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#<span style="color:red;">[[New York County, New York]] 153,001</span>
#<span style="color:red;">[[New York County, New York]] 153,001</span>
#<span style="color:red;">[[Kings County, New York]] 108,977</span>
#<span style="color:red;">[[Kings County, New York]] 108,977</span>
#'<span style="color:red;">[[Allegheny County, Pennsylvania]] 71,780</span>
#<span style="color:red;">[[Allegheny County, Pennsylvania]] 71,780</span>


Counties with most votes (Democratic)
Counties with most votes (Democratic)

Revision as of 16:22, 6 November 2012

United States presidential election, 1900

← 1896 November 6, 1900 1904 →
 
Nominee William McKinley William Jennings Bryan
Party Republican Democratic
Home state Ohio Nebraska
Running mate Theodore Roosevelt Adlai E. Stevenson
Electoral vote 292 155
States carried 28 17
Popular vote 7,228,864 6,370,932
Percentage 51.6% 45.5%

Presidential election results map. Blue denotes states won by Bryan/Stevenson, Red denotes those won by McKinley/Roosevelt. Numbers indicate the number of electoral votes allotted to each state.

President before election

William McKinley
Republican

Elected President

William McKinley
Republican

The United States presidential election of 1900 was a re-match of the 1896 race between Republican President William McKinley and his Democratic challenger, William Jennings Bryan. The return of economic prosperity and recent victory in the Spanish–American War helped McKinley to score a decisive victory. President McKinley chose New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt as his running mate as Vice-President Garret Hobart had died from heart failure in 1899.

Nominations

Republican Party nomination

Republican candidate:

McKinley ran on his record in 1900.

The 926 Republican delegates to the Republican convention, which met in Philadelphia on June 19–21, renominated William McKinley by acclamation. Thomas C. Platt, the "boss" of the New York State Republican Party, did not like Theodore Roosevelt, New York's popular governor, even though he was a fellow Republican. Roosevelt's efforts to reform New York politics – including Republican politics – led Platt and other state GOP leaders to pressure President McKinley to accept Roosevelt as his new vice-presidential candidate, thus filling the spot left open when Vice-President Garret Hobart died in 1899. By electing Roosevelt to the vice-presidency, Platt would remove Roosevelt from New York state politics. Although Roosevelt was reluctant to accept the vice-presidency, which he regarded as a relatively trivial and powerless office, his great popularity among most Republican delegates led McKinley to pick him as his new running mate. Ironically, Roosevelt would be elevated to the Presidency in September 1901, when McKinley was assassinated in Buffalo, New York.

The balloting
Presidential ballot Vice Presidential ballot
William McKinley 926 Theodore Roosevelt 925
Not voting 1

Democratic Party nomination

Democratic candidates:

Campaign poster promoting Democratic nominee William J. Bryan

After Admiral George Dewey's return from the Spanish-American War, many suggested he run for president on the Democratic ticket. However, his candidacy was plagued by public relations gaffes. Newspapers started attacking him as naïve after he was quoted as saying the job of president would be easy, since the chief executive was merely following orders in executing the laws enacted by Congress, and that he would "execute the laws of Congress as faithfully as I have always executed the orders of my superiors." Shortly thereafter he admitted to never having voted in a presidential election. He drew yet more criticism when he offhandedly (and prophetically) told a newspaper reporter that, "Our next war will be with Germany."[1]

Dewey also angered some Protestants by marrying Catholic Mildred McLean Hazen (the widow of General William Babcock Hazen and daughter of Washington McLean, owner of The Washington Post), in November 1899 and giving her the house that the nation had given him following the war.[2] Dewey withdrew from the race in mid-May and endorsed William McKinley.[citation needed]

William Jennings Bryan was easily nominated after Dewey withdrew from the race. Bryan won at the 1900 Democratic National Convention held at Kansas City, Missouri, on July 4–6, garnering 936 delegate votes. Former Vice-President Adlai Stevenson was nominated for the office again, beating out David B. Hill and Charles A. Towne for the nomination.[citation needed]

Presidential ballot
William Jennings Bryan 936

Source: US President – D Convention. Our Campaigns. (March 10, 2011).

Vice Presidential ballot
Ballot 1st before shifts 1st after shifts
Adlai E. Stevenson 559.5 936
David B. Hill 200 0
Charles A. Towne 89.5 0
Abraham W. Patrick 46 0
Julian Carr 23 0
John Walter Smith 16 0
Elliott Danforth 1 0
Jim Hogg 1 0

Other nominations

The Populist Party, which four years earlier had supported Bryan, split into two factions. One group, the "Fusion" faction, wanted to merge with the Democrats. The Fusion faction held its convention in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, and nominated Bryan for president and Charles A. Towne for vice-president (Towne, the national chairman of the Silver Republican Party, later withdrew from the race). The "Middle of the Road" Populists wanted to maintain their identity as a separate political party; they met in Cincinnati and nominated Wharton Barker and Ignatius L. Donnelly. The "Fusion" group was absorbed into the Democratic Party with this election; and though the "Middle of the Road" faction contested two future presidential elections, the Populists were no longer considered a serious political force after 1900. The Socialist Labor Party also divided; the larger faction formed the Social Democratic Party and nominated Eugene V. Debs for president. This party was renamed the Socialist Party following the election. Both factions of the Prohibition Party fielded candidates, though it was the last campaign of the National Prohibitionists. Other third party candidates included Seth H. Ellis of the Union Reform Party and Jonah F.R. Leonard of the United Christian Party.

General election

Campaign

McKinley campaigns on gold coin (gold standard) with support from soldiers, businessmen, farmers and professionals, claiming to restore prosperity at home and victory abroad

The economy was booming in 1900, so the Republican slogan of "Four More Years of the Full Dinner Pail", combined with victory in the brief Spanish–American War in 1898, had a powerful electoral appeal. Teddy Roosevelt had become a national hero fighting in Cuba during the war, and as such he was a popular spokesman for the Republican ticket. In his speeches he repeatedly argued that the war had been just and had liberated the Cubans and Filipinos from Spanish tyranny:[3]

Four years ago the nation was uneasy because at our very doors an American island was writhing in hideous agony under a worse than medieval despotism. We had our Armenia at our threshold. The situation in Cuba had become such that we could no longer stand quiet and retain one shred of self-respect…. We drew the sword and waged the most righteous and brilliantly successful foreign war that this generation has seen.

Bryan's campaign was a reprise of his major issue from the 1896 campaign, Free Silver. It was not as successful in 1900 because of the improved economy and an increase in gold supply caused by new production from Alaska and South Africa that allowed more paper dollars to enter the national economy. Bryan's second major campaign theme attacked McKinley's imperialism; Bryan argued that instead of liberating Cuba and the Philippines, the McKinley administration had simply replaced a cruel Spanish tyranny with a cruel American one. Bryan was especially harsh in his criticisms of the American military effort to suppress a bloody rebellion by Filipino guerillas. This theme won over some previous opponents, especially "hard money" Germans, former Gold Democrats, and anti-imperialists such as Andrew Carnegie.

Both candidates repeated their 1896 campaign techniques, with McKinley again campaigning from the front porch of his home in Canton, Ohio; at its peak, he greeted sixteen delegations and 30,000 cheering supporters in one day. Meanwhile Bryan took to the rails again, traveling 18,000 miles to hundreds of rallies across the Midwest and East. This time, he was matched by Theodore Roosevelt, McKinley's running mate and the Governor of New York, who campaigned just as energetically in 24 states, covering 21,000 miles by train.

The German-American vote in 1900 was in doubt since they opposed both Bryan's "repudiation" policy and overseas "expansion" under McKinley.

The triumph of the American army and navy in the war against Spain was a decisive factor in building Republican support. Democrats tried to argue that the war was not over because of the insurgency in the Philippines, which became their major issue. A perception that the Philippine–American War was coming to an end would be an electoral asset for the Republicans, and the McKinley administration stated that there were reductions of troops there. Republicans pledged that the fighting in the Philippines would die down of its own accord within sixty days of McKinley's re-election.[4] However, as one lieutenant explained in a letter to his wife, "It looks good on paper, but there really has been no reduction of the force here. These battalions [being sent home] are made up on men…about to be discharged."[5]

In addition, Secretary of War Elihu Root had a report from MacArthur of September 1900 that he did not release until after the election.[6] General Arthur MacArthur, Jr. had been in command of the Philippines for four months, warning Washington that the war was not lessening and that the end was not even in sight. MacArthur believed that the guerrilla stage of the war was just beginning and that Filipinos were refining their techniques through experience. Furthermore, Philippine leader Emilio Aguinaldo's strategy had popular support. MacArthur wrote:

The success of this unique system of war depends upon almost complete unity of action of the entire native population. That such unity is a fact is too obvious to admit of discussion; how it is brought about and maintained is not so plain. Intimidation has undoubtedly accomplished much to this end, but fear as the only motive is hardly sufficient to account for the united and apparently spontaneous action of several millions of people. One traitor in each town would eventually destroy such a complex organization. It is more probable that the adhesive principle comes from ethological homogeneity, which induces men to respond for a time to the appeals of consanguineous leadership even when such action is opposed to their interests and convictions of expediency.[7]

Nonetheless, the majority of soldiers in the Philippines did not support Bryan. Any mention of the election of 1900 in the soldiers' letters and diaries indicated overwhelming support for the Republican ticket of McKinley and Roosevelt. According to Sergeant Beverly Daley, even the "howling Democrats" favored McKinley. Private Hambleton wrote, "Of course, there are some boys who think Bryan is the whole cheese, but they don't say too much."[8]

Despite Bryan's energetic efforts, the renewed prosperity under McKinley, combined with the public's approval of the Spanish–American War, allowed McKinley to gain a comfortable victory.

Results

Results by county explicitly indicating the percentage for the winning candidate. Shades of red are for McKinley (Republican), shades of blue are for Bryan (Democratic), and shades of green are for "Other(s)" (Non-Democratic/Non-Republican).

It is a matter of considerable importance that Theodore Roosevelt, the vice-presidential candidate on the Republican ticket, attracted unusual attention in the campaign, and it has been commonly asserted that he brought a considerable number of votes to the Republican ticket.

McKinley polled roughly 7,200,000 votes. He carried 28 states, obtaining 292 electoral votes. He slightly increased his national percentage (51.70%) and had 120,000 more votes than in 1896. This change is reflected in the gains made in number of counties carried, for McKinley had 222 more counties than he had carried in 1896, thus gaining a slight majority of the total number of counties making returns in 1900.

Of the 2,729 counties making returns, McKinley won in 1,385 (50.75%) while Bryan carried 1,340 (49.10%). Two counties (0.07%) were split evenly between McKinley and Bryan while two counties (0.07%) in Texas recorded more votes cast for "Other(s)" than either of the two-party candidates. McKinley had a majority in 1,288 counties while Bryan had a majority in 1,253 counties.

Further examination reveals that changes in counties were even more impressive. Of the 2,729 counties making returns, 2,286 were identical in these two elections; 113 changed from Republican to Democratic; and 328 changed from Democratic to Republican.

A notable feature was that the Bryan gains were in the New England and (Northeastern) Mid-Atlantic sections, with also a slight gain in the East North Central section.[9] Bryan even managed to win New York City by almost 30,000 votes when he had lost it by more than 60,000 votes just 4 years earlier.[10] In all other sections, Bryan's vote was less than in 1896, and in the nation his total vote was 23,000 less than in 1896. The percentage of total was 45.52, a slight loss. Kentucky, which he carried this time, showed an increase of 17,005. In 16 states the Democratic vote increased, but in 29 states it was less than in 1896. Bryan carried only 17 states.

The map shows a noticeable reduction of the blue areas in the West. There is an increase in the South. There is a slight increase in New England, and in New York and Pennsylvania. There is notable loss in Michigan. There is a loss in every state of the West North Central section, and likewise in every Mountain and Pacific state except Nevada.[9]

Electoral results
Presidential candidate Party Home state Popular vote Electoral
vote
Running mate
Count Percentage Vice-presidential candidate Home state Electoral vote
William McKinley Republican Ohio 7,228,864 51.6% 292 Theodore Roosevelt New York 292
William Jennings Bryan Democratic Nebraska 6,370,932 45.5% 155 Adlai E. Stevenson Illinois 155
John G. Woolley Prohibition Illinois 210,864 1.5% 0 Henry B. Metcalf Rhode Island 0
Eugene V. Debs Social Democratic Indiana 87,945 0.6% 0 Job Harriman California 0
Wharton Barker Populist Pennsylvania 50,989 0.4% 0 Ignatius L. Donnelly Minnesota 0
Joseph Francis Malloney Socialist Labor Massachusetts 40,943 0.3% 0 Valentine Remmel Pennsylvania 0
Other 6,889 0.0% Other
Total 13,997,426 100% 447 447
Needed to win 224 224

Source (popular vote): Leip, David. "1900 Presidential Election Results". Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections. Retrieved July 28, 2005.

Source (electoral vote): "Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996". National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved July 31, 2005.

Geography of Results

Statistics

Counties with highest percent of vote (Republican)

  1. Keweenaw County, Michigan 92.24%
  2. Leslie County, Kentucky 91.23%
  3. Unicoi County, Tennessee 89.64%
  4. Scott County, Tennessee 89.59%
  5. Johnson County, Tennessee 89.20%

Counties with highest percent of vote (Democratic)

  1. Irion County, Texas 100.00%
  2. Hampton County, South Carolina 99.89%
  3. Greenwood County, South Carolina 99.73%
  4. Saluda County, South Carolina 99.45%
  5. Abbeville County, South Carolina 99.42%

Counties with highest percent of vote (Other)

  1. Carson County, Texas 78.71%
  2. Chambers County, Texas 44.50%
  3. Comanche County, Texas 32.82%
  4. Franklin County, Georgia 30.92%
  5. Scurry County, Texas 28.69%

Counties with lowest percent of vote (Republican)

  1. Randall County, Texas 00.00%
  2. Irion County, Texas 00.00%
  3. Hampton County, South Carolina 00.11%
  4. Greenwood County, South Carolina 00.27%
  5. Dooly County, Georgia 00.35%

Counties with lowest percent of vote (Democratic)

  1. Keweenaw County, Michigan 06.33%
  2. Unicoi County, Tennessee 08.29%
  3. Leslie County, Kentucky 08.46%
  4. Scott County, Tennessee 10.23%
  5. Johnson County, Tennessee 10.42%

Counties with most votes (Republican)

  1. Cook County, Illinois 203,760
  2. Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania 173,657
  3. New York County, New York 153,001
  4. Kings County, New York 108,977
  5. Allegheny County, Pennsylvania 71,780

Counties with most votes (Democratic)

  1. Cook County, Illinois 186,193
  2. New York County, New York 181,786
  3. Kings County, New York 106,232
  4. Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania 58,179
  5. Suffolk County, Massachusetts 47,534

Counties with most votes (Other)

  1. New York County, New York 11,700
  2. Cook County, Illinois 10,242
  3. Milwaukee County, Wisconsin 5,857
  4. Kings County, New York 4,639
  5. Essex County, Massachusetts 4,242

Counties with lowest percent of vote and win (Republican)

  1. Cherokee County, Alabama 41.94%
  2. Paulding County, Georgia 46.00%
  3. Logan County, Colorado 46.59%
  4. Chattahoochee County, Georgia 47.18%
  5. Otter Tail County, Minnesota 47.19%

Counties with lowest percent of vote and win (Democratic)

  1. Murray County, Georgia 45.18%
  2. Geneva County, Alabama 46.48%
  3. Douglas County, Georgia 46.75%
  4. Linn County, Oregon 46.77%
  5. Fresno County, California 47.41%

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Convention Diary: NRO Total Convention at www.nationalreview.com
  2. ^ HarpWeek | Elections | 1900 Medium Cartoons at elections.harpweek.com
  3. ^ [Brands 1997: 400]
  4. ^ [Miller 1982: 143]; Detroit Evening News, September 7, 1900; San Francisco Call, September 8, 21, 1900; Boston Evening Transcript, September 20, 1900
  5. ^ [Miller 1982: 148]; Lt. Samuel Powell Lyon to his wife, April 12, 1900, Carlisle Collection
  6. ^ [Miller 1982: 143, 148]
  7. ^ [Miller 1982: 150–151]; Literary Digest 21 (1900): 605–606
  8. ^ [Miller 1982: 187]; Letters of Sergeant Beverly Daley, November 16, 1900, Private Hambleton, March 4, 1900.
  9. ^ a b The Presidential Vote, 1896–1932, Edgar E. Robinson, pg. 9
  10. ^ The Presidential Vote, 1896–1932, Edgar E. Robinson, pg. 37

References

  • Bailey, John W., Jr. (1973). "The Presidential Election of 1900 in Nebraska: McKinley over Bryan". Nebraska History. 54 (4): 561–584. ISSN 0028-1859. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameters: |month= and |coauthors= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  • Bailey, Thomas A. (1937). "Was the Presidential Election of 1900 a Mandate on Imperialism?". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 24 (1): 43–52. doi:10.2307/1891336. JSTOR 1891336.
  • Coletta, Paolo E. (1964). William Jennings Bryan. Vol. 1. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0-8032-4050-3.
  • Gould, Lewis L. (1980). The Presidency of William McKinley. Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0206-2.
  • Harrington, Fred H. (1935). "The Anti-Imperialist Movement in the United States, 1898–1900". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 22 (2): 211–230. doi:10.2307/1898467. JSTOR 1898467.
  • Kent, Noel Jacob (2000). America in 1900. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0-7656-0595-3.
  • Miller, Stuart Creighton (1982). Benevolent Assimilation: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899–1903. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-03081-9.
  • Morgan, H. Wayne (1963). William McKinley and His America. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 0-87338-765-1. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
  • Morgan, H. Wayne (1966). "William McKinley as a Political Leader". Review of Politics. 28 (4): 417–432. doi:10.1017/S0034670500013188. JSTOR 1405280. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)
  • Schlup, Leonard (1986). "In the Shadow of Bryan: Adlai E. Stevenson and the Resurgence of Conservatism at the 1900 Convention". Nebraska History. 67 (3): 224–238. ISSN 0028-1859.
  • Schlup, Leonard (1991). "The American Chameleon: Adlai E. Stevenson and the Quest for the Vice Presidency in Gilded Age Politics". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 21 (3): 511–529. ISSN 0360-4918.
  • Tompkins, E. Berkeley (1967). "Scilla and Charybdis: the Anti-imperialist Dilemma in the Election of 1900". Pacific Historical Review. 36 (2): 143–161. ISSN 0030-8684. JSTOR 3636719.

Primary sources

  • Bryan, William Jennings. "The Election of 1900," pp. 788–801 Bryan gives his analysis of why he lost
  • Stevenson, Adlai E., et al. "Bryan or McKinley? The Present Duty of American Citizens," The North American Review Vol. 171, No. 527 (Oct., 1900), pp. 433–516 in JSTOR political statements by politicians on all sides, including Adlai E. Stevenson, B. R. Tillman, Edward M. Shepard, Richard Croker, Erving Winslow, Charles Emory Smith, G. F. Hoar, T. C. Platt, W. M. Stewart, Andrew Carnegie, and James H. Eckels