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<ref>{{cite book|last=Pormann|first=Peter|title=Medieval Islamic medicine|year=2007|publisher=Georgetown University Press|location=Washington, D.C.|pages=115-138}}</ref>
<ref>{{cite book|last=Pormann|first=Peter|title=Medieval Islamic medicine|year=2007|publisher=Georgetown University Press|location=Washington, D.C.|pages=115-138}}</ref>


<ref>{{cite journal|last=Bazmee Ansari|first=A.S.|title=Abu Bakr Muhammad Ibn Yahya: Universal scholar and scientist|journal=Islamic Studies|year=1976|volume=15|issue=3|pages=155-166|url=http://0-www.jstor.org.lilac.une.edu/stable/20847003|accessdate=6 December 2011}}</ref>==Notes and references==
==Notes and references==
; Notes
; Notes
{{Reflist|2|group="n"}}
{{Reflist|2|group="n"}}

Revision as of 22:49, 6 December 2011

A Latin copy of the Canon of Medicine, dated 1484, located at the P.I. Nixon Medical Historical Library of The University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio.

In the history of medicine, Islamic medicine, Arabic medicine or Arabian medicine refers to medicine developed in the Islamic Golden Age, and written in Arabic, the lingua franca of Islamic civilization.

Latin translations of Arabic medical works had a significant influence on the development of medicine in the high Middle Ages and early Renaissance, as did Arabic texts chronicling the medical works of earlier cultures.[1]

Through the medieval Islamic world, medicine was thought to be included under the umbrella of natural philosophy, due to the influence Hippocratic Corpus which had a strong presence of the collaborative ideas of Aristotle and Galen . The Hippocratic corpus, was a collection of medical treatises composed by different generations of authors, yet all attributed to the famous Hippocrates of Cos, that included a number of treatises on gynecology,embryology, and obstetrics which greatly impacted medieval Islamic medical literature.

Terminology

Some consider the label "Arab-Islamic" as historically inaccurate, arguing it does not appreciate the rich diversity of Eastern scholars who contributed to Islamic science in this era.[2]

Overview

Medicine was a central part of medieval Islamic culture. Responding to circumstances of time and place, Islamic physicians and scholars developed a large and complex medical literature exploring and synthesizing the theory and practice of medicine.[3] Islamic medicine was initially built on tradition, chiefly the theoretical and practical knowledge developed in Arabia and was known at Muhammad's time, ancient Hellenistic medicine such as Unani, ancient Indian medicine such as Ayurveda, and the ancient Iranian Medicine of the Academy of Gundishapur. The works of ancient Greek and Roman physicians Hippocrates,[4] Galen and Dioscorides[4] also had a lasting impact on Islamic medicine.[5] Ophthalmology has been described as the most successful branch of medicine researched at the time, with the works of Ibn Al-Haitham remaining an authority in the field until early modern times.[6]

Medical ethics

The earliest surviving Arabic work on medical ethics is Ishaq ibn 'Ali al-Ruhawi's Adab al-Tabib ("Practical Ethics of the Physician" or "Practical Medical Deontology") and was based on the works of Hippocrates and Galen.[7] Al-Ruhawi regarded physicians as "guardians of souls and bodies", and wrote twenty chapters on various topics related to medical ethics.[8]

Encyclopedias

The first encyclopedia of medicine in Arabic language[9] was Persian scientist Ali ibn Sahl Rabban al-Tabari's Firdous al-Hikmah ("Paradise of Wisdom"), written in seven parts, c. 860. Al-Tabari, a pioneer in the field of child development, emphasized strong ties between psychology and medicine, and the need for psychotherapy and counseling in the therapeutic treatment of patients. His encyclopedia also discussed the influence of Sushruta and Chanakya on medicine, including psychotherapy.[10][verification needed]

File:Persian Zakaria Razi.jpg

Muhammad ibn Zakarīya Rāzi (Rhazes) the Persian scientist wrote the Comprehensive Book of Medicine in the 9th century. The Large Comprehensive was the most sought after of all his compositions, in which Rhazes recorded clinical cases of his own experience and provided very useful recordings of various diseases. Al-Razi was "the first of the (physicians of medieval Islam) to treat medicine in a comprehensive and encyclopedic manner, surpassing probably in voluminousness Galen himself...Rhazes is deservedly remembered as having first described small-pox and measles in an accurate manner".[11]

Major contributers to Muslim Medicine

Al Razi was considered the father of Islamic medicine. ‘He was regarded as the greatest physician of the Muslim World,’.[12] but was also considered a philosopher of his time. He is known for separating the ‘science of physic’.[13] into two different aspects: physical and spiritual. The physical dealt with the ‘physiological diseases’.[14] while the latter dealt with the spiritual self. He felt that there was a relation between the two. Therefore, he also felt that in order to completely understand the science of the body, a doctor needed to be both a master of the physical and spiritual knowledge regarding the body. [15]

Medical Contributions from Medieval Islam

The movement of blood through the human body was thought to be known due to the work of the Greek physicians. [16] However, there was question on how the blood flowed from the right ventricle of the heart to the left ventricle, before the blood is pumped to the rest of the body. [17] According to Galen in the 2nd century, blood reached the left ventricle through invisible passages in the septum. [18]Ibn al-Nafis, a 13th century Syrian physician, found the previous statement on blood flow from the right ventricle to the left to be false. [19]According to his own evidence derived from a dissection, Ibn al-Nafis discovered the ventricular septum to be impenetrable by nature, lacking any type of invisible passages, disconfirming Galen’s previous assumptions. [20]Ibn al-Nafis discovered that the blood in the right ventricle of the heart is carried to the left by way of the lungs. [21]This discovery was one of the first descriptions of the pulmonary circulation and a breakthrough in the understanding of human anatomy and physiology. [22]

Ahmad ibn Abi al-Ash’ath, a famous physician from Mosul, Iraq, described the physiology of the stomach in a live lion in his book al-Quadi wa al-muqtadi. [23] He wrote:

“When food enters the stomach, especially when it is plentiful, the stomach dilates and its layers get stretched...onlookers thought the stomach was rather small, so I proceeded to pour jug after jug in its throat…the inner layer of the distended stomach became as smooth as the external peritoneal layer. I then cut open the stomach and let the water out. The stomach shrank and I could see the pylorus…”. [24]

Ahmad ibn Abi al-Ash’ath observed the physiology of the stomach in a live lion in 959. This description preceded William Beaumont (LINK) by almost 900 years, making Ahmad ibn al-Ash’ath the first person to initiate experimental events in gastric physiology. [25]

Medieval Islamic physicians used natural substances as a source of medicinal drugs—including Papaver somniferum Linnaeus, poppy, and Cannabis sativa Linnaeus, hemp. [26]In pre-Islamic Arabia, neither poppy nor hemp was known. [27]Hemp was introduced into the Islamic countries in the ninth century from India through Persia and Greek culture and medical literature. [28]Dioscorides, who according to the Arabs is the greatest botanist of antiquity, recommended hemp’s seeds to “quench geniture” and its juice for earaches. [29]Beginning in 800 and lasting for over two centuries, poppy use was restricted to the therapeutic realm. [30]However, the dosages often exceeded medical need and was used repeatedly despite what was originally recommended. Poppy was prescribed by Yuhanna b. Masawayh to relieve pain from attacks of gallbladder stones, for fevers, indigestion, eye, head and tooth aches, pleurisy, and to induce sleep. [31]Although poppy had medicinal benefits, Ali al-Tabari explained that the extract of poppy leaves was lethal, and that extracts and opium should be considered poisons.[32]

Hospitals

Many hospitals were developed during the early Islamic era. The first true Islamic hospital was built during the reign of Caliph harun-ul-Rashid. It led to the development of many other hospitals in Baghdad. One of the largest hospitals ever build was the Mansuri Hospital in Cairo[33] . The idea of a hospital being a place for the care of sick people was taken from the early Caliphs[34] . The Waqf documents stated nobody should ever be turned away from medical care, and they should not be released until fully recovered. The hospital must cover all costs because the service is provided by Allah The idea of it being a place for the care of sick people was taken from the early Caliphs[35] .

Surgery

The development and growth of hospitals in ancient Islamic society expanded the medical practice to what is currently known as surgery. Surgical procedures were known to physicians during the medieval period because of earlier texts that included descriptions of the procedures.[36]. Surgery was uncommonly practiced by physicians and other medical affiliates due to a scarcely low success rate, even though earlier records provided favorable outcomes to certain operations.[37]. There were many different types of procedures performed in ancient Islam.

Bloodletting and cauterization were techniques widely used in ancient Islamic society by physicians, as a therapy to treat ill patients. Cauterization is a procedure used to burn the skin or flesh of a wound. In the medieval world, a heated metal rod was used as the instrument to burn the wound as well as to stop a wound from bleeding. Bloodletting was used to cure a patient of bad humours considered deleterious to one’s health[38]. A phlebotomist performing bloodletting on a patient drained the blood straight from the veins. Cupping, a form of bloodletting, was much less invasive and painful for the patient. A slight incision was made in the skin and blood was drawn by applying a heated cupping glass, which caused the blood to rise to the surface of the skin. “Dry cupping” was also used, which did not involve an incision, rather the placement of a heated cupping glass on a patient’s affected area to relieve pain, itching, and other common ailments[39]. Though these procedures seem relatively easy for phlebotomists to perform, there were instances where they had to pay compensation for causing injury or death to a patient because of carelessness when making an incision. Both cupping and phlebotomy were considered helpful when a patient was sickly[40].

In ancient Islam, surgery was used in treating the complications of both trachoma and cataracts. Trachoma, a contagious bacterial infection of the eye in which the granulation on the inner surface of the eyelids are inflamed, was recognized by medieval Islamic physicians because of the vascularization which invades the cornea. The vascularization of the tissue that invades the cornea of the eye is a complication seen in trachoma patients. The technique used to correct this complication was done surgically and known today as peritomy. This procedure was done by “employing an instrument for keeping the eye open during surgery,a number of very small hooks for lifting, and a very thin scalpel for excision”[41]. A similar technique was used to remove the triangular-shaped part of the bulbar conjunctive onto the cornea, called the pterygium. This was done by lifting the growth with small hooks and then cut with a small lancet. Both of these surgical techniques were extremely painful for the patient and intricate for the physician or his assistants to perform. Cataracts, a common cause of blindness, is caused by the lens becoming opaque and blurring vision over time. In medieval Islamic literature, cataracts were thought to have been caused by a membrane or opaque fluid that rested between the lens and the pupil. The technique for treating cataracts in medieval Islam dated from classical antiquity and in English translation, is called couching[42]. A small incision was made in the sclera with a lancet and a probe was then inserted and used to depress the lens, pushing it to one side of the eye. After the procedure was complete, the eye was then washed with salt water and then bandaged with cotton wool soaked in oil of roses and egg whites. After the operation, there was concern that the cataract, once it had been pushed to one side, would reascend, which is why patients were instructed to lie on his or her back for several days following the surgery[43]. Surgery was important in treating patients with eye complications, such as trachoma and cataracts, during ancient Islam.

In both modern society and medieval Islamic society, anesthesia and antisepsis are important aspects of surgery. Ancient Islamic physicians found the lack of antisepsis to be limited as to what procedures could be provided for a sick patient. It was noted that, on occasion, a patient be washed before a procedure to prevent infection. Following a procedure, the area was often cleaned with “wine, wined mixed with oil of roses, oil of roses alone, salt water, or vinegar water”, which comprise of certain antiseptic properties[44]. Various herbs and resins including frankincense, myrrh, cassia, and members of the laurel family were used to prevent infections. Although these are some of the antiseptics used in ancient Islam, the efficacy of these items is indeterminable. Drugs including “henbane, hemlock, soporific black nightshade, lettuce seeds, and opium” were used to treat pain and in some arguments these drugs have been used to cause a person to lose consciousness before an operation, as a modern day anesthetic would[45]. The pain-killing uses of opium were explored even earlier than Islamic physicians. Before the development of anesthesia and antisepsis, surgery was therefore limited to fractures, dislocations, traumatic injuries resulting in amputation, and urinary disorders or other common infections[46].

Women in medicine

During the medieval time period Hippocratic treaties became used widespread by medieval physicians, due the treaties practical form as well as their accessibility for medieval practicing physicians.[47] Hippocratic treaties of Gynecology and Obstetrics were commonly referred to by Muslim clinicians when discussing female diseases. [48] The Hippocratic authors associated women’s general and reproductive health and organs and functions that were believed to have no counterparts in the male body. [49] The Hippocratic’s blamed the Womb for many of the women’s health problems such as Schizophrenia.[50]They described the womb as an independent creature inside the female body; and, when the womb was not fixed in place by pregnancy,the womb which craves moisture, was believed to moved to moist body organs such as the liver, heart, and brain.[51] The movement of the womb was assumed to cause many health conditions most particularly of menstruation was also considered essential for maintaining women’s general health.

It has been written that male guardians such as fathers and husbands did not consent to "their" women being examined by male practitioners unless absolutely necessary in life or death circumstances.[52] The male guardians would just assume treat their women themselves, and or have them be seen my female practitioners for the sake of privacy.[53] The women similarly felt the same way; such is the case as pregnancy and the accompanying processes such as child birth and breastfeeding, which was solely reliant upon advice given by other women.[54] The role of women as practitioners appears in a number of works despite the male dominance within the medical field. Two female physicians from Ibn Zuhr's family served the Almohad ruler Abu Yusuf Ya'qub al-Mansur in the 12th century.[55] Later in the 15th century, female surgeons were illustrated for the first time in Şerafeddin Sabuncuoğlu's Cerrahiyyetu'l-Haniyye (Imperial Surgery).[56] The treatment provided of women by men was justified to some, whom were believers, through the ideals of the Prophetic medicine (al-tibba alnabawi) other wise known as "medicine of the prophet" (tibb al-nabi) which provided the argument that men can treat women, and women men, even if this means they have must expose their genitals in the necessary circumstances. [57]

Female doctors, Midwives, and wet nurses have all been mentioned in literature of the time period. [58] The high visibility of midwives in the 14th century is demonstrated in Ibn Khaldun's Muquaddimahl where a section devoted to this profession recognized it with the highest in the hierarchy of professions. [59] Being a Wet nurse seemed to have been a common form of employment, although it was rarely mentioned in the Geniza documents. [60] The women whom often pursued such a career were from rural areas, and were frequently poor. [61] These women would hire themselves out to nurse the newborn infant of a middle class woman; this would be done either together with or at the expense of the wet nurses own newly born child.[62] Physical care and refined foods were recommended for the wet nurses in order to guarantee the baby optimal nutrition and mental well being while under the care of the wet nurse. <[63] The use of wet nurses was widespread, and provided some legal problems, since the children suckling from the same women were considered to be blood relatives. [64] This resulted in limitations on whom adults could marry when in a confined geological area. [65]

By providing limitations on whom one could marry within a given geological area it wasn't uncommon for relocation to occur. [66] Once relocation occurred the processes of using a wet nurse was often relied upon just as before. [67] This causes a viscous cycle of relocation after a give period of time due to the limitations placed on the marrying, and therefore the matting possibilities. [68] Eventually this was overcome by the dismissal of the idea that suckling from the same woman caused the children to be considered blood relatives, as well as a slight decline in the use of wet nurses. [69]

See also

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[70] 

[71]==Notes and references==
Notes
Citations
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  6. ^ Saunders 1978, p. 193.
  7. ^ Prioreschi, Plinio (2001). A History of Medicine: Byzantine and Islamic medicine (1st ed.). Omaha, NE: Horatius Press. p. 394. ISBN 1888456043.
  8. ^ Levey, Martin (1967). "Medical Ethics of Medieval Islam with Special Reference to Al-Ruhāwī's "Practical Ethics of the Physician"". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. New Series. 57 (3). American Philosophical Society: 1–100. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1006137.
  9. ^ Selin, Helaine (1997). Encyclopaedia of the history of science, technology and medicine in non-western cultures. Kluwer. p. 930. ISBN 0792340663.
  10. ^ Haque Amber (2004). "Psychology from Islamic Perspective: Contributions of Early Muslim Scholars and Challenges to Contemporary Muslim Psychologists". Journal of Religion and Health. 43 (4): 357–377 [361]. doi:10.1007/s10943-004-4302-z. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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  12. ^ Karaman, Huseyin (June 2011). "Abu Bakr Al Razi (Rhazes) and Medical Ethics". Ondokuz Mayis University Review of the Faculty of Divinity (30): 77-87. ISSN 13003003. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
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  14. ^ Karaman, Huseyin (June 2011). "Abu Bakr Al Razi (Rhazes) and Medical Ethics". Ondokuz Mayis University Review of the Faculty of Divinity (30): 77-87. ISSN 13003003. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
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  17. ^ Hehmeyer, Ingrid (8). "Islam's forgotten contributions to medical science". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 176 (10): 1467. doi:10.1503/cmaj.061464. Retrieved 6 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  18. ^ Hehmeyer, Ingrid (8). "Islam's forgotten contributions to medical science". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 176 (10): 1467. doi:10.1503/cmaj.061464. Retrieved 6 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  19. ^ Hehmeyer, Ingrid (8). "Islam's forgotten contributions to medical science". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 176 (10): 1467. doi:10.1503/cmaj.061464. Retrieved 6 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  20. ^ Hehmeyer, Ingrid (8). "Islam's forgotten contributions to medical science". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 176 (10): 1467. doi:10.1503/cmaj.061464. Retrieved 6 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  21. ^ Hehmeyer, Ingrid (8). "Islam's forgotten contributions to medical science". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 176 (10): 1467. doi:10.1503/cmaj.061464. Retrieved 6 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  22. ^ Hehmeyer, Ingrid (8). "Islam's forgotten contributions to medical science". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 176 (10): 1467. doi:10.1503/cmaj.061464. Retrieved 6 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
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  24. ^ Haddad, Farid S. (18). "InterventionaI physiology on the Stomach of aLive Lion: AlJ,mad ibn Abi ai-Ash'ath (959 AD". Journal of the Islamic Medical Association. 39: 35. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  25. ^ Haddad, Farid S. (18). "InterventionaI physiology on the Stomach of aLive Lion: AlJ,mad ibn Abi ai-Ash'ath (959 AD". Journal of the Islamic Medical Association. 39: 35. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  26. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  27. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  28. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  29. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  30. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  31. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  32. ^ Hamarneh, Sami (1972). "Pharmacy in medieval islam and the history of drug addiction" (PDF). Medical History. 16 (3): 226–237. Retrieved 4 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  33. ^ Nagamia, Hussain (2003). "Islamic Medicine History and Current Practice" (PDF). Journal of the International Society for the History of Islamic Medicine. 2 (4): 19–30. Retrieved 1 December 2011. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
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  36. ^ Pormann, Peter E.; Savage-Smith, Emilie (2007). Medieval Islamic Medicine. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0748620664. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  37. ^ Pormann, Peter E.; Savage-Smith, Emilie (2007). Medieval Islamic Medicine. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0748620664. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  38. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  39. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  40. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  41. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  42. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  43. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  44. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  45. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
  46. ^ Pormann, Peter (2007). Medieval Islamic medicine. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. pp. 115–138.
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  48. ^ Gadelrab, Sherry (2011). "Discourses on Sex difference in medieval scholarly Islamic thought". Journal of History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 66. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  49. ^ Gadelrab, Sherry (2011). "Discourses on Sex difference in medieval scholarly Islamic thought". Journal of History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 66. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  50. ^ Gadelrab, Sherry (2011). "Discourses on Sex difference in medieval scholarly Islamic thought". Journal of History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 66. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  51. ^ Gadelrab, Sherry (2011). "Discourses on Sex difference in medieval scholarly Islamic thought". Journal of History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 66. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  52. ^ Pormann, Peter (2009). [www.thelancet.com "The Art of Medicine: female patients and practitioners in medieval Islam"]. Perspectives. 373. Retrieved 12/1/2011. {{cite journal}}: Check |url= value (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  53. ^ Pormann, Peter (2009). [www.thelancet.com "The Art of Medicine: female patients and practitioners in medieval islam"]. Perspectives. 373. Retrieved 12/1/2011. {{cite journal}}: Check |url= value (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  54. ^ Pormann, Peter (2009). [www.thelancet.com "The Art of Medicine: female patientts and practitioners in medieval islam"]. Perspectives. 373. Retrieved 12/1/2011. {{cite journal}}: Check |url= value (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  55. ^ The Art as a Profession, United States National Library of Medicine
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  58. ^ Shatzmiller, Mya. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World Copyright 1994.
  59. ^ Shatzmiller, Mya. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World Copyright 1994. {{cite book}}: line feed character in |title= at position 37 (help)
  60. ^ Shatzmiller, Mya. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World Copyright 1994.
  61. ^ Shatzmiller, Mya. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World Copyright 1994.
  62. ^ Shatzmiller, Mya. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World Copyright 1994.
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Bibliography

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