Talk:American Revolutionary War: Difference between revisions
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::(3) As noted before, after the personal humiliation losing the American colonies, George III withdrew from his former extensive interference in Parliament while influencing the course of his "American war". As you note, not all at once but first from the House of Commons, then from the House of Lords. His miscalculation leading up the the 17 December 1783 motion in the House of Lords meant that he was used to, and confident in, his right to dictate outcomes in the House of Lords, even after the revolt of the "country gentlemen" in the House of Commons. |
::(3) As noted before, after the personal humiliation losing the American colonies, George III withdrew from his former extensive interference in Parliament while influencing the course of his "American war". As you note, not all at once but first from the House of Commons, then from the House of Lords. His miscalculation leading up the the 17 December 1783 motion in the House of Lords meant that he was used to, and confident in, his right to dictate outcomes in the House of Lords, even after the revolt of the "country gentlemen" in the House of Commons. |
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::Note: this event takes place over a year after the Paris signing of the Anglo-American Prelimary Peace in November 1782, granting the US independence, British withdrawal, territory west to the Mississippi with free navigation to the Gulf, and Newfoundland Banks fishing with beach curing rights. Congress ratified it unanimously on 15 April 1783, and it resolved a Proclamation "End of hostilities" between the US and Britain. - [[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 18:25, 1 December 2020 (UTC) |
::Note: this event takes place over a year after the Paris signing of the Anglo-American Prelimary Peace in November 1782, granting the US independence, British withdrawal, territory west to the Mississippi with free navigation to the Gulf, and Newfoundland Banks fishing with beach curing rights. Congress ratified it unanimously on 15 April 1783, and it resolved a Proclamation "End of hostilities" between the US and Britain. - [[User:TheVirginiaHistorian|TheVirginiaHistorian]] ([[User talk:TheVirginiaHistorian|talk]]) 18:25, 1 December 2020 (UTC) |
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::* {{xt|Even after fighting began, Congress launched an Olive Branch Petition in an attempt to prevent war. King George III rejected the offer as insincere." <Ferling, 2006, pp. 38, 113>}} |
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:::(1) Page numbers provided for Ferling do not tie in; (2) British intelligence intercepted a letter from Adams deriding the offer, which they took as indication of lack of sincerity; (3) the government had already prepared the Proclamation of Rebellion and did not present the petition to George. I have updated this accordingly. |
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:::Re the 18th century British constitution; just because George read speeches does not mean he wrote them (this continues today when the Queen addresses Parliament and talks of 'my government.') He often wrote letters to North supporting a policy - that does not mean he made it. Yes, he had more power than in modern day Britain, and a greater willingness to exert it - but he did not make policy. In the end, he did what his government wanted. [[User:Robinvp11|Robinvp11]] ([[User talk:Robinvp11|talk]]) 19:31, 1 December 2020 (UTC) |
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==Article size== |
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B-status met
- Article progress Apr-Oct 2020 to meet Projects B-status at Wikipedia: article is 99kB and 15708 'prose size' (text only).
- - B1. Suitably referenced and cited. All paragraphs end with a citation; all direct quotes are attributed; All 588 citations now conform to HarvRef format. Oldest redundant references, usually from the early 1900s without footnotes elsewhere, are moved to “Further reading”.
- - B2. Reasonably covers the topic. Top hat: "This article is about military actions primarily." Narrative trimmed 20% to “readable prose size”; tactical detail, intimate factoid, future impact, and elements unrelated to the American war for independence is moved to Notes as a stop-gap-gambit for Talk and Article stability - for future consideration by each RfC at Talk.
- - B3. Defined structure with a lead section. The lead section is a five paragraphs related to article material. The topic core is addressed in four sections: Introduction-Infobox, Background, The war, and Aftermath.
- - B4. Free from grammatical errors, met by a line-by-line copy edit with the assist of 28 editors and 3 bots.
- - B5. Supporting infobox and images. Balance is maintained among scholarly approaches: British and American, military and naval, American and foreign assistance.
- - Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 18:39, 2 November 2020 (UTC) Originally TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:24, 16 October 2020 (UTC)
AWR international perspective: naming conventions
Re: editor interest in an "international perspective" for the ARW.
rationale and its citations
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North-American conflict | Euro-great-power conflict |
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align="center" style="border-color:#FFE49C;border-style:solid;border-width:1px 1px 1px 4px;Template:Border-radius"|French and Indian War 1754-1763 pitted the colonies of British America against those of New France, each side supported by military units from the parent country and by Native American allies. |
align="center" style="border-color:#A3D3FF;border-style:solid;border-width:1px 1px 1px 4px;Template:Border-radius"|Seven Years' War 1756–1763 a global conflict, "a struggle for global primacy between Britain and France," which also had a major impact on the Spanish Empire |
align="center" style="border-color:#FFE49C;border-style:solid;border-width:1px 1px 1px 4px;Template:Border-radius"|American Revolutionary War 1775-1783 also known as the American War of Independence, was initiated by the thirteen original colonies in Congress against the Kingdom of Great Britain over their objection to Parliament's direct taxation and its lack of colonial representation. |
align="center" style="border-color:#A3D3FF;border-style:solid;border-width:1px 1px 1px 4px;Template:Border-radius"| War of the American Revolution[1] Bourbon War of 1778[2] 1778–1783 "In 1778, the American Revolutionary War [colonials v. Britain for independence] became the global War of the American Revolution [Bourbons v. Britain for imperial gain], expanding into a multinational conflict, spanning oceans to singe four continents. Most of the fighting outside of America was naval combat, among [Britain and France, Britain and Spain, Britain and the Dutch],"[3] "the last British-European war with the Bourbons as their enemies."[4] |
Chart citations & bibliography
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Submitted for discussion - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 11:02, 17 October 2020 (UTC)
Military history assessment request
At the 28-day old Military history request for this article, the update reports,
- - ARW Update. (1) Maps gallery of European claims, British empire, and Native American language and tribal distribution is relocated at the renamed “Prelude to revolution” section to immediately adjacent and above “War breaks out” for better reader reference; (2) Bibliography improvements; (3) copyedits for focus, style and trim to NET 98 kB & 15531 words “readable prose size”.
- - ARW meets all articulated critiques of the article for B-class assessment for 71 uninterrupted days (since 30 August), admitting additional improvements without any controversy or disruption.
- - Good article criteria, note 6, "Reverted vandalism, proposals to split or merge content, good faith improvements to the page (such as copy editing), and changes based on reviewers' suggestions do not apply to the "stable" criterion." - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:41, 9 November 2020 (UTC)
Updates as they occur (that's over 800 edits in 71 days since 30 August, and over the last 30 days, 29 editors and four bots with positive contributions incorporated into the article). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 13:18, 9 November 2020 (UTC)
Copyedit request
TheVirginiaHistorian (TVH), I'm going to separate points by section so that they're easier to sift through. If you have anything in particular to bring up feel free to do so. Each point can be considered its own conversation, so please leave indented (preferably unbulleted) replies underneath them. I'll strike my comments out when a resolution has been reached for them. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:41, 10 November 2020 (UTC)
- I've placed the deliberations over the Lede into one collapse-box for immediate access. Concluded deliberations should be transferred into an Archive only after the line-edit is completed, imho. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 12:00, 13 November 2020 (UTC)
Courtesy ping: TheVirginiaHistorian I've got some questions about the "War breaks out" section. Anyone else is also welcome to add input. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 00:39, 22 November 2020 (UTC)
Courtesy ping: TheVirginiaHistorian (and others) for the "Strategy and commanders" section. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 23:11, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
ping
To recently active editors (TheVirginiaHistorian—Robinvp11—Gwillhickers): There seems to be some major article restructuring going on that has removed some of the text I've copyedited. It appears there's still some contention over article content, so I will be suspending my copyedit until issues among primary editors have been resolved. This is not a jab at anyone, but rather there being very little point to copyediting when text hasn't been agreed upon and may be potentially removed wholesale. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 00:21, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Reply can be found at the bottom of the talk page. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 04:18, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- @Tenryuu: Thank you for your good work to date.
- - I would implore you to have a copy edit look at three remaining sections #Revolution as civil war, #Aftermath, and #Commemorations of the Revolutionary War, as all have remained stable to date.
- - I know your "ground rules" were to apply to the entire article, so I understand that your normal work flow has been interrupted. But the 'bones of contention' seem to be confined to only two sections #Strategy and commanders, and #World war and diplomacy.
- - Can you overlook them, and just skip over the two sections at issue? In any case, thanks for your help and good wishes. Sincerely - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 07:48, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Happy to stop - I obviously misunderstood the template. Robinvp11 (talk) 12:23, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
Lede
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Prelude to revolution
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War breaks out
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Strategy and commanders
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Revolution as civil war
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Wealthy Loyalists wielded great influence in London and successfully convinced the British government that most of the colonists were sympathetic toward the Crown [...]
Gwillhickers recently changed this back. I don't see the need to mention that wealthy Loyalists "wielded great influence"; it's decorative and removing it so that the sentence reads Wealthy Loyalists convinced the British government that most of the colonists were sympathetic to the Crown [...] would not result in any loss of the point being conveyed. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- Imo, the phrase "great influence" further illuminates the Loyalist relationship with the British gov and is consistent with the idea that convincing them of great Loyalist support was an easy effort, not something that had to be hammered away at. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- I think the phrase, "great influence" may be lifted directly from the source. On the other hand, if a group has 'great influence', they are 'convincing', so I prefer greater economy with fewer superlatives, "Loyalists convinced the British" in the active voice (old-timey, less literary Strunk and White 2018 [1959]). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- My point is that it's not surprising that British subjects that are loyal to the kingdom and have money to spend can influence the government. If it were unexpected that might be a reason for inclusion, but right now it's like saying "I love you," he said lovingly instead of "I love you", he said coldly. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 04:49, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- I think the phrase, "great influence" may be lifted directly from the source. On the other hand, if a group has 'great influence', they are 'convincing', so I prefer greater economy with fewer superlatives, "Loyalists convinced the British" in the active voice (old-timey, less literary Strunk and White 2018 [1959]). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- Imo, the phrase "great influence" further illuminates the Loyalist relationship with the British gov and is consistent with the idea that convincing them of great Loyalist support was an easy effort, not something that had to be hammered away at. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
British military planners relied on popular Loyalist uprisings that never materialized in the amount they had expected.
Gwillhickers recently reverted this. If the uprisings did happen, I strongly suggest British military planners relied on Loyalist uprisings that occurred less than expected. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- Actually, I only added some context here. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- @Gwillhickers:, Tenryuu just accepted your point and tried to enfold it into the previous edit on the table.
- - To Tenryuu's query, it was as Gwillhickers indicated, the Loyalist response was less 'uprising' than "isolated recruitment", and that was (a) 'insufficient' to alter Patriot control of the countryside, and (b) 'inadequate' to British military requirements for additional auxiliary regiments. The German 'mercenaries' suffered in the hot humid climate, so their service in the southern theater service was mostly restricted to port city garrison duty (The British Foreign Office classifies Washington DC summers as 'tropical' duty, as it does equatorial Africa; the coastal Carolinas are worse than DC). - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
Suggestion Not sure how far it would stray from the source, but would it make sense to say British military planners relied on recruiting Loyalists, which was ultimately insufficient? —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 04:49, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- I like, "British military planners relied on recruiting Loyalists in the Carolinas, but their numbers proved insufficient to overmatch the Patriots either in the countryside, or their State militia regiments in the field." - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:09, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Actually, I only added some context here. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
One outstanding Loyalist militia unit provided some of the best troops in British service.
How is this encyclopedically relevant? Sounds puffy. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- Historical context. I find it interesting that some Loyalists were ready for the task and measured up to professional British soldiers – an idea achieved with one sentence. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- The core of Tarlton's American Legion was made up of Loyalist recruits out of New Jersey. The legion formation were a mix of cavalry riding an infantryman behind him, who dismounted to deploy coordinated foot and horse formations in the assault. These were very good combat troops by all accounts (Babits 1998), and the only Loyalist unit given the
honorprestige of a commission in the regular British Army. The British Legion lost over 85% at the Battle of Cowpens to a Continental bayonet charge. It was a strategic blow for the British, the remnants were absorbed into the British garrison within Charleston limits. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)Partly done. Did some rewording and added TVH's bit about receiving a commission to explain why they were notable; I left a comment to add the relevant citation from where the commission was received (I'm assuming it's Babits 1998). —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 04:49, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- The core of Tarlton's American Legion was made up of Loyalist recruits out of New Jersey. The legion formation were a mix of cavalry riding an infantryman behind him, who dismounted to deploy coordinated foot and horse formations in the assault. These were very good combat troops by all accounts (Babits 1998), and the only Loyalist unit given the
- Historical context. I find it interesting that some Loyalists were ready for the task and measured up to professional British soldiers – an idea achieved with one sentence. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:08, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
[...] or performed military service while dressed as women [...]
The gist as far as I could tell is that women were not allowed to be on the front lines, but disguised themselves to do so? —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, during battle dressed as women they would be expected to augment regimental stations processing wounded, assist surgeons at hospital, and prepare bivouac for the return of combatants when fighting was ended. I think "it came out of nowhere" because "cross-dressing" in any form was considered remarkable among the men elected to the legislature of the time. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
Suggestion Ok, I know why it feels strange now; the expectation that women perform tasks while dressed as women is being emphasised. "Fought" was clearly done while crossdressing, and I'm guessing spying and direct combat support potentially involved crossdressing as well. If that's the case, why not emphasise the crossdressing instead? I'm not sure what their expected tasks are classified, so feel free to replace "auxiliary tasks" with the correct term: Women also assumed military roles: aside from auxiliary tasks like treating the wounded or setting up camp [bivouac?], some crossdressed to directly support combat, fight, or act as spies on both sides of the Revolutionary War. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 04:49, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Wow! I know I used the term first, because I was sort of streaming the thoughts, but seeing it in place as a copyedit is a little bit surprising to the 70+ year-old -- maybe too 'Metro-look' Cosmopolitan Magazine-ish for the 'summary encyclopedic style'. How about, replace 'crossdressed' with "dressed as men"? - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:09, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Yes, during battle dressed as women they would be expected to augment regimental stations processing wounded, assist surgeons at hospital, and prepare bivouac for the return of combatants when fighting was ended. I think "it came out of nowhere" because "cross-dressing" in any form was considered remarkable among the men elected to the legislature of the time. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
The Virginia General Assembly later cited her bravery: she "performed extraordinary military services, and received a severe wound at the battle of Germantown", fighting dressed as a man and "with the courage of a soldier".
Is there a larger, intact quote that addresses all four points? The "fighting dressed as a man" seems to come out of nowhere. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- If memory serves, that is the direct quote from the Resolution of the General Assembly. I regret I only took time to research that far, but I did want to expand the previous generalized plaudit with some detail to justify mentioning her by name. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
Suggestion It just looks strange to have the quotation being broken up by "fighting dressed as a man" (which appears to not be part of the quote). If it's not part of the quote, it can go either before or after to let the two quote fragments join together. If there's text between "battle of Germantown" and "with the courage [...]" we can add an ellipsis to show that text is omitted. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 04:49, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Better. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:09, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- If memory serves, that is the direct quote from the Resolution of the General Assembly. I regret I only took time to research that far, but I did want to expand the previous generalized plaudit with some detail to justify mentioning her by name. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:11, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
Many Indians were involved in the fight between Britain and Spain on the Gulf Coast and up the Mississippi River, mostly on the British side.
Just making sure they were allied with the British and not involved in fighting (for either side) on "the British side of the Mississippi River". —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 21:51, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- Ach. It changes up so much, the Gulf territories are a moving target.
- Florida was colonized first by the Spanish. Then, at the 1763 Treaty of Paris, France ceded Louisiana to the Spanish, Spain ceded to the British, (a) West Florida (think Gulf Coast-some inland of modern Alabama, Mississippi, and adjacent Florida Panhandle), and (b) East Florida (think modern state of Florida less the Panhandle, the Florida Peninsula alone).
- So, answer to query: the Southeast Indian tribes allied with the Spanish (in modern Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee) fought in British West Florida to attack the British garrisons at Mobile and Pensacola. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 09:09, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
New section 'Overall results'
@DTParker1000, Tenryuu, and TheVirginiaHistorian: It seems the new section (Overall Results of the Revolutionary War) that was just added, while very interesting, is a bit over-done. The section is mostly devoted to slavery, filled with tangential details that didn't occur until some years later. There is also a serious citation overkill situation. Unless a statement seems highly unusual or controversial, it need only be cited with one or two sources – certainly not five to ten citations in a row. Also, for the last several months we have been employing one citation convention throughout the article, (an FA requirement) using the same format for all cites/sources. Some work is needed in that area. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:33, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
- Some tangential text, some citations have been removed, and some prose has been condensed. Hope this works for all concerned. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 22:29, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
discussion part A
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- I think it could be shortened and written in a more neutral tone. The powers of the British king and even the aristocracy are exaggerated and of course in the aftermath of the ARA only 6% of the U.S. population could vote,[1] which was probably the same amount as before the revolution. And while the U.S. constitution has been copied, it was not written until 1789. It might be better to say that the war allowed the newly independent states to form the first modern republic, which would become a model for other nations. TFD (talk) 05:42, 18 November 2020 (UTC)
discussion part B
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Social history of colonies and early states
discussion part C
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Colonial governance
discussion part D
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Social history of colonies ... continued
discussion part E
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"then the peerage (those with titles of nobility), gentlemen, common people, and slaves at the bottom. One's life was determined by one's birth." Not entirely true. In the Peerage of Great Britain, new titles were created for socially mobile people. For example:
"Also, you were the one who mentioned that Washington, et al, was an "elite", which in a sense was true, but that term is a bit inappropriate, since we are referring to elected officials, and in Washington's case, someone who marched into battle. He wasn't one to sit back and watch his men fight from the rear" Irrelevant. An elite is formed by "a small group of powerful people who hold a disproportionate amount of wealth, privilege, political power, or skill in a society." That does not mean that this elite consists of people who have never sought political office or military positions. Within the British Empire, several successful politicians and military officers of modest backgrounds were elevated to the nobility. And Washington may have never held a title of nobility, but he was a member of the American gentry. Dimadick (talk) 22:39, 21 November 2020 (UTC)
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continued...
I was the one who produced sources that said while Loyalists came from all classes, they very often came from privy classes closely associated to Royal Governors and their circle of constituants. In general, the Loyalists were older, more well off and had associations with Parliament and the king. Are you also saying that your "British cabinet officer"(s) were in the same class as the common colonist and had no more association to Parliament and the Crown as they? Parliament, the King, implemented taxes, acts, etc via a privy class of Royal governors and the various officials that worked under them. This was ended after the ARW. To think they let the common colonist make these impositions on themselves would be and is nonsense. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 00:30, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- I am saying that there were very few imported colonial officials, most of the imports were career civil servants or military officers, they did not form a social class, most officials were members of local wealthy merchant or planter families, most of whom remained in America after the revolution. America wasn't France or Russia, where an aristocratic class was overthrown and became emigres. For example, George Clinton who would later become governor of New York and Vice President of the United States was appointed Clerk of the Ulster County Court of Common Pleas by the royal governor, George Clinton. Unlike France and Russia, there was a lot of continuity. And of course a lot of the colonial officials were elected, especially at the municipal level. Mostly, royal governors ruled worked with local worthies rather than bringing in their own people. The only exception as one of your sources said was that before the Revolution they imported officials to enforce the unpopular tax and navigation acts. TFD (talk) 01:54, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- "Very few"? "Imported"? Okay, the discussion is getting a bit fuzzy. "Imported" or domestic, "very few", or more, these individuals were a privy class, most of whom became loyalists, who, at the onset of the ARW, typically migrated north to Nova Scotia, or to the south, and were indeed in a class apart from the common colonist who largely comprised the Continental Army. I fail to see what is so amazing about this that this must be hacked out in such a lengthy capacity. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:24, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Very few would mean usually the governor and his secretary. However in some cases the governors were elected. TFD (talk) 02:53, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
- "Very few"? "Imported"? Okay, the discussion is getting a bit fuzzy. "Imported" or domestic, "very few", or more, these individuals were a privy class, most of whom became loyalists, who, at the onset of the ARW, typically migrated north to Nova Scotia, or to the south, and were indeed in a class apart from the common colonist who largely comprised the Continental Army. I fail to see what is so amazing about this that this must be hacked out in such a lengthy capacity. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:24, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
A note on captions
Discussion on captions
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![]() Some few recent edits for captions on the page seem to reflect the work of an avid art historian. I encourage all to explore the Wikipedia Manual of Style, WP:CAPTION. The following are my takeaways for a lengthy history article such as the American Revolutionary War. “A good caption explains why a picture belongs in an article.” Details of artwork provenance are available to the reader by a “click through to the image description page”. The guidelines explain, “If you have nothing to say about it, then the image probably does not belong in the article.” In the example coded to the right, using the 'thumb' image, the parameter 'upright=1.0' allows easy tweek of pic size; the parameter 'alt=text description' is used to describe the image for sight-impaired readers. The purpose is to “draw the reader into the article”. Image captions should be succinct and informative. “Identify the subject of the picture.” Editors here populated the article with an image every 400 words to add visually interest within extended sections of text. But to balance that many images, captions are kept succinct; most are 2-3 lines to avoid either crowding image frames into adjacent sections below, or opening large white spaces between sections. In this example, the reader becomes curious about William of Normandy's new form of government and reads the text adjacent to learn what it is. The example is meant to illustrate a passage about William of Normandy's innovations in monarchial government, such as 'trial by jury' for a manor's peasant in the King's court composed of one's "peers", that is, local residents other than the Lord of the Manor's relatives or his soldiers-at-arms. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 05:52, 19 November 2020 (UTC) |
‘Global war and diplomacy’ - Robinvp11 and undiscussed reverts
At #Global war and diplomacy, Robinvp11 as the reverting editor gave a fragmented rationale for wholesale disruption of the section without discussion at Talk.
The first in a series begins with this, which has four (4) objectionable elements:
Issues with Robinvp11, resolved
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(#1) Robinvp11 removed image of the King choosing PMs before and after the political effects of Yorktown
(1.a) Robin initiates his edit-post wp:original research without sourcing or discussion at Talk. He arbitrarily chooses to off-handedly
(#2) Robinvp11, without further discussion, asserting 14-words is longer than 34-words is insufficient reasoning
(1.b) Robin perpetrates an unusual miscount on the article main-space, confusing the previous 15-words as longer than his own 34-words. The rationale:
(#3) (see also #6, #9) Robinvp11 imposed POV that George III was not significant in ending the ARW
(1.c) In an unsourced editor's wp:own proclamation without sourcing or discussion at Talk, Robin's POV:
(#4) Robinvp11 deleted Tory - Whig image balance representing the two parties supplying George III with PMs
(1.d) Robin deletes the two gallery portraits of successive Prime Ministers to George III, Lord North, and Lord Rockingham, leaving only a blown-up image of Lord North alone to lead the article.
The second in the "Robin series" is this, which has five (5) objectionable elements: (#5) Robinvp11 altered source attribution about the Carlyle Commission
(2.a) Source Hibbert wrote, "Before the Commission returned to London in November 1778, it recommended a change in British war policy." (Hibbert 2000, p. 160-161)
(#6) (see also #3, #9) Robinvp11 altered source attribution for George III
(2.b) Source Hibbert wrote, "George III still had hoped for victory in the South." (Hibbert 2008, p. 333)
(#7) Robinvp11 removed first step to Euro peace: international armistice
(#8) Robinvp11 POV removed 'American War' opposition in Parliament, Tory and Whig
(2.d) Robin, without sourcing or discussion at Talk, deleted the following account of Parliamentary opposition to continuing the 'American war', both Tory (Edward Gibbon) and Whig (William Pitt the Younger).
Comments:
(#9)(also #3, #6) Robinvp11 altered source attribution for George III
(3.a) Ferling source: "George III abandoned any hope of subduing America militarily while simultaneously contending with two European Great Powers alone. (Ferling 2007, p. 294)
(#10) Robinvp11 removed reference to the Second Hundred Years' War
(#11) to be completed(-) to be completed.
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Overall results
I wonder if editors could comment on how we describe the overall results.
To me, colonial America was controlled by the British government, but had a great degree of internal self-government. While not a democracy, the colonial governments relied on local elites for support. They lost this however after the British parliament imposed "intolerable" legislation and sent colonial officials to impose imperial legislation. Many colonists, from all ranks of society, remained loyal to Britain and some 80,000 "loyalists" left the colonies after independence.
The distinguished historian Gordon S. Wood saw colonial America as a stratified society that would change into an egalitarian society as a result of the revolution.
Gwillhickers sees colonial America as a semi-feudal state with lords and ladies and personally controlled by the King of Great Britain. A class of colonial officials from England formed the upper class, but left following the ARW.
I don't know how accepted Wood's view is, but I see no support for Gwillhickers' view in reliable sources.
For the overall results section,[5] we need to distinguish the degree of support various views have. It reflects Gwillhickers' view and uses Wood as a source. I think that Wood's view is misinterpreted and is in any case a minority view.
TFD (talk) 10:53, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Just generally,
- (a) I am reluctant to spend narrative space in extended discussion of historiography on any aspect of the article topic, except in a very few summary sentences in a final end-of-article "Legacy and commemoration" section.
- (b) The wholesale import of a political section from another Wikipedia article at American Revolution into the military article is (i) mirroring another article, a practice that is deprecated in Wikipedia policy -----, and (ii) off topic. The article top hat reads,
This article is about military actions primarily. For origins and aftermath, see American Revolution.
- (c) The imported POV (I'm not sure that Gwillhickers should embrace it in a wiki-fencing match here) in the once named "overall results" section, mis-characterized American colonial society as "feudal" when that term of historiography has only a limited application to the colonial Tidewater Atlantic seaboard of the Chesapeake Bay, south (and the British Caribbean).
- (d) I propose, the following language, supported by RS footnotes, below. :Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:09, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
Proposed 'Legacy' section
- Political legacy
- The American Revolution established the United States and set an example to overthrow government by monarchy and imperial colonialism. The new republic spanned a large territory, justified to the world by Enlightenment ideals with widespread political participation. That participation was further expanded by land grants made to Continental and militia veterans. The French, Haitian, Latin American Revolutions were inspired in part by the American Revolution, as were others into the modern era.
- In their home states, returning veterans sought to expand the voting franchise to include all those who had served in the American Revolutionary War, and to embrace all those who enrolled in their county militias from ages 21 to 60. During the elections for delegates to state conventions to ratify the US Constitution in 1788, that goal was attained in Virginia for that one election only. Most states did not expand the franchise to militia members regardless of property holdings until after the War of 1812 and later at the rise of Jacksonian democracy.
- Returning veteran settlement included a variety of backgrounds. Enlisted men, several hundreds of whites and a few dozen free blacks, received land grants from Congress or their home states to settle on family farms on the western frontier, and thereby met the land requirement to vote. Germans who had fought for the British returned with their families to settle on the frontier, achieving citizenship within one year for their adopted states, before US citizenship. "Soft" Tories, the two-thirds of Loyalist militias who did not migrate to British colonies in Canada and the Caribbean, either made a home among their former neighbors, or migrated west to the western frontier.[b]
- Social legacy
- The Enlightenment reasoning to abolish slavery was widespread among Revolutionary war veterans. They had seen black troops perform well under fire both in state militias and in Continental Line regiments.[c] At the close of the war, Revolutionary officers North and South, supported freedom and land grants to all surviving black veterans, regardless of their previous condition of servitude, but they were outvoted in their state legislatures. Large numbers of enlisted veterans south and west of the Tidewater joined Methodist and Baptist religious sects that were racially integrated, admitting both free black and enslaved membership.
- Revolutionary veterans made up majorities in the state legislatures that took actions to free slaves. By 1804, all the northern states had soon passed laws outlawing slavery. George Washington, personally manumitted his slaves and did so through his will without an Act of Assembly. Veteran majorities in both House and Senate passed the Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves went into effect in 1808. John Marshall helped found the American Colonization Society, a manumission society to establish an African nation of self-governing freed slaves.
- Washington's Continental officer corps, including Naval officers and French officers with Congressional commissions, founded a brotherhood of the Society of the Cincinnati to care for their fellow officer's widows, orphans, and one another in old age.[d] In the early 1800s, state chapters with strong republican principles such as Virginia, self-dissolved the hereditary organization as the last widow of the Revolution's serving officers died. Later these chapters were reconstituted to memorialize their ancestors' service to the republic, and generally promote American patriotism.
- Memory legacy
- - a balanced discussion of mainstream historiography
- Respectfully - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 14:09, 23 November 2020 (UTC);
- - updated.TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 23:58, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
Comments:
- Very well done – perhaps too well. We've gone from an existing section of 1513 characters / 227 words, to a proposed section of 4266 characters / 644 words - a threefold increase. I would omit the details about Patrick Henry's and Washington's relationship with the Society and other details quoted below:
- ... including newly opened territory to become founding families in states such as Vermont in 1791, Kentucky in 1792, Tennessee in 1796, and Ohio in 1803.
- Despite fears of Anti-Federalists such as Patrick Henry of Virginia militia service in the Revolutionary War, George Washington did not orchestrate Cincinnati membership as a cabal to impose a national government on the United States. While he did encourage his former officers such as John Marshall to run for delegate in the Virginia Ratification Convention, Society members who were elected from their home counties split 50-50 over the final vote to ratify.
- ...including newly opened territory to become founding families in states such as Vermont in 1791, Kentucky in 1792, Tennessee in 1796, and Ohio in 1803.
PS, how do I get rid of all this underlining in my reply? I tried using the </u> but it's not working. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:56, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- I think I got rid of all of them; just a friendly note to TheVirginiaHistorian to remember to close their
<u>
tags. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 22:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)- Thanks. sorry. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 23:58, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Very well done – perhaps too well. We've gone from an existing section of 1513 characters / 227 words, to a proposed section of 4266 characters / 644 words - a threefold increase. I would omit the details about Patrick Henry's and Washington's relationship with the Society and other details quoted below:
- It covers exclusively the legacy within the United States. It does not cover the Rise of the "Second" British Empire (1783–1815) and how the Revolution changed the fate of Australia. Our article on the British Empire covers the changes:
- "Since 1718, transportation to the American colonies had been a penalty for various offences in Britain, with approximately one thousand convicts transported per year across the Atlantic. Forced to find an alternative location after the loss of the Thirteen Colonies in 1783, the British government turned to Australia. The coast of Australia had been discovered for Europeans by the Dutch explorer Willem Janszoon in 1606 and was named New Holland by the Dutch East India Company, but there was no attempt to colonise it. In 1770 James Cook charted the eastern coast of Australia while on a scientific voyage to the South Pacific Ocean, claimed the continent for Britain, and named it New South Wales. In 1778, Joseph Banks, Cook's botanist on the voyage, presented evidence to the government on the suitability of Botany Bay for the establishment of a penal settlement, and in 1787 the first shipment of convicts set sail, arriving in 1788. Britain continued to transport convicts to New South Wales until 1840, to Tasmania until 1853 and to Western Australia until 1868." Dimadick (talk) 22:56, 23 November 2020 (UTC)
- Dimadick has made a remarkably clear expression of one aspect of the 'worldwide ARW', as we have discussed at some length on this page. Its sweep is comparable to our assistant professor at the University of Alabama, a Dr. Lockwood, who writes in his book, "the imperial American Revolution spread worldwide" (Lockwood 2019). Widely acknowledged as a masterful storyteller, Lockwood shows examples of the economic ruin among Andes Indios and Australian aboriginals that occurred in his view as a direct result of the untoward effects rippling out from the worldwide economic disruption by the War of American Independence. While most serious scholars gave the effort little notice, one scholarly journal that did review the book observed that Lockwood had connected dots where there were no connections.
- In short, the scope of an article primarily devoted to the military aspects of the American Revolutionary War that established a struggling republic unable to subdue the disparate westerly Indian tribes of its own interior for over fifty years, did not establish of the Second British Empire, never mind did it have a reach to effect the outcomes of British colonization in Australia into the Victorian Era.
- To place our editor query in some historical context, we should ask ourselves, Which RS cites correspondence in George Washington's published papers, either as General of the American armies, or as President of the United States, addressing Queen Victoria on this topic, considering Australia as a British penal colony? --- Now, I will concede that it is of some note that a dozen or so Irishmen banished by Queen Victoria for risings in Ireland, later achieved the rank of Brigadier General during the American Civil War on the Union side for liberty, the republic and democracy. But I do not want that included in the 'Legacy' section of the ARW, whatever the intriguing connection may be.
- Let's put a chronological limit on the 'Legacy' horizon at Thomas Jefferson's Inauguration for his first term as President: the "Revolutionary Era", the "Constitutional Era", and the "Federalist Era" of American history, April 1775 - March 1801? TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 00:55, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
@TheVirginiaHistorian, this is a great idea. I fully support this. Dswitz10734 (talk) 16:55, 24 November 2020 (UTC)
A welcome for Robin copyedits for encyclopedic summary style
- In view of the good copyediting by Robinvp11 – in a summary encyclopedic style – first of my contributions on African American participation here, then just now, his two most recent in Early engagements here, and here, I look forward to his further contributions as a writer.
- I still maintain a substantial disagreement against his imposition of off-topic European diplomatic history into this American military history, and his method of imposing it, undiscussed and unsourced. His POV is contrary to mainstream interpretation of the ARW in the unimpeached gold standard for scholarly reference in the English language, the Encyclopedia Britannica.
- - The American Revolutionary War was an insurrection within the British Empire between British subjects over (a) colonial political independence and (b) their constitutional revolution from monarchy to republic --- for an American self-governing people separate from those in Britain. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 20:08, 25 November 2020 (UTC)
Issues of mass deletions, resolved
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Mass deletions, undiscussed, proving disruptive(This is a reply to a ping that was made here.) @Tenryuu: — Yes, some of the wholesale deletions also resulted in citation errors. This occurs when a defined 'ref=' statement is removed. The first time a mass deletion occurred, with no discussion, two editors took exception, here on the Talk page. Then just recently, yet another mass deletion occurred by the same editor, again with no discussion, and with one coverall statement about General Gage in edit history, which hardly explains the bulk of the text removal. Perhaps we should revert the article back to here (Nov.25), just before the last mass deletion, and take it from there, with all editors, including yourself, cooporating and dealing with individual issues one at a time, as we were doing. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 04:05, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
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- Tenryuu, As Robin has acknowledged at the section I posted on his Talk, “Happy to stop,” he in wp:good faith did not understand the global copyedit sequencing workflow you were attempting to accomplish, I hope you can reconsider, and take one section under review at a time.
- - Perhaps using this format going forward, you might initiate a new copyedit review, leap-frogging forward to the ‘Aftermath’ then ‘Commemorations in the Revolutionary War’ sections, using the Under Construction template parameters for each section as you tackle it. And Gwillhickers and I can "worry that bone" [meaning #2] back at the 'Strategy and commanders' section? - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 17:41, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
- Once again, thank you for your words of conciliation and excellent efforts at diplomacy. Glad to see this didn't escalate into a Talk page battle and edit war. — Humbly we go forth. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:29, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
Primary editors (Gwillhickers—TheVirginiaHistorian—Robinvp11), I can start looking at the three aforementioned sections ("Revolution as civil war", "Aftermath", and "Commemorations of the Revolutionary War") tomorrow, so long as everyone is okay with the current text and its future revisions. Please try and discuss other contentious prose in the relevant sections elsewhere here on the talk page. —Tenryuu 🐲 ( 💬 • 📝 ) 03:19, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- Thanks. Onward and upward! - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 06:30, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- The edits are not intended to be disruptive and I've tried to avoid major sections, so apologies if that has been the case. This is a big article and it doesn't need to be.
- There are three reasons for this; (a) a lot of repetition (I take the point you can't always say "Its been covered elsewhere" but how many times do we need to mention Dunmore's proclamation, Saratoga etc) (b) its over-written (eg often using 10 words where five will do) and (c) I've mentioned this before but I've never seen so many footnotes in one article; they look like attempts to do an end run around the size parameters by adopting Enron accounting techniques :). That causes two problems; it removes the need to be concise and often leaves out stuff that should be in the article.
INSERT: see Gwillickers * thread below - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 21:10, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- A personal 'aaarrrrgh;" :) I know the Declaration of Independence refers to George III (because the drafters wanted to avoid a fight with Parliament) but Britain fought a series of bloody civil wars to establish the fact Parliament made decisions, not the king (one of my own ancestors signed the death warrant for Charles I). So every time I see 'George III decided/negotiated etc' it shows a lack of understanding of the British political system and how decisions were made; he was a Tory country gentleman of limited intelligence who ultimately did what he was told by his ministers - the only exception to that was Catholic emancipation. Robinvp11 (talk) 12:17, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
Robin — If the King functioned little more than as a figurehead, then we should say so if the sources say so. However, at least according to Thomas Paine's Common Sense, a very influential work in both the American and French revolutions, which criticized both Parliament and the King, the King was indeed allowed a good measure of authority: The passage in question reads:
- "But as the same constitution which gives the Commons a power to check
the King by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the King a power to check
the Commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; ..."
- "But as the same constitution which gives the Commons a power to check
Having only a basic knowledge of the relationship between the King and Parliament during the ARW, I will leave such matters to those more familiar with the topic. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:18, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- Gwillhickers, the last time a monarch withheld royal assent was in the case of the Scottish Militia Bill of 1708, upon the request of her ministers, i.e., the cabinet. There is an ongoing debate over whether the Queen has the right to veto legislation at the request of the PM, but she has no right to do so on her own initiative. Cabinet also has the power to give royal assent if the king is unwilling or unable to do so or for any reason whatsoever. TFD (talk) 07:21, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
George III and his ARW role
- As I chipped in somewhere in the discussion above, it seems that even George himself saw his role as that of agent for the authority of Parliament ("fighting the battle of the Legislature" as he wrote).
- He may have periodically expressed strong opinions, but these shouldn't be taken as evidence of a strong influence on policy.Svejk74 (talk) 19:49, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- Wikipedia editorial policy and process in this example can be treated in four steps.
- Review the literature.
- (a) English gold standard scholarly reference Encyclopedia Britannica. The [George III George III - North ministry article is written by British scholar John Steven Watson, The Reign of George III: 1760-1815 (1960). (1) By 1770, George III was "still as obstinate as ever and still felt an intense duty to guide the country" […] he "used executive power for winning elections […]" (2) "So the king prolonged the war, possibly by two years, by his desperate determination." And, “North wearily [publicly] repeated his wish to resign, thus appearing to be a mere puppet of George III. " George III insisted, and so North stayed on until the week of a “no confidence” vote in Commons, when the King relented but still fuming, “I’ll never forget this [personal betrayal].” (3) At the time people believed that corruption alone supported an administration that was equally incapable of waging war or ending it. This supposed increase in corruption was laid directly at the king’s door. (4) At backing William Pitt the Younger in the general election March 1784, the country, moved by reform sentiment," as well as by treasury influence, overwhelmingly endorsed the king’s action.” George III subsequently withdrew from direct intervention in Parliament, allowing Pitt’s administration over His Majesty's objections, after the American Revolutionary War.
- (b) The Hibbert biography sourced in the ARW article, linked and quoted above here at Talk.
- (c) H.T. Dickenson in Britain and the American Revolution (Routledge 2016 [2014) writes, “A visceral hostility to ‘unnatural rebellion’ seems to have gripped some British politicians, together with a belief that the Americans – and their British friends and abettors – were engaged in a deeply laid plot to destroy the balance of the constitution by undermining executive authority and creating an unchecked ‘democracy’.
- Note: From a perspective of British legal history, (Maitland et alia) the Americans looked to their English Stuart King colonial charters that guaranteed them the "rights of Englishmen as though they lived in England". George III, tutored by Bute, believed the colonies akin to his German family provinces in Bruswick. Legally the colonials were seen by George III as living on his personal domain, like peasants on his lands in Sherwood Forest, and he could change the boundaries of their cottages and fields at will; residents there were to him as his HRE serfs, and he could also change their local constitutions at will. Englishmen on both sides of the Atlantic took objection.
- (d) The Anglican Bishop, Stephen Conway contributed a chapter in Dickinson (ed) Britain and the American Revolution gives 1 view of 9 scholars who do not have a George III monograph of their own: Bishop Conway writes: George III was blamed "[...] with the loss of the American colonies, even though the constitutional clashes [...] centred on the claims of the British parliament not those of the crown. [...] Once the conflict began the king [...] was consulted on the conduct of the war and [...] he gave his opinions freely [...]; but he was not the key decision-maker [...]". To uphold the editorial theme here, that "There no great men in history", Svejk74 posts above at Talk: "George certainly played a role, but it shouldn't be overemphasised at the expense of, for example, the cabinet generally." - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 21:10, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- A few points. First, splitting my comment above off under its own heading in isolation from the comment I was responding to makes it near-impossible for me to follow the thread of the conversation, let alone anyone else.
- Second - you state "The Anglican Bishop, Stephen Conway contributed a chapter in Dickinson (ed) Britain and the American Revolution gives 1 view of 9 scholars who do not have a George III monograph of their own". Conway is a history professor at UCL, not a bishop, and an 18th century specialist with an interest in George III's reign. Not sure what the "Bishop Conway" and "no George III monograph" stuff is about other than an attempt to deprecate my source? It's certainly more representative of modern scholarship than Watson's 70 year old text.
- Thirdly this is not about a 'theme' of "There are no great men in history" but about the fact that George's power was limited by the Parliamentary system, and that neither descriptions of his personal opinion or of the popular perception of his role particularly alter that.Svejk74 (talk) 07:53, 29 November 2020 (UTC)
- @Svejk74: Apologies to Dr. Conway. -- The FIRST thread was on disruptive deletions. Your SECOND thread deserved the new section: George III and his ARW role. It goes well for your reputation as a wp:editor that it was
near-impossible for me to follow the thread
connecting the two, as there is objectively no connection there between (a) disruptive edits in the article, and (b) your stated interest in George III and his political role in the ARW. - Our colleague editors who clutch to the abstract notion that, "There can be no 'great men or women' in history.", are also fond of alluding to a secret "reality" in the events of history that are "facts" existing apart from the actual participants, and further, as Svejk74 so eloquently puts it,
"neither descriptions of his [the participant's] personal opinion or of the popular perception of his role [as seen by event witnesses]
, i.e., evidence from among those living and acting at the time, canparticularly alter that
. That is, there is nothing from the past that can be brought into a discussion of the secret no-great-men-or-women "facts". That preconceived editorial "reality" can never be "particularly altered" by any well-sourced accounts to the contrary from history. - Here Svejk74 promotes an unsourced POV with the novel assertion that George III was figurehead in 1782-1783 as he was "limited by the Parliamentary system". But that system, before the King's voluntary withdrawal from active intervention and control of Parliament (a) allowed George III to appoint Lords to manufacture the King's majority there, (b) used rotten boroughs that never seated a member of his Loyal Opposition, and (c) his "Treasury" paid for seats in Commons. George III relented actively pressuring Parliament following his thumb-on-the-scales to seat Rockingham PM (Dr. John Steven Watson in Britannica).
- - Those familiar with British constitutional history and government are aware of significant differences among Crown and Parliament and their shared powers from first, William and Mary to George III, transition at George III, and second, George III to Elizabeth II, of whom you speak as a figurehead. No
"18th century specialist with an interest in George III's reign"
fails to note the difference, a Dr. Conway does not say there was no change in the British constitution over that 260-year time span, you have no quote from him to say so. Svejk74 just made up their own POV and misrepresented poor Dr. Conway who is without a prominent author's page online at a browser search. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 19:41, 29 November 2020 (UTC)- I'm perfectly familiar with British (and Irish) constitutional history, thanks, especially the period between 1640 and 1800 or so.
- It's important to understand the ways in which the historiography of the reign of George III has changed substantially over the years. 19th century 'Whig' historians presented him as a meddler who made a concerted effort to reassert the power of the Crown, partly by comparing him with his supposedly 'inactive' predecessor George II. This 'averted slide towards tyranny' narrative has long been superseded. Namier, writing in the early 20th century, demonstrated that most of the assumptions about party divisions made by 19th century historians were wrong; the situation was far more fluid and parliamentarians far more independent-minded. It's also since been argued that George II was not the indolent figure he was once presented as, and that the balance of power between Crown and Parliament was in fact relatively consistent throughout the period. We can now understand that 19th century historiography is best regarded as a product of its time.
- I fail to see how I am misrepresenting the views of (Professor, not Dr) Conway when I quoted directly from him as follows: "In popular mythology, George III is inextricably linked with the loss of the American colonies, even though the constitutional clashes [...] centred on the claims of the British parliament not those of the crown. [...] Once the conflict began the king's role was likewise less significant than has been assumed. He was consulted on the conduct of the war and asked to approve plans and proposals; he gave his opinions freely and at times was certainly influential; but he was not the key decision-maker. No single person filled that position". That seems to me completely clear. I did not say George was a "figurehead" (that's your term); I said that his power was limited. He is best regarded as one of a set of competing influences on the war's conduct - this is not a "novel POV". We were asked, on the Military History pages, to contribute to the discussion on ongoing edits and this is precisely why I think @Robinvp11:'s recent edits are a big improvement: they remove overemphasis of the monarch's active role in the conflict.Svejk74 (talk) 09:03, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- @Svejk74: Apologies to Dr. Conway. -- The FIRST thread was on disruptive deletions. Your SECOND thread deserved the new section: George III and his ARW role. It goes well for your reputation as a wp:editor that it was
- Re the discussion above by TheVirginiaHistorian, the point of the 'great man' stuff escapes me, but this is not how the late 18th century British constitutional system worked. The suggestion "George III was a figurehead in 1782-1783" and "limited by the Parliamentary system" simply reflects mainstream modern historiography.
- As the first English-born Hanoverian, George was more Tory than the Tories, (North was the first nominally Tory PM since 1710, with the odd exception) and was routinely attacked by the Whigs for allegedly favouring them (hence the criticism he receives from 19th century Whig historians like Macaulay).
- George III did not own any boroughs, rotten or otherwise; individual aristocrats did (the History of Parliament provides details of exactly who owned which if you're curious). The idea he could create peers when needed is simply wrong, as is the suggestion he controlled the Whig-dominated Lords;
- Like any 18th century aristocrat, he had powers of patronage but the vast bulk were vested in the Treasury, which was controlled by the government. In fact, on becoming king he signed over the Crown Estates in return for a civil list annuity granted by Parliament, while MPs were specifically banned from holding 'offices of profit under the Crown'; it survives today in the legal fiction known as taking the Chiltern Hundreds.
- If you lost a motion of confidence (as North did), the government resigned and a new one was created, which then controlled these powers (this system survives in the modern US, where the number of political and/or administrative positions filled by the President are way, way, way more substantial than those available to Boris Johnson).
- Like other Tories, he didn't want to be responsible for losing what was seen by both colonists and Parliament as an integral part of Britain; once France and Spain entered the war, it also became a matter of national prestige. As king, he felt it more but his influence was largely confined to saying "No". He did not direct government policy and when North lost a majority in the House, he resigned regardless of what George wanted. That's the point. Robinvp11 (talk) 14:51, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- I would note also that the language of the Declaration of Independence and other documents seems to view George III as very powerful. But it has to be read in context of the constitutional theory that the Founding Fathers held, for example as expressed by John Adams in Novanglus. The American colonies were founded in the early 1600s when the king was extremely powerful. Following the 1688 Revolution, most of his powers were transferred to the English Parliament. However, the colonial view was that the English Parliament had no jurisdiction in America, instead it was colonial legislatures. By "comb[ing] with others," i.e., the English parliament, the king had broken his personal obligation to his American subjects. TFD (talk) 16:12, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- @The Four Deuces: Thank you for the reasonable and well grounded response. I would add that the Stuart charters meant to attract large scale immigration to overmatch Spanish and French colonization in the New World, well that was the aspiration. That became the bedrock of colonial resistance to George III re-conception of British North America. The N.Am. colonists believed that they and their posterity would have "all the rights of Englishmen as though they still resided there." I do not intend any of the following to be directed towards you. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 16:45, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- I would note also that the language of the Declaration of Independence and other documents seems to view George III as very powerful. But it has to be read in context of the constitutional theory that the Founding Fathers held, for example as expressed by John Adams in Novanglus. The American colonies were founded in the early 1600s when the king was extremely powerful. Following the 1688 Revolution, most of his powers were transferred to the English Parliament. However, the colonial view was that the English Parliament had no jurisdiction in America, instead it was colonial legislatures. By "comb[ing] with others," i.e., the English parliament, the king had broken his personal obligation to his American subjects. TFD (talk) 16:12, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- How does this address the points made at some length by myself and Svejk74? No one's disputed the Stuart Charters or how the colonials viewed themselves, this is a discussion about the role of George III. There are still numerous examples of this confusion in the article - I'm happy to correct them, but its hard to tell from this if you disagree. Robinvp11 (talk) 18:53, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- My point was that the language of the Founding Fathers made it appear that George III was an absolute monarch. ("The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States.") That view has entered the collective memory. In reality, George was constrained by Parliament and we need to accurately reflect his actual role in the ARW. TFD (talk) 22:45, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- How does this address the points made at some length by myself and Svejk74? No one's disputed the Stuart Charters or how the colonials viewed themselves, this is a discussion about the role of George III. There are still numerous examples of this confusion in the article - I'm happy to correct them, but its hard to tell from this if you disagree. Robinvp11 (talk) 18:53, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
It would seem we can all agree that both the King and Parliament had a given measure of authority. Given the biased historiography of both Whig and Tory minded historians, debating the rather subjective idea of 'how much' authority King George wielded has proven to be a never ending debate, as has been demonstrated in this discussion. It would be best to simply outline the statements in question, here in Talk, currently found in the article, and address them on a per statement basis. Remembering that this is the 'war' article, we are not going to be covering the relationship and roles of the King and Parliament that much to begin with. I think we can also agree that the King and Parliament shared authority, and we should leave it at that. Statements involving the King and Parliament should be confined to terms involving established facts. If the sources in question are somewhat conflicting, we simply say so in neutral terms. It was my impression that, for most, if not all of, the war, both the King and Parliament were on the same page up until the surrender at Yorktown, where the Parliament became somewhat divided as to whether the war should be continued. Can anyone outline the actual statements in question that need attention in that regard here in Talk? -- Gwillhickers (talk) 23:07, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- @Gwillhickers: Robinvp11 and Svejk74 are manifestly unfamiliar with British-American constitutional and military history in the last half of the 1700s. One says (a) no reputable scholar claims George III was a “figurehead” in making military decisions in the ARW (my word alone it is said, for monarchs who defer to their minister's and their cabinets in all things but ribbon color and wig perfume), while the other maintains (b) as to making military decisions in the ARWm, "
'George III was a figurehead in 1782-1783' and 'limited by the Parliamentary system' simply reflects mainstream modern historiography
". - - They both ignore my posts, direct quotes and RS links provided for editor inspection. There is no counter to my posts, only both say the referenced RS are not so, on their own wp:editor authority alone, without any scholarly authority to back them up. - We do have the sidebar about the one as-yet-to-be-confirmed "professor" without a doctorate - hmmmmmm, by 1980 Virginia community colleges did not allow instructors to be even temporary adjuncts without a doctorate from an accredited university, never mind their more stringent qualifications for tenured professors. We have a 'smell test' yet to pass here.
- But I’ve sourced from THE mainstream scholarly reference in the English language for the 20th and 21st century, Encyclopedia Britannica. --- In this case, for Britannica’s article on George III here, the historiography is originally authored by American scholar updated on 31 May 2020. It is directly quoted for editors here in this thread above. Britannica’s current (31 May 2020) scholarly authority is not overturned on a Talk thread by blind assertion using wp:bully attacks.
- My second reliable source views the American Patriots as undermining EXECUTIVE (Crown) constitutional authority --- the directly quoted and linked from British scholar Harry Thomas Dickenson in his 2016 edition of Britain in the American Revolution. These RS and their international standing in English-language 21st century scholarship by both an American (updated 2020) and a Briton (2016) is not yet impeached on this page. They are not likely to be.
- The article has not had any "
overemphasis of the monarch’s active role
", only characterizations that are carefully drawn from reliable sources, now directly quoted and linked for editor inspection. Wikipedia asks of its editors on the Military History pages to enter into discussion with reliable sources and goodwill, not article disruption with coordinated empty denials and rhetorical rabbit trails on its Talk. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 00:39, 1 December 2020 (UTC)- I'm going to try and be as concise as possible here, for the benefit of everyone involved. You start by saying we've not addressed the quotes provided by you, so I'll deal with that first.
- In support of your argument for George III's significance, you've cited a quote "A visceral hostility to ‘unnatural rebellion’ seems to have gripped some British politicians, together with a belief that the Americans – and their British friends and abettors – were engaged in a deeply laid plot to destroy the balance of the constitution by undermining executive authority and creating an unchecked ‘democracy". Firstly, this says nothing about George; it's talking about the attitude of "some British politicians" to what they saw as an attempt to undermine the government. If you actually read Britain and the American Revolution, the book this is taken from, you'll also note this is not written by Dickinson (the editor) but from a chapter by Stephen Conway, the academic who elsewhere in the same book writes "Once the conflict began the king's role was likewise less significant than has been assumed".
- You also offer a series of quotes from the Britannica entry on North's ministry. Several of these say little about George's actual influence, only that he, for example "still felt an intense duty to guide the country", or that he was blamed for a "supposed increase in corruption". We know George had strong opinions and was not afraid to air them; the issue is that whatever his opinions, sense of duty, or efforts to interfere with government, his capacity to actually do so was limited.
- To back this up I've offered, originally in this edit, what I thought was a reasonably balanced modern perspective given by Stephen Conway (in Britain and the American Revolution). I'm not sure why or how I've become sidetracked into a question of his academic credentials, but here he is: his major publications may be of interest.
- For the avoidance of doubt, here's what he writes, again: "In popular mythology, George III is inextricably linked with the loss of the American colonies, even though the constitutional clashes [...] centred on the claims of the British parliament not those of the crown. [...] Once the conflict began the king's role was likewise less significant than has been assumed. He was consulted on the conduct of the war and asked to approve plans and proposals; he gave his opinions freely and at times was certainly influential; but he was not the key decision-maker. No single person filled that position". I think this is a crystal clear statement, from a reliable source, of how power was exercised.Svejk74 (talk) 10:04, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Thank you for dropping the rhetorical device of denying my 21st century sourcing as 19th century Whig propaganda. We may be getting somewhere to collegially arrive at consensus. Let's explore Introduction, p.9
(1) "The King's role was less than has been assumed", is of course Dr. Conway's reference -- why would you contentiously contradict me by saying Conway, the PhD, is not qualified to the title, "Doctor" knowing full well otherwise? ah! it must be like my Brit TV detective mystery binge watching, "playing at silly buggers" with me. It was silly of me to take offense. LOL sorry, apologies -- start over.- (1) Perhaps, "The King's role was less than has been assumed", is Conway's reference to those who would make George III out to be a Frederick the Great -- Straw man alert -- but George III is NOT put forward as an example of the European Enlightenment "Absolute Monarch" anywhere in the article. The article has not had any "overemphasis of the monarch’s active role", only characterizations that are carefully drawn from reliable sources, now directly quoted and linked for editor inspection.
- (2) The reference may also be to the passage on page 347, Britain in the late 1700s, was like that of 1793-1815, "[...] a weak British state, dependent upon a great number and variety of interests beyond its control, even for the organization of national defense." --- This comparative weakness in Britain during "the last war of the ancien regime" as Conway quoted elsewhere, is a characterization of the state compared to that of the nation-state developed in WWI. It is NOT Conway's characterization of the role that George III played in military affairs within that regime during the ARW. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 18:05, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
@TheVirginiaHistorian: We may be getting somewhere to collegially arrive at consensus. Bollocks to that, you need to start by apologising for a series of snide and condescending comments, culminating in this completely gratuitous and unfounded insult "Robinvp11 and Svejk74 are manifestly unfamiliar with British-American constitutional and military history in the last half of the 1700s." Let me be honest in return.
I don't make a big deal of it but I have a degree and a PHD in history, specialising in late 18th century/early 19th century Europe. One of my tutors was John Ramsden, whose focus was the development of party in post 1760-Britain; I also studied the American War in the army, as my regiment was a direct successor of the Royal Americans (the British treasure their defeats more than their victories). So yeah, I know what I'm talking about. If you care. Which I don't. What about you?
Its not always easy to answer your points because (like much of the article) the prose is often so dense and convoluted its hard to figure what they are. I still have zero idea what the 'great man' stuff is about, but I answered each of the others in specific detail. Which you've ignored, then complained they haven't been answered - which seems like a 'heads I win, tails you lose' approach.
You have fundamentally confused the nature of executive power in the colonies (which was vested in the Crown, ruling through governors) and who exercised it - not George III but the Crown, as expressed by the British government. Why that is so hard to understand escapes me.
Robinvp11 (talk) 18:47, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
George III and his ARW role - continued
Yes, if there are any statements that are deemed to be over-emphasizing the King's role, we need to see them outlined, here in Talk. Otherwise we'll forever be absorbed in another lengthy source debate, which would be uncalled for since the article only mentions the King briefly, esp in relation to Parliament. The debate is somewhat out of proportion to the amount of coverage our article lends to these entities.
Below are the five statements in the narrative, with citations, that cover King George in terms of the war effort and its aftermath. If there are any issues here they need to be addressed specifically.
- Even after fighting began, Congress launched an Olive Branch Petition in an attempt to prevent war. King George III rejected the offer as insincere." <Ferling, 2006, pp. 38, 113>
- "Tories stiffened their resistance to compromise, and George III himself began micromanaging the war effort." <Ferling 2003, pp. 123–124> <O'Shaughnessy, 2013, p. 186>
- "In London, news of the victorious Long Island campaign was well received with festivities held in the capital. Public support reached a peak,<McCullough 2005, p. 195> and King George III awarded the Order of the Bath to Howe." <Ketchum 2014, pp. 191, 269>
- "Meanwhile, George III had given up on subduing America while Britain had a European war to fight." <Ferling 2007, p. 294>
- "Despite these developments, George III was determined to never recognize American independence and to indefinitely wage war on the American colonies indefinitely until they pleaded to return as his subjects." <Trevelyan 1912a, pp. 4–5>
- "Despite these developments, George III was determined to never recognize American independence and to indefinitely wage war on the American colonies indefinitely until they pleaded to return as his subjects." <Trevelyan 1912a, pp. 4–5>
If any of these statements are inaccurate or completely in error, we need to see the sources that supports that idea in no uncertain terms. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 01:31, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- The first mention of George III is in the lead: "King George III promised American independence and Anglo–American talks began. The preliminary articles of peace signed in November, and in December 1782, George III spoke from the British throne for US independence, trade, and peace between the two countries." I would replace George III with the British government. The King was forced to appoint a pro-peace ministry and accept their "advice." (Although it is called advice, the sovereign is obligated to follow it.) TFD (talk) 01:48, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- It was King George who made the promise, but I think we can assume he had the backing of the Parliament. It was the King who was addressed in Jefferson's Declaration of Independence, and like the President of the U.S. would, he spoke on behalf of his country. It would seem King George was more than just an empty suit with a crown on his head and had an appreciable amount of influence with the Parliament. For purposes of the lede, it seems mention of the King is most appropriate. I've no issues, however, with clarifying any other statements in the body of the text, where warranted. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 02:36, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- In the UK and other Commonwealth realms such as Canada and Australia and their provinces and states, the Queen or her representative reads a speech from the throne every year written by the PM, explaining the government's agenda, and she or her representatives approve all legislation, issue all executive orders and declare war. Every government promise is made in the name of the Queen. Do you think that the queen personally develops government policies in all those places? Is it just a coincidence that when government changes hands, so does the policy that Her Majesty follows? TFD (talk) 03:58, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- It was King George who made the promise, but I think we can assume he had the backing of the Parliament. It was the King who was addressed in Jefferson's Declaration of Independence, and like the President of the U.S. would, he spoke on behalf of his country. It would seem King George was more than just an empty suit with a crown on his head and had an appreciable amount of influence with the Parliament. For purposes of the lede, it seems mention of the King is most appropriate. I've no issues, however, with clarifying any other statements in the body of the text, where warranted. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 02:36, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- The source for the sentence beginning "Even after fighting began" merely says that the king refused to read the petition. Adams wrote, "My hopes are that Ministry will be afraid of negotiation as well as we and therefore refuse it." Notice he was referring to the British government rather than the king. They would decide what response if any would be made. TFD (talk) 04:05, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- TFD again, the second post is a reasonable on your part, but it is not a summary statement of the King's overall military role in the ARW 1775-1783. It is only his tactical comment on a narrow political maneuver in John Adams' prayerful assessment of one of the several other-than-George III "levers" of government.
- That much is of course conceded. But that ancillary consideration is not the overall assessment of the King's power to direct a British military effort to retain the rebelling colonies, as sourced. If the King did not respond and reconcile --- as was done at the First Rockingham Administration withdrawing the Stamp Act --- then the casus belli is removed for widespread Atlantic seaboard colonial rebellion, constitutional revolution, and national independence in a republic -- John Adams's personal goal, as a "great figure of history".
- A Ministry frozen in place into George III's stubborn policy of denial could possibly result in the conditions for a spread of military confrontation against Royal Governors outside of New England. (For another take on a related political process, reference Lenin and the Reds trying to gain support outside center-metropolis cities. Were the Czar to have had actually learned and spoken in the Russian language to the surrounding population ... better for the Revolution that the monarch be stubbornly in control, without a clue from his Ministers.)
- Unfortunately, the first post above is another allusion to the 21st century British constitution of Queen Elizabeth II. As such it is not applicable to the ARW period of British-American colonial relations, an anachronism, and bad history. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 08:43, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Sorry, the Stamp Act was repealed by Parliament in a vote of 276-168. The legislation was originated by Rockingham not by the king. It received royal assent as did every other law passed by parliament during George's 60 year reign. The king had no power to withhold royal assent without the "advice" of cabinet. Cabinet had the power to provide royal assent if the king was unable or unwilling to do so in person, which actually did happen during his illnesses. It's quite a stretch to compare the British constitution with pre-revolutionary Russia. TFD (talk) 16:44, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- The confusion seems to stem from the fact that the language used refers to the king. Laws are passed by the King-in-Parliament, executive orders are passed by the King-in-Council, judgments were made by the King on the advice of the Board of Trade, the king is the Commander-in-Chief. That is because historically the king had absolute power which later devolved to constitutional institutions such as parliament, the cabinet, and the supreme court following the revolution of 1688. While Adams did not recognize the authority of any of these institutions in America, he was aware that was how British government worked. TFD (talk) 16:53, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- That may well as may be, passing a law in Britain during the reign of George III was not by monarch fiat. That much can be stipulated. However, the sausage-making of parliamentary legislation is not related to the article's sourced characterization of George III significant role in military affairs during the ARW.
- LOL, my long-time friend. The comparison is meant to be this, and only in this limited way, as an ancillary, illustrative aside: Adams is to Monarch (clueless un-reforming ruler is good for Revolution) -- is as -- Lenin is to Tsar (clueless un-reforming ruler is good for Revolution). Hope you are in good health. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 18:05, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
While we don't have to know or explain the English constitution, we need to be precise when we attribute actions of its governments. We shouldn't say for example that George III enacted and repealed the Stamp Act when it was the imperial parliament. Or that he rejected the Olive Branch Petition if it was the cabinet. We wouldn't say today for example that Elizabeth II closed the Canadian border to the U.S., or took the UK out of the EU, or sent troops to Iraq. While George III exercised far more political influence than Elizabeth II, the view that he was an absolute monarch is a myth. TFD (talk) 18:23, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- "indefinitely wage war on the American colonies indefinitely" The sentence repeats "indefinetely" twice, when only one instance is needed. Dimadick (talk) 16:58, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- "Unfortunately, the first post above is another allusion to the 21st century British constitution of Queen Elizabeth II. As such it is not applicable to the ARW period of British-American colonial relations" The main article on George III mentions his role in a "constitutional struggle" in 1783, and the king directly causing the fall of the Fox–North coalition.:
- "Immediately after the House of Commons passed it [the India Bill], George authorised Lord Temple to inform the House of Lords that he would regard any peer who voted for the bill as his enemy. The bill was rejected by the Lords; three days later, the Portland ministry was dismissed, and William Pitt the Younger was appointed Prime Minister, with Temple as his Secretary of State. On 17 December 1783, Parliament voted in favour of a motion condemning the influence of the monarch in parliamentary voting as a "high crime" and Temple was forced to resign. Temple's departure destabilised the government, and three months later the government lost its majority and Parliament was dissolved; the subsequent election gave Pitt a firm mandate." Dimadick (talk) 17:13, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Close, but no cigar. (1) This is another anachronistic, bad history allusion to British constitutional history after the ARW, and (2) it bears on post-war India Bill legislation procedure, not on the George III military role in the ARW as monarch.
- (3) As noted before, after the personal humiliation losing the American colonies, George III withdrew from his former extensive interference in Parliament while influencing the course of his "American war". As you note, not all at once but first from the House of Commons, then from the House of Lords. His miscalculation leading up the the 17 December 1783 motion in the House of Lords meant that he was used to, and confident in, his right to dictate outcomes in the House of Lords, even after the revolt of the "country gentlemen" in the House of Commons.
- Note: this event takes place over a year after the Paris signing of the Anglo-American Prelimary Peace in November 1782, granting the US independence, British withdrawal, territory west to the Mississippi with free navigation to the Gulf, and Newfoundland Banks fishing with beach curing rights. Congress ratified it unanimously on 15 April 1783, and it resolved a Proclamation "End of hostilities" between the US and Britain. - TheVirginiaHistorian (talk) 18:25, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
- Even after fighting began, Congress launched an Olive Branch Petition in an attempt to prevent war. King George III rejected the offer as insincere." <Ferling, 2006, pp. 38, 113>
- (1) Page numbers provided for Ferling do not tie in; (2) British intelligence intercepted a letter from Adams deriding the offer, which they took as indication of lack of sincerity; (3) the government had already prepared the Proclamation of Rebellion and did not present the petition to George. I have updated this accordingly.
- Re the 18th century British constitution; just because George read speeches does not mean he wrote them (this continues today when the Queen addresses Parliament and talks of 'my government.') He often wrote letters to North supporting a policy - that does not mean he made it. Yes, he had more power than in modern day Britain, and a greater willingness to exert it - but he did not make policy. In the end, he did what his government wanted. Robinvp11 (talk) 19:31, 1 December 2020 (UTC)
Article size
- Needless redundancy aside, I am from the school of thought where the more context an article can offer the better, and strongly oppose the idea of removing content simply to get a prose size 'number' down. This is not the way to write. Some encyclopedias devote several dozen pages to important/famous subjects. While there are dedicated articles for virtually every topic on the ARW, this is the main article, a high-traffic article, and the only WP article that comes up in google searches for the ARW, and as such should have a healthy amount of content overlap with sister articles. This way, when readers chose to jump to another article they are already primed to delve further into the given topic. The readers really shouldn't be forced to jump to a dozen+ different articles just to get a comprehensive idea of the ARW. If this approach results in an article with one toe over the line then so be it – page size 'guidelines' allows for exceptions for exceptional articles. Having said that, I will be mindful of page size, but this should not be our major concern when authoring the article. Context and good writing should be our primary concern. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 20:55, 28 November 2020 (UTC)
- Why not read Wikipedia:Article size? Guidelines are there to produce better, more readable articles for users, not simply as a form of bureaucratic stupidity; if you put the Footnotes back in (which you need to) rather than one toe over the line, this article has a whole leg. It needs to be considerably shorter to come anywhere near size guidelines.
- Some encyclopedias devote several dozen pages to important/famous subjects. "Good writing" for an online encyclopedia is concise, clear and simple; the article on the ARW in the online Encyclopedia Britannica is considerably shorter than this for a reason;
- Wikipedia research shows 60% of users only ever look at the Lead, more if they're accessing it using a mobile platform, which is nearly 70% for this article. My point is (a) huge chunks of this article aren't read by anyone and (b) the longer it is, the less likely they will. Why make it harder?
- Readers shouldn't be forced to jump to a dozen+ different articles just to get a comprehensive idea of the ARW. (a) Comprehensive is not the same as long, (b) that misunderstands the entire nature of online consumption and design.
- If you feel this article is essentially fine and doesn't need to be shorter, just say so and I'll happily return to the 17th century. This is an important point of principle and trying to persuade each otherwise is not worth the energy. Robinvp11 (talk) 13:18, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- It would be nice if you assumed a more friendly tone. Rather than just "saying so" I thought it would be better to explain so. No one said a long article is the same as a comprehensive article. As was clearly explained, to present the many topics in context, room is often needed. Please be reminded that every guideline banner says there are exceptions to the rule. There are plenty of GA and FA articles whose length is around the 100k mark. Not being from the 17th century, people these days use discretion when they are faced with rules and guidelines. I'm assuming the exception clause above every guideline was included for good reasons, and it seems you've just presented us with one, as you seem eager to remove content just to get a prose number down. You're one of the primary editors of the French Revolution article. It is currently at 91k prose size. The Napoleon (Good) article is at 110k, and no one is making an issue over their length.
- If you feel this article is essentially fine and doesn't need to be shorter, just say so and I'll happily return to the 17th century. This is an important point of principle and trying to persuade each otherwise is not worth the energy. Robinvp11 (talk) 13:18, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
- "Wikipedia research shows 60% of users only ever look at the Lead, more if they're accessing it using a mobile platform, which is nearly 70% for this article. My point is (a) huge chunks of this article aren't read by anyone and (b) the longer it is, the less likely they will. Why make it harder?"
- As I've already indicated, most people only read the lede and perhaps one or two sections of interest. They will do this regardless of how long the article is. The assumption that much of the text will not be read simply because the article happens to be long is without basis. Readers interested in the subject will read until their heart's content, esp if the narrative presents the topics in context, with some depth. It seems you haven't given us anything that would tell us otherwise. We are not writing for only 60% of the readers. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:34, 30 November 2020 (UTC)
A word about redundant statements
With the assumption everyone already knows, sometimes things need to be said regardless: Often times a statement of fact can be made in one section, while the same general statement can be made yet again in a different section, only in context with another topic. As a friendly reminder to all, when we encounter a statement that, by itself, seems redundant, we should make certain we are not removing any important context before we decide to remove it. No one is saying that this has occurred recently, btw – just a word of caution. -- Gwillhickers (talk) 21:42, 27 November 2020 (UTC)
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