Aires Herald. 5 November 2024.
  37. ^ Roy, Diana (5 February 2024). "Argentina's Struggle for Stability". Council on Foreign Relations. Justicialist Party. Commonly known as Peronists, the Justicialist Party advocates for greater economic intervention and welfare-state policies, as well as economic independence from wealthier countries.
  38. ^ a b c Crassweller, Robert. Perón and the Enigmas of Argentina. W.W. Norton & Company, 1988.
  39. ^ a b Poneman, Daniel. Argentina: Democracy on Trial. Paragon House, 1987.
  40. ^ a b "Argentina's new president sworn in". BBC News. 13 October 2017. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  41. ^ "Argentina hopes for new beginning". BBC News. 26 May 2003. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  42. ^ "The return of populism". The Economist. 12 April 2006. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  43. ^ "Tras la derrota, Kirchner renunció a la jefatura del PJ y dejó a Scioli". Clarin. 30 June 2009. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  44. ^ "Argentina – A Defeat for Populism". PRS Group. 10 December 2015. Retrieved 22 September 2021.
  45. ^ "Argentina's Cambiemos: A party from the elite, by the elite, for the elite?". NACLA. Retrieved 22 September 2021.
  46. ^ Goñi, Uki (28 October 2019). "Argentina election: Macri out as Cristina Fernández de Kirchner returns to office as VP". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2 May 2020.
  47. ^ Camarano, Cecilia (22 March 2021). "Con un llamado a mantener la unidad, Alberto asumió la presidencia del PJ". Ámbito Financiero (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 23 March 2021. Retrieved 22 March 2021.
  48. ^ "Alberto Fernández asume la presidencia del Consejo del Partido Justicialista". Télam (in Spanish). 22 March 2021. Archived from the original on 12 July 2022. Retrieved 22 March 2021.
  49. ^ "Elecciones Argentina 2023: "Unión por la Patria" es el nuevo nombre del Frente de Todos". Página12 (in Spanish). 14 June 2023.
  50. ^ "Argentine incumbent Mauricio Macri concedes defeat in presidential vote". CNBC. 27 October 2019.
  51. ^ Múgica Díaz, Joaquín (14 June 2023). "Unión por la Patria es el nuevo nombre elegido por el Frente de Todos para las elecciones". Infobae (in Spanish).
  52. ^ a b Goñi, Uki (14 August 2023). "Far-right outsider takes shock lead in Argentina primary election". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 14 August 2023.
  53. ^ "Argentina's President Fernandez will not seek re-election". Al-Jazeera. 21 April 2023.
  54. ^ "Balotaje 2023, en vivo: los resultados y las noticias minuto a minuto de las elecciones". LA NACION (in Spanish). 19 November 2023. Archived from the original on 19 November 2023. Retrieved 19 November 2023.
  55. ^ Tagliabúe, Leonardo (19 November 2023). "Contundente triunfo de Javier Milei: será el próximo presidente de la Argentina". Infobae (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 20 November 2023. Retrieved 19 November 2023.
  56. ^ Matsushita, Hiroshi (1986). Movimiento obrero argentino, 1930–1945 : sus proyecciones en los orígenes del peronismo. Buenos Aires: Hyspamerica. ISBN 950-614-427-3. OCLC 15206718.
  57. ^ Luna, Félix (1984). El 45. Buenos Aires: Hyspamérica. p. 219.
  58. ^ Plotkin, Mariano Ben (2012). El día que se inventó el peronismo. Sudamericana.
  59. ^ Torre, Juan Carlos (1990). La vieja guardia sindical y Perón : sobre los orígenes del peronismo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. ISBN 950-07-0602-4. OCLC 22454334.
  60. ^ a b Levitsky, Steven (2005). La transformación del justicialismo : del partido sindical al partido clientelista, 1983–1999. Leandro Wolfson (1a. ed.). Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI. ISBN 987-1013-38-8. OCLC 66904266.
  61. ^ Gervasoni, Carlos (2025). "Argentina 2024: El exitoso e inquietante primer año de Milei" [Argentina 2024: Milei’s Successful and Unsettling First Year]. Revista de Ciencia Política. 45 (2). Pontifical Catholic University of Chile: 160. doi:10.4067/S0718-090X2025000200139. ISSN 0718-090X.
  62. ^ Wallihan, Jake (2023). "The Strength of Democracy in Argentina and Where it Stands Today". The Journal of Foreign Affairs at Carolina. 8 (2). University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill: 27. doi:10.17615/kj66-1m54. Historically, the PJ was a leftist, populist party with statist policies commonly seen in Latin America during this period.)
  63. ^ Dagatti, Mariano (2020). "The justicialist rhetoric of Néstor Kirchner" (PDF). African Yearbook of Rhetoric. 10: 75. ISSN 2305-7785.
  64. ^ Herkman, Juha (2022). A Cultural Approach to Populism. Routledge. p. 43. doi:10.4324/9781003267539. hdl:20.500.12657/75920. ISBN 978-1-003-26753-9.
  65. ^ a b Wylde, Christopher (2017). Emerging Markets and the State: Developmentalism in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 138–139. doi:10.1057/978-1-137-55655-4. ISBN 978-1-137-55654-7.
  66. ^ Ameringer, Charles D. (2009). The Socialist Impulse: Latin America in the Twentieth Century. University Press of Florida. p. 25. ISBN 978-0-8130-3812-4.
  67. ^ K. Alley, Joshua (2014). "Argentina's 2001 Default: Foreign Policy Considerations and Consequences". Celebration (60). Gettysburg College: 20.
  68. ^ Wesoky, Jacob (2024). Gaya Karalasingam; Breanna Hillgartner (eds.). "A Pious Paradox: Analyzing the Contradictory Paths of Chile and Argentina in Legalizing Same-Sex Marriage Amidst Varying Levels of Religiosity". Flux: International Relations Review. 14 (2). McGill University: 83. doi:10.26443/firr.v14i2.169.
  69. ^ a b "The persistence of Peronism". The Economist. 15 October 2015.
  70. ^ Iglesias, Inés Arias (2016). The Latin American populism of the XXI century. A new political model beyond Neoliberalism? –The case study of Argentina and Venezuela (PDF) (MSc European Studies specialization in Latin American Studies thesis). Aalborg University. p. 64.
  71. ^ Mertehikian, Yasmin A.; Parrado, Emilio A. (2024). "The Gendered Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Employment in Argentina: The Mediating Role of the Public vs. Private Sectors". In Jerry A. Jacobs (ed.). Gender, Work and Family in Turbulent Times COVID-19, Remote Work and Diversity (PDF). p. 71. doi:10.3390/books978-3-7258-2779-4. ISBN 978-3-7258-2779-4.
  72. ^ "Guest Column: The Election of Javier Milei". Democracy & Society Journal. 25 March 2024.
  73. ^ Mills, Greg (2018). "The Cost of Perónism and Populist Coups: Tough Lessons from Argentina". Brenthurst Discussion Paper (5). The Brenthurst Foundation: 5–9.
  74. ^ Roos, Jerome (19 May 2016). Why Not Default? The Structural Power of Finance in Sovereign Debt Crises (Doctor of Political and Social Sciences thesis). Florence: European University Institute.
  75. ^ Park, Jay (12 April 2022). "The Peronist Paradigm: The Impact of Peronist Traditions on the Economic Recovery of Argentina in the Wake of COVID-19A thesis presented". Trinity College Digital Repository. Hartford, Connecticut: JSTOR: 18. JSTOR community.34031496.
  76. ^ Wylde, Christopher (2017). Emerging Markets and the State: Developmentalism in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 140. doi:10.1057/978-1-137-55655-4. ISBN 978-1-137-55654-7.
  77. ^ Ranis, Peter (1992). Argentine Workers: Peronism and Contemporary Class Consciousness. University of Pittsburgh Press. pp. 20–25. ISBN 0-8229-3703-4.
  78. ^ James P. Brennan (1998). Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. p. 6. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8.
  79. ^ Garriga, Ana Carolina; Negri, Juan (2021). "Es (casi) siempre la economía: desempeño económico y realineamiento político en Argentina en 2019" [It's (Almost) Always the Economy: Economic Performance and Political Realignments in Argentina in 2019]. Revista de ciencia política (Santiago). 40 (9). SciELO: 157. ISSN 0718-090X.
  80. ^ "Argentina". Journal of Populism Studies. Brussels: European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS). 10 August 2020. Partido Justicialista, IPA (The Justicialist Party); Ideology: Perónism, Kirchnerism, Conservatism, anti-corruption, anti-establishment, Antifeminism, Anti-LGBT, nationalism, left-wing populism
  81. ^ Christie, Jane L. (2016). Carolina Rocha (ed.). Negotiating Gendered Discourses: Michelle Bachelet and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Latin American Gender and Sexualities. Lexington Books. p. 218. ISBN 9781498512350.
  82. ^ Caballero, Virginia; Ghezzi, María Lía (14 December 2021). "Argentina's new abortion law". D+C Development and Cooperation.
  83. ^ "Kirchner signs law legalising gay unions". Sydney Morning Herald. 22 July 2010.
  84. ^ Boff, Leonardo (2014). Francis of Rome & Francis of Assisi: a new spring in the Church. Translated by Dinah Livingstone. Orbis Books. p. 89. ISBN 978-1-62698-083-9.
  85. ^ Brussino1, Silvina; Imhoff, Débora; Paz García, Ana Pamela; Dreizik, Matías; Rabbia, Hugo Hernán. "O que São a Esquerda e a Direita na Argentina? Esquemas Cognitivos de Cidadãos de Córdoba" [What Are Left and Right in Argentina? Cognitive Squemas of Citizens from Cordoba]. Trends in Psychology / Temas em Psicologia (in Brazilian Portuguese). 24 (4). ociedad Brasileña de Psicología: 1260. doi:10.9788/TP2016.4-04En. ISSN 1413-389X.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  86. ^ "The Latin-American Situation on Globalization and Competitiveness" (PDF). The World Factbook. 2014. p. 4.
  87. ^ a b Parks, Bradley C.; Malik, Ammar A.; Escobar, Brooke; Zhang, Sheng; Fedorochko, Rory; Solomon, Kyra; Wang, Fei; Vlasto, Lydia; Walsh, Katherine; Goodman, Seth (November 2023). "Reputational Rehabilitation on the Belt and Road". Belt and Road Reboot: Beijing’s Bid to De-Risk Its Global Infrastructure Initiative (PDF). AidData. pp. 226–229.
  88. ^ a b c Grisendi, Giovanni (2020). The Pink Tide and the Left Behind: The Rise and Fall of the Latin American Left (Master of Advanced International Studies (M.A.I.S.) thesis). Vienna: University of Vienna. pp. 42–62.
  89. ^ a b Castillo, Antonio (11 April 2016). "Obama's Historic Visits to Cuba and Argentina Expand Relations". Davis Political Review.
  90. ^ Rodríguez Ron, Andrés Santiago (2021). Policy Agendas: Progressive Left and the Politics of Attention in Latin America (Doctoral thesis). Universidade do Minho. pp. 54–55.
  91. ^ "China intends to curtail US power in the OAS". Robert Lansing Institute. 18 August 2021.
  92. ^ Friedemann, Sergio (March 2014). "El marxismo peronista de Rodolfo Puiggrós: Una aproximación a la izquierda nacional". Documentos de Jóvenes Investigadores (in Spanish) (39). Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani. ISBN 978-987-28642-4-8.
  93. ^ Camilo Aguirre Torrini; Dante Alejandro Anderson (2024). "Peronismo y kimilsungismo: un análisis de la representación de la Argentina en la prensa norcoreana y de la influencia de las delegaciones argentinas que viajaron a Corea del Norte en el marco de la guerra fría" [Peronism and Kimilsungism: An analysis of the representation of Argentina in the North Korean press, as well as the influence of the Argentinian delegations traveling to North Korea in the framework of the Cold War]. Online Journal Mundo Asia Pacifico (in Spanish). 13 (24). Revistas académicas Universidad EAFIT: 70. doi:10.17230/map.v13.i24.04.
  94. ^ Chervo, Luis (5 February 2022). ""Si yo fuera un joven argentino, sería Peronista", dijo Mao Tsé Tung". El Agrario (in Spanish).
  95. ^ Pesce, Marta (2018). Foreign Policy of Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner, two different expressions of Peronism (PDF) (Master in International and Cross-Cultural Relations thesis). University of Venice. p. 120.
  96. ^ Ricardo Ferrer Picado (2024). "China in Argentina: A Case of Neocolonialism in Progress" (PDF). Expediente Abierto: 15.
  97. ^ Thomas, Tina M. (2014). "Asymmetrical Motivations: An Analysis of Argentine-Venezuelan Bilateral Relations". The Journal of Politics and Society. Helvidius Group of Columbia University: 103–105. doi:10.7916/D88050MG.
  98. ^ Pesce, Marta (2018). Foreign Policy of Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner, two different expressions of Peronism (PDF) (Master in International and Cross-Cultural Relations thesis). University of Venice. pp. 86–87.
  99. ^ Ocampo, Emilio (2020). "The populist economic policy paradigm: Early peronism as an archetype" (PDF). Serie Documentos de Trabajo (731). Buenos Aires: Universidad del Centro de Estudios Macroeconómicos de Argentina (UCEMA): 4.
  100. ^ "Nicolás Maduro, insólito: se proclamó peronista, vivó "Perón, Perón" y le cantó a "los soldados"" (in Spanish). 29 July 2024.
  101. ^ Valery, Jesús Delgado (16 April 2024). "El sospechoso papel de Maduro en la observación electoral". Latinoamérica 21 (in Spanish).
  102. ^ Scanlan, Michael Andrew (2022). Inclusionary populism: old antagonisms, new challenges (PDF) (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). University of Glasgow.
  103. ^ Pesce, Marta (2018). Foreign Policy of Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner, two different expressions of Peronism (PDF) (Master in International and Cross-Cultural Relations thesis). University of Venice. pp. 29–77.
  104. ^ Marzetti, Maximiliano (26 June 2024). "Why Argentina did not join BRICS+ and what does it mean to its Corporate Governance". European Corporate Governance Institute (ECGI).
  105. ^ Rodell, Paul A.; Skidmore-Hess, Cathy (2022). "Special Report: The Global South & Ukraine" (PDF). Association of Global South Studies, Inc. p. 73.
  106. ^ "Fake International Observers and Experts at Russia's Fraudulent 2024 "Presidential Election"" (PDF). European Platform for Democratic Elections. 2024. p. 18.
  107. ^ "Argentina joins chorus of leftist Latin American leaders criticizing Israeli military response". ADN America. 2 November 2023.
  108. ^ Lanza, Dacil (10 October 2025). "Cries and silence: Latin American progressives divided on criticism of Israel". openDemocracy.
  109. ^ "When Islamic terrorists used a photo of Cristina Kirchner at a march in Gaza". La Derecha Diario. 16 June 2025.
  110. ^ Crassweller, Robert D. (1987). Peron and the Enigmas of Argentina. Penguin Books Canada Ltd. p. 334. ISBN 0-393-02381-8.
  111. ^ Collier, Ruth Berins; Collier, David (1991). Shaping the political arena: critical junctures, the labor movement, and regime dynamics in Latin America. Princeton University Press. pp. 495–496. ISBN 0-691-02313-1.
  112. ^ James, Daniel (1988). Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. p. 210. ISBN 0-521-46682-2.
  113. ^ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 98. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  114. ^ Hedges, Jill (2021). Juan Perón: The Life of the People's Colonel. I.B. Tauris. p. 211. ISBN 978-0-7556-0268-1.
[edit]

34°36′40.5″S 58°24′0.5″W / 34.611250°S 58.400139°W / -34.611250; -58.400139

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Justicialist_Party&oldid=1318599374"