Reginald McKenna

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The Right Honourable
Reginald McKenna
Reginald McKenna photo.jpg
Chancellor of the Exchequer
In office
27 May 1915 – 10 December 1916
Monarch George V
Prime Minister H. H. Asquith
Preceded by David Lloyd George
Succeeded by Bonar Law
Home Secretary
In office
23 October 1911 – 27 May 1915
Monarch George V
Prime Minister H. H. Asquith
Preceded by Winston Churchill
Succeeded by Sir John Simon
First Lord of the Admiralty
In office
12 April 1908 – 23 October 1911
Prime Minister H. H. Asquith
Preceded by Edward Marjoribanks
Succeeded by Winston Churchill
President of the Board of Education
In office
23 January 1907 – 12 April 1908
Prime Minister Henry Campbell-Bannerman
Preceded by Augustine Birrell
Succeeded by Walter Runciman
Financial Secretary to the Treasury
In office
12 December 1905 – 23 January 1907
Prime Minister Henry Campbell-Bannerman
Preceded by Victor Cavendish
Succeeded by Walter Runciman
Member of Parliament
for North Monmouthshire
In office
7 August 1895 – 14 December 1918
Preceded by Thomas Phillips Price
Succeeded by Constituency abolished
Personal details
Born (1863-07-06)6 July 1863
Kensington, London[1]
Died 6 September 1943(1943-09-06) (aged 80)
Nationality British
Political party Liberal
Spouse(s) Pamela Jekyll (d. 1943)
Alma mater Trinity Hall, Cambridge

Reginald McKenna (6 July 1863 – 6 September 1943) was a British banker and Liberal politician. He notably served as Home Secretary and Chancellor of the Exchequer during the premiership of H. H. Asquith. His first post under Henry Campbell-Bannerman was as President of the Board of Education. From there he was promoted to the Cabinet as an Imperialist to be First Lord of the Admiralty. As a friend of Asquith his politics were similar; but historians regard his politics as non-Asquithian. By character he was a studious, meticulous and dedicated mathematician. He was noted for paying attention to detail, but was bureaucratic and partisan. McKenna exhibited strong departmental loyalty, yet lacked the wider concern for national interests, typical of the statesmanlike group of Liberal Imperialists. The banker economist was urbane, sociable, and adaptive to more conservative and prudent ideals.[2][3]

Background and education[edit]

Born in Kensington, London,[1] McKenna was the son of William Columban McKenna and his wife Emma, daughter of Charles Hanby.[4] Sir Joseph Neale McKenna was his uncle. McKenna was educated at King's College School and at Trinity Hall, Cambridge.[5] At Cambridge he was a notable rower. In 1886 he was a member of the Trinity Hall Boat Club eight that won the Grand Challenge Cup at Henley Royal Regatta.[6] He rowed bow in the winning Cambridge boat in the 1887 Boat Race. Also in 1887 he was a member of the Trinity Hall coxless four that won the Stewards' Challenge Cup at Henley.

Reginald McKenna by Leslie Ward (Vanity Fair caricatures) entitled "In the winning crew"

Political career[edit]

McKenna was elected at the 1895 general election as Member of Parliament (MP) for North Monmouthshire. McKenna was a Liberal Imperialist. After the Khaki Election of 1900, he supported Lord Rosebery's controversial return to government.[7] He served in the Liberal governments of Campbell-Bannerman and Asquith as President of the Board of Education, First Lord of the Admiralty (1908–11), and Home Secretary. In December 1905 he was appointed ahead of Winston Churchill, as Financial Secretary to the Treasury.

He was considered prigish, and prissy by his opponents, as well as methodical, and efficient, but with nil charisma by his critics. However his financial skills were such as to prompt Stanley Baldwin to demand his return to government in 1930s. McKenna's estimates were submitted to unprecedented scrutiny by the 'economists' Lloyd George and Churchill. McKenna made extravagant naval estimates in December 1906 for the years 1909-10 of £36 m. This was the Dreadnought building program inspired by nval reformer Admiral Fisher. In 1907, the Tory majority in the Lords emasculated the budget, failing a budget increase of 11%. The June Resolutions requested from Campbell-Bannerman prompted a censure motion on the radical ministry.

In 1907 McKenna had a stroke of luck: James Bryce was promoted to Ambassador to USA, Augustine Birrell replaced him as Chief Secretary, he achieved a step nearer to the cabinet on transfer to the Board of Education. Responsible for such reforms as the introduction of free places in secondary schools[8] [9][10] and the bestowing upon local authorities the powers to deal with the health and physical needs of children, he was promoted to the cabinet only a year later.[11]

A successful First Lord[edit]

At the Admiralty he worked through the unemployment problem, which may have included the naval economy, for the first time assiduously planned. McKenna started the Labour Exchange Bills from May 1909, a policy later associated with Churchill. He came under increasing pressure from speeches outside parliament. The number of Dreadnoughts was putatively increased from six to eight ships; four initially and four later. Since 4 March a cabal of Lloyd George and Churchill had 'waged war' on McKenna's position in a plan to persuade the Liberal left of the neglect of defence expenditure. Nonetheless McKenna was on the cabinet finance committee that discussed the budgetary proposal of 7 March 1910, and on 12 April refused to contemplate the chancellor's proposed defence cuts.[12] On 4 August he attacked the proposed Development Bill in cabinet, and Churchill's oratorical defence of it.[13]

The Sub-Committee of CID, chaired by the Prime Minister, had met to discuss the possibility of a Navy only defence policy; the consequences of an under-prepared Army; Haig thought he knew nothing of war and military needs.[14] McKenna's inclusion on 23 August was indicative of the cost of Home Defence and the alternative schemes, but also of his replacement by Churchill.[15] He had survived the General Elections of 1910, and his post at the Admiralty in Asquith's government because he had attended the Sub-Committee on December 17, 1908 and March 23, 1909, during which periods he had fully comprehended the gravity of the naval threat.[16] In total he 'laid the keels' of 18 new battleships that contributed mightily to the Jutland fleet. McKenna commenced the Dreadnought Arms Race: the fundamental strategic basis was for a vast fleet, large enough to intimidate Germany to decline to fight. But in the event Britain's advantage was ephemeral and fleeting. Churchill often his biggest critic from the Board of Trade was moved to be to the Home Office.[17]

After Balfour's fantastic and improbable scheme, as one cabinet colleague put it, had failed.[18] The Imperialists ganged up against McKenna for Churchill to replace him at the Admiralty.[a] Fortunately the Agadir Crisis averted war; but McKenna the rich banker remained isolated in a radical cabinet which sought to be economised.[19] The result was an estimates struggle between service chiefs, in which his opposition in August 1911 to planned deployment in the Army was struck down by Asquith as "wholly impracticable".[20] Asquith was the only minister aware of the secret, when Crewe announced on 8 November the transfer of the Indian capital to Delhi, a strategically indfensible position that alarmed the cabinet.[21] By September the crisis had come to a head: and so on 16 November at cabinet McKenna made the wise choice, and accepted the Home Office.[20]

A 'liberated' Home Secretary[edit]

McKenna took his promotion to the Home Office in October 1911 partly becaue he had recovered from an appendicitis operation, and partly to refuse an offer of permanent secretary of the Treasury. He was one of numerous Cabinet appointments at the time which, according to historian Duncan Tanner, “pushed the (Liberal) party still further to the left.”[22] McKenna and Hobhouse were responsible for the Welsh Church Disestablishment Bill finally drafted on 20 February 1912. The ODNB call him a wise and judicious Home Secretary. Hobhouse certainly hoped him a Liberal one. For he was stolidly opposed by Lord Birkenhead, a former Lord Chancellor.

Another piece of legislation ensued in the Coal Mines Bill regulating pay and conditions. McKenna enthusaiastically supported the minimum wage bill in principle, but partly to prevent 'civil war' in the coalfields.[23] With Asquith's approval McKenna left the majority cabinet side to attend on the King, having left behind an "admirable memo."[24] Throughout the summer 1912 he opposed the escalation of the Arms Race, occasioned by Churchill's plan to build a new Mediterranean fleet.[25] In opposing a Temperance Bill to force the Scots to relinquish and rehabilitate abuse he exhibited his own brand of social liberalism. What ensued was a radical proposal to let prisoners out on short licence, which he sponsored to deal with militant suffragists, a bill unanimously approved by cabinet. In April he voted against compulsory military training.[b][26] At a council of war with Lloyd George on 13 June, McKenna was left in no doubt that Asquith had refused the chancellor's resignation over the Marconi Affair. McKenna himself was categorical as to their innocence of the share dealings. This advice may have saved the Welsh Wizard's career. He made it clear that the Government could not secure any contracts for favours whether from Marconi or Lord Cowdray. Its spending plans were bankrupting the Treasury at a meeting on 24 June but only Churchill opposed Asquith's policy. With irish parentage in his own family, McKenna was happy to do the half-cash, half-stock calculations on 16 July for the Irish Purchase Act introduced by a sentimental Birrell, as the prospect for Home Rule drew ever nearer.[c] Dublin was in turmoil, to McKenna and others on the Left it was as much Carson's fault as Larkin's.[d] They feared a Tory reaction in the Lords among 'diehards', and chaos on the Liberal backbenches. McKenna blamed Churchill for stirring up the Northcliffe press against the cabinet's plans to boost the army's budget by £800,000 and a proposed increase of £6 million in the Royal Navy's bi-annual estimate.[27] In the new year McKenna was one of Lloyd George's group to analyse the Navy memos on the deferred payments for Dreadnought constructio; they insisted that Churchill's expenditure must be reduced to that McKenna incurred in 1912-13 (see above).

McKenna was receiving distress messages of grave concern from Irish leader William Redmond. In late January 1914 his friends Charles Hobhouse and Sir John Simon agreed to lobbby the chancellor. The following day at the Treasury their "entire sitting was taken up" by the group's tirade against Churchill's management of the Admiralty. They retired the next morning to Smith Square to discuss the Home Rule crisis in Ireland; a dissolution "would be a complete practical triumph for the Tory Party", wrote Hobhouse; their group was expanded to include Beauchamp and Runciman.[28] On 29 January the group sent a petition to no.10 protesting against the Naval Estimates: McKenna tackled the assumptive total of £52.5 millions.

On 17 July, before the weekend, McKenna proposed an Amending Bill to the Government of Ireland Bill to allow any Ulster county to opt into Home Rule. They sent it to the House of Lords to help them reject it; but the Liberals put their trust in Redmond's governance. McKenna's anti-Carson bill proceeded after the Conference shook on it, with the proviso of a dissolution. But the problems in Ireland exacerbated by Birrell's negligence paled into insignificance on 4 August.[e] Broadly-speaking McKenna, an Asquithian supported the pledge to Belgium's neutrality, but what he wanted to do was not to send the BEF. Above all unity was essential to prevent the break up of the Empire; Masterman, Runciman and McKenna all wanted to stall the Kaiser for invaluable time.[29][30] Most of the cabinet at the eleventh hour opposed armed intervention in France.[31] Yet it seemed grimly prescient when, present in Cabinet they heard the news of the disastrous defeat at Mons on 24 August 1914.[32]

The Home Secretary remained in charge of State Security: more than 6,000 cases were investigated for espionage, none of which produced any traitors. On 2 October at Manchester he organized for local merchants rattled by IRA bomb plots, to resume reception of telegraphic messages. In Ireland the 'German Plot' had sparked fears that Britain was infiltrated by a network of spies. In response the German cable telegraphs were laid instead from Dartmouth to Brest in Brittany to guarantee Allied communications links. On 20 October a warrant went out for the arrest of 23,000 Germanic aliens, and cut food supplies, lest they fell into German hands, were cut to Belgium. McKenna refused to allow the publication of Audacious sinking; in the event it was 'leaked' to the Evening News anyway. And on 30 October the cabinet annoounced a general policy of censorship.[33] In the Wilhelmina case he again referred to the legal situation, seeking a solution in international law.

A newcomer to the cabinet that Mckenna disliked was the autocratic and dismissive War Secretary Lord Kitchener. Immediately on his appointment their relations soured: the policy of arresting continued as the Army needed one million men, until the Adjutant-general complained there were too many. But because Kitchener was not in the Commons, he was unanswerable though, to McKenna for ill-discipline in the ranks. On 5 March 1915 McKennna reported that the Ritz Carlton Hotel, New York was being used as a spy network to inform on British intelligence: the government was determined to prevent the USA entering the war on Germany's side, informed Washington.[34] McKenna maintained a basically Asquithian left-of-centre position gradually falling out with Lloyd George. When the Marquess of Crewe suggested that the price of oppositional co-operation from the Conservatives would be an election, he was referring to what McKenna's group knew were the ongoing negotiations Churchill was having to bring Balfour into the Labour Conferences. While Asquith accepted the Admiralty's conduct of the anti-U Boat war, he was adamantly against any electoral agreement. Biding his time Lloyd George was prepared to delegate: allowing McKenna's superior Home Office Inspectorate to take control of the duties under the Defence of the Realm Act subsequent to a Cabinet meeting of 26 March 1915. Meanwhile he questioned the constitutional authority of CID, now guiding Navy policy in the Dardenelles, as being without accountability to the Cabinet.

Internal wrangling in Cabinet conversations reached fever pitch: the Jewish minister Edwin Montagu, a cousin of Herbert Samuel and ally of Lloyd George suggested that Asquith was jealous of Grey's prowess in the Foreign Office. Mrs McKenna was a society hostess who had entertained London High Society for years, but when in April 1915 the Home Secretary banned Montagu from his home for six months, the scene was set for a final split in the party. McKenna was a Teetotaller, something he had impressed upon the King was necessary for good government. His Majesty required drinkers Churchill and Haldane to take the pledge, which they bitterly resented. McKenna's asceticism won few new friends, so that when the end came for his career it was both dramatic and complete.[35]

Asquith's liberal chancellor[edit]

In May 1915 Asquith resigned. On 16 May McKenna had done all he could to make his friend change his mind; he has also spoken with Lloyd George. It had all been done in utter secrecy; McKenna anyway disagreed with coalition government.[36] A week later the new Chancellor of the Exchequer McKenna, also had a new permanent secretary at the Treasury. He opposed Churchill's attempt to introduce conscription in 1915 at a rate of 35,000 men per week. He retired into opposition upon the fall of Asquith at the end of 1916. In the meantime, McKenna oversaw the issue of the Second War Loan in June 1915, at an interest rate of 4.5%, although his first budget was actually on 21 September 1915 was a serious attempt to deal with an impending debt crisis. Revenues were rising, but pitiful to £1.6 billion expenditure. McKenna's bluewater strategy at the Admiralty in 1911 was now dissipated. War was a catalyst for a fiscal policy imposing crippling tax rates. Massive impositions increases on the richest, were joined by 50% excess profit tax, and 50% sales and purchase taxes. Attempted post office charge increases failed due to trade union opposition and a public outcry. These were instead raised in a Post Office and Telegraph bill.

McKenna duties[edit]

In September 1915, he introduced a 3313% levy on luxury imports in order to fund the war effort. At first this excluded commercial vehicles, which were needed for war transportation. The tax, which became known as the McKenna Duties, was intended to be temporary but lasted for 41 years until it was finally axed in 1956. It was briefly waived between August 1924 and June 1925, and then extended on 1 May 1926 to cover commercial vehicles.[37]

Fiscal relations and Lloyd George[edit]

The April 1916 budget was more of the same: excruciating rises in income and excess profits, plus rises in prices of basic food commodities. Sales taxes were widened out to cover rail tickets, mineral water, cider and perry, and entertainments. Clearly he was one of Asquith's war cabinet: the government pledged that if they issued War Loan at the even higher interest (as they did with the 5% issue of 1917), holders of the 4.5% bonds might also convert to the new rate. His predecessor David Lloyd George criticised McKenna in his memoirs for increasing the interest rate from 3.5% on the 1914 War Loan at a time when investors had few alternatives and might even have had their capital "conscripted" by the government. Not only did the change ultimately increase the nation's interest payments by £100 million/year but it meant rates were higher throughout the economy during the post-war depression.[38] Compared with France, the British government relied more on short-term financing in the form of treasury bills and exchequer bonds during World War I; Treasury bills provided the bulk of British government funds in 1916.[39] McKenna fell out with the impressive figure of Lord Cunliffe, Governor of the Bank of England. Furthermore he tried to sequestrate the assets of the US Prudential Assurance Company to pay for American war materiel purchases.

An anti-Lloyd George Liberal, McKenna was critical of the Prime Minister's political approach, telling Conservative politician Arthur Balfour that “you disagree with us, but you can understand our principles. Lloyd George doesn't understand them and we can't make him.”[40] But unlike McKenna, Lloyd George had no problem with relations with Cunliffe.

Critical of Lloyd George, McKenna nevertheless saw the state as having an important role in society, a sentiment that he shared with Asquith. As noted by his biographer and nephew, Stephen McKenna,

Without trying to define the whole duty of Liberal man, Asquith and McKenna were at one in seeing that if certain services were not undertaken by the state, they would not be undertaken at all. Old age pensions were a case in point. They had not been dangled as an electioneering bait; Asquith made no appeal to sentiment or emotion when the Cabinet committee of investigation was set up, but from their first days together at the Treasury he and McKenna had agreed that, if the money could be found, this was a matter on which a beginning must be made forthwith.[41]


The issue of enforced service notices in the armed services failed in Ireland which rose up in revolt and ultimately caused a revolution. It was almost as controversial in Britain. The Liberals were split but largely opposed on principle to imposing on free will. The Conservatives in the cabinet were tired of being junior partners in the coalition; moreover they had no objection to warfare and defence of the realm. The Asquithians split from Lloyd George Liberals who united with the Tories in what they declared was vital national interest. Liberal Home Secretary, and an ally of McKenna resigned. The Chancellor of Exchequer McKenna when the act was passed in May 1916 objected on purely economic grounds. The French, he argued had to decide between 70 divisions plus and Britain's capacity to manage to continue to contain the 'depletion of industry'. McKenna knew that for Asquith to remain in office he had to move towards conscription, whether he liked it or not; if he did not, the Tories would topple the government.[42] At a decisive meeting on 4 December McKenna tried to persuade Asquith to sack Lloyd George to save the government.

Chairman of the Midland Bank[edit]

He lost his seat in the 1918 general election and at the invitation of the Chairman of the Midland Bank Liberal MP Sir Edward Holden, became a non-executive member of the board. He was now free without conflict of interest to beome chairman-designate. Before Holden died in 1919, McKenna had sat in his office everyday to observe the activities of a chairman. An elaborate coda was drafted to allow the bank's directors to determine whether he should resign his Pontypool seat. But in the event the decision was taken by the electorate in 1922.[f] The new Prime Minister Andrew Bonar Law hoped to persuade him to come out of retirement and serve once again at the Exchequer, but he refused, and remained in private life. The following year Bonar Law's successor Stanley Baldwin repeated the request and McKenna was more agreeable.[43]

McKenna used his status as chairman of one of the big five British banks to argue that monetary policy could be used to achieve domestic macroeconomic objectives. At the Chamberlain-Bradbury committee he questioned whether a return to the gold standard was desirable. John Maynard Keynes was the only other witness to do so, although others proposed a delayed return.[44]

A return to Government?[edit]

According to Lord Birkenhead Lloyd George's Liberals were of poor intellect, with no great leaders to take the government onwards. McKenna was certainly a technocrat but did not want to be Prime Minister, yet he might conceivably have been offered the post. In reality, the Conservatives wanted one of their own. However he wished to enter Parliament in July 1923 as MP for the City of London and neither of the incumbent MPs would agree to vacate in order to make room. As a result, McKenna declined as he had no wish to vacate the bank. McKenna continued to write economic reports for Whitehall and Westminster, but by August 1923 his political career had come to an end. The lasting impression was one of the pin-striped merchant banker, a model of precision, but not a clubbable leader of men; his absence from London society and Brooks's seemed to imply retirement.[45] Yet such was his financial reputation that it was contemplated in 1939 that he should be brought back to replace Liberal Chancellor Sir John Simon. A quintessential Edwardian, McKenna was the last of the Asquithians to pass away, when he finally died in 1943.[46]


McKenna was married in 1908 to Pamela Jekyll (who died November 1943), younger daughter of Sir Herbert Jekyll (brother of landscape gardener Gertrude Jekyll) and his wife Dame Agnes Jekyll, née Graham.[4][47][g] They had two sons – Michael (died 1931) and David, who married Lady Cecilia Elizabeth Keppel (12 April 1910 – 16 June 2003), a daughter of Walter Keppel, 9th Earl of Albemarle in 1934. McKenna was a talented financier, and a champion bridge player in his free time. In royal company at Balmoral McKenna played golf.[48]

Reginald McKenna died in London on 6 September 1943, and was buried at St Andrew's Church in Mells, Somerset. His wife died two months later, and is buried beside him. McKenna was a regular client of Sir Edwin Lutyens who designed the Midland Bank headquarters in Poultry, London, and several branches. Pamela McKenna was a high society hostess whose dinner parties charmed Asquith at their Lutyens-built townhouse in Smith Square. Lutyens the unofficial imperial-government architect built several homes for McKenna, and the political classes, as well as his grave.[49] Lutyens was commissioned to build 36 Smith Square in 1911,[50] followed by Park House in Mells Park, Somerset, built in 1925.[51] The owners of Mells Park were Sir John Horner and his wife Frances, née Graham, who was Agnes Jekyll's sister,[52] and they agreed to let the park to McKenna for a nominal rent, on the understanding that he would rebuild the house.[53] Lutyens built a final house for McKenna at Halnaker Park, in Halnaker, Sussex,[54] in 1938.[55] Lutyens designed the McKenna family tomb in St Andrew's Church, Mells, in 1932.[56]

His nephew Stephen McKenna was a popular novelist who published a biography of his uncle in 1948.

See also[edit]


  1. ^ Asquith, Haldane, and Churchill
  2. ^ 13 March 1913
  3. ^ Asquith pledged Bonar Law to hold to the promise of Home Rule even after an election.
  4. ^ Walter Runciman, Charles Hobhouse, and Alfred Burns
  5. ^ Most Liberal cabinet ministers concurred that Birrell had not done a good job as Chief Secretary of Ireland; as the military situation deteriorated he was immediately withdrawn.
  6. ^ His seat of North Monmouthshire had disappeared in boundary changes.
  7. ^ Sir Herbert's elder daughter Barbara married as her 2nd husband, Field Marshal Lord Freyberg; her grandson holds the peerage today.


  1. ^ a b "McKenna, Reginald" - Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
  2. ^ McKenna (1948)
  3. ^ Jenkins (1998), pp. 158–206
  4. ^ a b Lundy, Darryl (14 August 2009). "Rt. Hon. Reginald McKenna". Retrieved 10 October 2011. [unreliable source?]
  5. ^ "McKenna, Reginald (MKN882R)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge. 
  6. ^ R C Lehmann "The Complete Oarsman
  7. ^ on 17 November 1900, in conversation with Wemyss Reid, in McKinstry J (2005) "Rosebery", 425.
  8. ^ McKenna Regs
  9. ^ Free School Places
  10. ^ McKenna Regulations
  11. ^ McKenna and Education
  12. ^ David (1977), pp. 75–77
  13. ^ David (1977), p. 80
  14. ^ Haig, Diaries, p.286
  15. ^ Owen (2014), p. 98
  16. ^ Owen (2014), p. 127
  17. ^ Jenkins (1998), pp. 151–158
  18. ^ David (1977), p. 98
  19. ^ Owen (2014), p. 115
  20. ^ a b Owen (2014), p. 121
  21. ^ David (1977), p. 107
  22. ^ D.Tanner, McKenna
  23. ^ David (1977), p. 113
  24. ^ David (1977), p. 116
  25. ^ David (1977), p. 117
  26. ^ David (1977), pp. 133–134
  27. ^ David (1977), pp. 152–153
  28. ^ David (1977), pp. 159–160
  29. ^ Cabinet Discussions, 1 Aug 1914
  30. ^ Owen (2014), p. 205
  31. ^ David (1977), pp. 179–181
  32. ^ Owen (2014), p. 96
  33. ^ David (1977), p. 204
  34. ^ David (1977), p. 226
  35. ^ David (1977), pp. 238–239
  36. ^ Jenkins (1998), p. 197
  37. ^ "Motoring Taxes". British Motor Manufacturers (1894-1960). Retrieved 8 October 2011. 
  38. ^ Lloyd George, David (1938). War Memoirs Volume I. London: Odhams Press. pp. 73–4. 
  39. ^ Horn (2002), p. 82
  40. ^ McKenna and LG
  41. ^ Asquith and McKenna
  42. ^ Jenkins (1998), pp. 102–103
  43. ^ Jenkins (1998), pp. 203–204
  44. ^ "The first 100 years: A policy that crippled: The gold standard debate". /
  45. ^ Jenkins (1998), pp. 205–206
  46. ^ Jenkins (1998), p. 389
  47. ^ Details of the Jekyll family and BBC: Making History: Sir Herbert Jekyll. Retrieved 4 December 2007.
  48. ^ Haig, Diaries, p.285-6
  49. ^ Jenkins (1998), pp. 192–193
  50. ^ Brown (1996), p. 133
  51. ^ Historic England. "Mells Park (1001150)". National Heritage List for England. Retrieved 4 November 2014. 
  52. ^ Brown (1996), pp. 108–109
  53. ^ Brown (1996), pp. 218–219
  54. ^ Brown (1996), p. 226
  55. ^ Historic England. "Halnaker Park (1026406)". National Heritage List for England. Retrieved 4 November 2014. 
  56. ^ Historic England. "Chest tomb of McKenna family (1345270)". National Heritage List for England. Retrieved 4 November 2014. 


Primary sources[edit]

  • Farr, Martin (2007). Reginald McKenna 1863-1916: Financier Among Statesmen. London and New York: Routledge. 

Secondary sources[edit]

  • Brown, Jane (1996). Lutyens and the Edwardians. London: Viking. ISBN 0-670-85871-4. 
  • Earl of Oxford and Asquith (1926). Fifty Years of Parliament. 
  • David, Edward, ed. (1977). Inside Asquith's Cabinet: From the Diaries of Charles Hobhouse. London. 
  • Horn, Martin (2002). Britain, France, and the Financing of the First World War. McGill-Queen's Press. ISBN 9780773522947. 
  • Jenkins, Roy (1964). Asquith. London. 
  • Jenkins, Roy (1998). The Chancellors. London: Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-73057-7. 
  • Lloyd George, David (1938). War Memoirs of David Lloyd George. London: Odhams Press. 
  • McKenna, Stephen (1948). Reginald McKenna, 1863-1943. Eyre & Spottiswoode. 
  • McKinstry, Leo (2005). Rosebery: Statesman in Turmoil. London. 
  • Owen, David (2014). The Hidden Perspective: The Military Conversations 1906-1914. ISBN 978-1-908323-67-5. 
  • Philpott, William (1995). "Britain and France go to war: Anglo-French relations on the Western Front 1914–1919". War in History 2 (1): 43–64. doi:10.1177/096834459500200103. 
  • Spender, J. A.; Asquith, Cyril (1932). Life of Herbert Henry Asquith, Lord Oxford & Asquith. 
  • John Wilson, 2nd Lord Moran (1973). C-B: A Life of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. London. 

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