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{{Use Indian English|date=September 2016}}
{{Use Indian English|date=September 2016}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=September 2016}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=September 2016}}
{{Infobox civil conflict|date=September 1947 – November 1947|place=[[Jammu Division|Jammu]]|goals=[[Genocide]],{{citation needed|date=December 2017}} [[ethnic cleansing]]{{citation needed|date=December 2017}}|methods=[[Riot]]ing, [[pogrom]], [[arson]], [[mass rape]]|fatalities=20,000–100,000 Muslims{{sfn|Snedden, Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris|2015|p=167}}<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.kashmirlife.net/circa-1947-a-long-story-67652/|title=circa 1947: A Long Story|last=Khalid Bashir Ahmad|first=|date=|website=www.kashmirlife.net|language=en-GB|archive-url=|archive-date=|dead-url=|access-date=2017-03-27}}</ref>
{{Infobox civil conflict|date=September 1947 – November 1947|place=[[Jammu Division|Jammu]]|goals=[[Genocide]],<ref>{{cite book|author=Alex von Tunzelmann|title=Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tHmPrSPzu3MC&pg=PR3-IA43|date=25 October 2012|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=978-1-4711-1476-2|pages=3–|quote=During September and October 1947, the Maharaja's Dogra-led troops carried out a campaign of sustained harassment, arson, physical violence, and genocide against Muslim Kashmiris in at least two areas-Poonch, right on the border with Pakistan, and pockets of southern Jammu.}}</ref> [[ethnic cleansing]]{{citation needed|date=December 2017}}|methods=[[Riot]]ing, [[pogrom]], [[arson]], [[mass rape]]|fatalities=20,000–100,000 Muslims{{sfn|Snedden, Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris|2015|p=167}}<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.kashmirlife.net/circa-1947-a-long-story-67652/|title=circa 1947: A Long Story|last=Khalid Bashir Ahmad|first=|date=|website=www.kashmirlife.net|language=en-GB|archive-url=|archive-date=|dead-url=|access-date=2017-03-27}}</ref>
20,000+ Hindus and Sikhs{{sfn|Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History|2013|p=56}}{{sfn|Das Gupta, Jammu and Kashmir|2012|p=97}}<ref name="Khalid Hasan"/>}}
20,000+ Hindus and Sikhs{{sfn|Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History|2013|p=56}}{{sfn|Das Gupta, Jammu and Kashmir|2012|p=97}}<ref name="Khalid Hasan"/>}}
[[File: Jammu-Kashmir-Ladakh.svg|thumb|Jammu and Kashmir with the [[Jammu Division|Jammu province]] shown in 'yellow ochre' colour.]]
[[File: Jammu-Kashmir-Ladakh.svg|thumb|Jammu and Kashmir with the [[Jammu Division|Jammu province]] shown in 'yellow ochre' colour.]]
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Observers state that a main aim of Hari Singh and his administration was to alter the demographics of the region by eliminating the Muslim population, in order to ensure a Hindu majority in the region.<ref name="Bhasin" />{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=179, 183}}<ref name="Noorani" />
Observers state that a main aim of Hari Singh and his administration was to alter the demographics of the region by eliminating the Muslim population, in order to ensure a Hindu majority in the region.<ref name="Bhasin" />{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=179, 183}}<ref name="Noorani" />


Scholar Ilyas Chattha and Jammu journalist [[Ved Bhasin]] blame the mishandling of law and order by Maharaja Hari Singh and his armed forces in Jammu, for the large scale communal violence in the region.<ref name=Noorani /><ref name=Bhasin />
Historian Ilyas Chattha and Jammu journalist [[Ved Bhasin]] blame the mishandling of law and order by Maharaja Hari Singh and his armed forces in Jammu, for the large scale communal violence in the region.<ref name=Noorani /><ref name=Bhasin />


=== Massacres ===
=== Massacres ===
By the end of September, Muslims were surrounded in Jammu city and in the villages, and were told by civil and military officials to leave to Pakistan. Starting from the first week of October, Muslim population was attacked in Jammu plains and the surrounding hills. On 14 October, the [[Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh|RSS]] activists and the [[Akali Dal|Akalis]] attacked various villages of Jammu district—Amrey, Cheak, Atmapur and Kochpura—and after killing some Muslims, looted their possessions and set their houses on fire.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=kYVcuqYr5FIC&pg=PA25|title=Across the Line of Control: Inside Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir|last=Puri|first=Luv|date=2012|publisher=Hurst|year=|isbn=9781849041737|location=|pages=25, 26|language=en}}</ref> There was mass killing of Muslims in and around Jammu city. The state troops led the attacks. The state officials provided arms and ammunition to the rioters. The administration had demobilised a large number of Muslim soldiers in the state army and had discharged Muslim police officers.{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=180, 182}}{{efn|According to the accounts of refugees, the Maharaja was "in person commanding all the forces which were ethnically cleansing the Muslims".{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=183}}{{sfn|Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood|2005|p=156}}
The Muslim localities of Mohalla Dalpatian, Ustad da Mohalla, Pthanan da Mohalla and Khalka Mohalla in Jammu city were destroyed by the middle of September.<ref>{{cite book|author=Ilyas Chattha|authorlink2=P. Panayi|authorlink3=P. Virdee|title=Refugees and the End of Empire: Imperial Collapse and Forced Migration in the Twentieth Century|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8cCHDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA206|date=17 May 2011|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-0-230-30570-0|pages=206–|quote=These Muslim localities presented a picture of destruction by mid-September 1947.}}</ref> The proportion of Muslims in the Jammu city altogether halved by the middle of September due to killings and displacement.<ref>{{cite book|author=Ilyas Chattha|authorlink2=P. Panayi|authorlink3=P. Virdee|title=Refugees and the End of Empire: Imperial Collapse and Forced Migration in the Twentieth Century|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8cCHDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA206|date=17 May 2011|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-0-230-30570-0|pages=206–|quote=By mid-September 1947, Jammu city's Muslim population was halved.}}</ref> By the end of September, Muslims were surrounded in Jammu city and in the villages, and were told by civil and military officials to leave to Pakistan. Starting from the first week of October, Muslim population was attacked in Jammu plains and the surrounding hills. On 14 October, the [[Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh|RSS]] activists and the [[Akali Dal|Akalis]] attacked various villages of Jammu district—Amrey, Cheak, Atmapur and Kochpura—and after killing some Muslims, looted their possessions and set their houses on fire.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=kYVcuqYr5FIC&pg=PA25|title=Across the Line of Control: Inside Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir|last=Puri|first=Luv|date=2012|publisher=Hurst|year=|isbn=9781849041737|location=|pages=25, 26|language=en}}</ref> There was mass killing of Muslims in and around Jammu city. The state troops led the attacks. The state officials provided arms and ammunition to the rioters. The administration had demobilised a large number of Muslim soldiers in the state army and had discharged Muslim police officers.{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=180, 182}}{{efn|According to the accounts of refugees, the Maharaja was "in person commanding all the forces which were ethnically cleansing the Muslims".{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=183}}{{sfn|Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood|2005|p=156}}
}} Most of the Muslims outside the Muslim dominated areas were killed by the communal rioters who moved in vehicles with arms and ammunition, though the city was officially put under curfew.{{efn|{{citation |last1=[[Ved Bhasin]] |title=Jammu 1947 |url=http://www.kashmirlife.net/jammu-1947-issue-35-vol-07-89728/ |publisher=[[Kashmir Life]] }}: "The curfew, it appeared, was meant only to check the movement of Muslims."}} Many number of [[Gurjar|Gujjar]] men and women who used to supply milk to the city from the surrounding villages were reportedly massacred en route. It is said that the Ramnagar reserve in Jammu was littered with the dead bodies of Gujjar men, women and children. In the Muslim localities of [[Jammu|Jammu city]], ''Talab Khatikan'' and ''Mohalla Ustad'', Muslims were surrounded and were denied water supply and food. The Muslims in Talab Khatikan area had joined to defend themselves with the arms they could gather, who later received support from the Muslim Conference. They were eventually asked to surrender and the administration asked them to go to Pakistan for their safety. These Muslims and others who wanted to go to Sialkot, in thousands, were loaded in numerous trucks and were escorted by the troops in the first week of November. When they reached the outskirts of the city, they were pulled out and killed by armed Sikhs and RSS men, while abducting the women.<ref name="Bhasin" /><ref name=":0" />{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=183}}
}} Most of the Muslims outside the Muslim dominated areas were killed by the communal rioters who moved in vehicles with arms and ammunition, though the city was officially put under curfew.{{efn|{{citation |last1=[[Ved Bhasin]] |title=Jammu 1947 |url=http://www.kashmirlife.net/jammu-1947-issue-35-vol-07-89728/ |publisher=[[Kashmir Life]] }}: "The curfew, it appeared, was meant only to check the movement of Muslims."}} Many number of [[Gurjar|Gujjar]] men and women who used to supply milk to the city from the surrounding villages were reportedly massacred en route. It is said that the Ramnagar reserve in Jammu was littered with the dead bodies of Gujjar men, women and children. In the Muslim localities of [[Jammu|Jammu city]], ''Talab Khatikan'' and ''Mohalla Ustad'', Muslims were surrounded and were denied water supply and food. The Muslims in Talab Khatikan area had joined to defend themselves with the arms they could gather, who later received support from the Muslim Conference. They were eventually asked to surrender and the administration asked them to go to Pakistan for their safety. These Muslims and others who wanted to go to Sialkot, in thousands, were loaded in numerous trucks and were escorted by the troops in the first week of November. When they reached the outskirts of the city, they were pulled out and killed by armed Sikhs and RSS men, while abducting the women.<ref name="Bhasin" /><ref name=":0" />{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=183}}


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[[Mahatma Gandhi]] commented on the situation in Jammu on 25 December 1947 in his speech at a prayer meeting in New Delhi: "The Hindus and Sikhs of Jammu and those who had gone there from outside killed Muslims. The Maharaja of Kashmir is responsible for what is happening there…A large number of Muslims have been killed there and Muslim women have been dishonoured."<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=baIYX6OGINoC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false|title=The second assassination of Gandhi? by Ram Puniyani|last=|first=|publisher=Anamika Pub & Distributors|year=2003|isbn=|location=|pages=91, 92|at=|chapter=Document Twenty}}</ref>
[[Mahatma Gandhi]] commented on the situation in Jammu on 25 December 1947 in his speech at a prayer meeting in New Delhi: "The Hindus and Sikhs of Jammu and those who had gone there from outside killed Muslims. The Maharaja of Kashmir is responsible for what is happening there…A large number of Muslims have been killed there and Muslim women have been dishonoured."<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=baIYX6OGINoC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false|title=The second assassination of Gandhi? by Ram Puniyani|last=|first=|publisher=Anamika Pub & Distributors|year=2003|isbn=|location=|pages=91, 92|at=|chapter=Document Twenty}}</ref>


According to Ved Bhasin and scholar Ilyas Chattha, the Jammu riots were executed by members of the [[Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh]] (RSS) who were joined by the refugees from West Pakistan, and were supported strongly by Hari Singh and his administration with a main aim to change the demographic composition of Jammu region and ensure a non-Muslim majority. Bhasin states, the riots were "clearly" planned by the activists of RSS.<ref name=Bhasin />{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=182, 183}} Observers have noted that the [[Akali Dal|Akali]] Sikhs and some former members of the [[Indian National Army]] (INA) also participated in this violence along with the RSS and state forces.{{sfn|Copland, The Abdullah Factor|p=244}}<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=MnHaAAAAMAAJ |title=Impact of Partition: Refugees in Pakistan: Struggle for Empowerment and State's Response |last=Hassan |first=Amtul |date=2006 |publisher=Regional Centre for Strategic Studies |year= |isbn=9788173046988 |location= |pages=58 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=clVkXbbcrhIC&pg=PA145#v=onepage&q&f=false |title=The Nation, the State, and Indian Identity |last=Dutta |first=Madhusree |last2=Flavia |last3=Adarkar |first3=Neera |date=1996 |publisher=Popular Prakashan |year= |isbn=9788185604091 |location= |pages=145 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=OJGdBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA209#v=onepage&q&f=false |title=Midnight's Furies: The Deadly Legacy of India's Partition |last=Hajari |first=Nisid |date=2015-06-09 |publisher=Houghton Mifflin Harcourt |year= |isbn=9780547669243 |location= |pages=209 |language=en}}</ref>
According to Ved Bhasin and historians, the Jammu riots were executed by members of the [[Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh]] (RSS) who were joined by the refugees from West Pakistan, and were supported strongly by Hari Singh and his administration with a main aim to change the demographic composition of Jammu region and ensure a non-Muslim majority. Bhasin states, the riots were "clearly" planned by the activists of RSS.<ref name=Bhasin />{{sfn|Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath|2009|p=182, 183}} Observers have noted that the [[Akali Dal|Akali]] Sikhs and some former members of the [[Indian National Army]] (INA) also participated in this violence along with the RSS and state forces.{{sfn|Copland, The Abdullah Factor|p=244}}<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=MnHaAAAAMAAJ |title=Impact of Partition: Refugees in Pakistan: Struggle for Empowerment and State's Response |last=Hassan |first=Amtul |date=2006 |publisher=Regional Centre for Strategic Studies |year= |isbn=9788173046988 |location= |pages=58 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=clVkXbbcrhIC&pg=PA145#v=onepage&q&f=false |title=The Nation, the State, and Indian Identity |last=Dutta |first=Madhusree |last2=Flavia |last3=Adarkar |first3=Neera |date=1996 |publisher=Popular Prakashan |year= |isbn=9788185604091 |location= |pages=145 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.in/books?id=OJGdBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA209#v=onepage&q&f=false |title=Midnight's Furies: The Deadly Legacy of India's Partition |last=Hajari |first=Nisid |date=2015-06-09 |publisher=Houghton Mifflin Harcourt |year= |isbn=9780547669243 |location= |pages=209 |language=en}}</ref>


Bhasin says that the massacres took place in the presence of the then Jammu and Kashmir's Prime Minister [[Mehr Chand Mahajan]] and the governor of Jammu, Lala Chet Ram Chopra, and that some of those who led these riots in Udhampur and Bhaderwah later joined the [[Jammu & Kashmir National Conference|National Conference]] with some of them also serving as ministers.<ref name=Bhasin />{{efn|{{citation |last1=[[Ved Bhasin]] |title=Jammu 1947 |url=http://www.kashmirlife.net/jammu-1947-issue-35-vol-07-89728/ |publisher=[[Kashmir Life]] }}: "Another incident that I recall is about Mr [[Mehr Chand Mahajan]] who told a delegation of Hindus who met him in the palace when he arrived in Jammu that now when the power is being transferred to the people they should better demand parity. When one of them associated with National Conference asked how can they demand parity when there is so much difference in population ratio. Pointing to the Ramnagar rakh below, where some bodies of Muslims were still lying he said “the population ratio too can change”. ...Mahajan later became a finance and revenue minister in [[Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad]]’s ministry."}}
Bhasin says that the massacres took place in the presence of the then Jammu and Kashmir's Prime Minister [[Mehr Chand Mahajan]] and the governor of Jammu, Lala Chet Ram Chopra, and that some of those who led these riots in Udhampur and Bhaderwah later joined the [[Jammu & Kashmir National Conference|National Conference]] with some of them also serving as ministers.<ref name=Bhasin />{{efn|{{citation |last1=[[Ved Bhasin]] |title=Jammu 1947 |url=http://www.kashmirlife.net/jammu-1947-issue-35-vol-07-89728/ |publisher=[[Kashmir Life]] }}: "Another incident that I recall is about Mr [[Mehr Chand Mahajan]] who told a delegation of Hindus who met him in the palace when he arrived in Jammu that now when the power is being transferred to the people they should better demand parity. When one of them associated with National Conference asked how can they demand parity when there is so much difference in population ratio. Pointing to the Ramnagar rakh below, where some bodies of Muslims were still lying he said “the population ratio too can change”. ...Mahajan later became a finance and revenue minister in [[Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad]]’s ministry."}}

Historians explain that India had supplied the Dogra troops with weapons and probably because of this India would deny the holocaust.<ref>{{cite book|author=Alex von Tunzelmann|title=Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tHmPrSPzu3MC&pg=PR3-IA43|date=25 October 2012|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=978-1-4711-1476-2|pages=3–|quote=India would deny that any holocaust had taken place, perhaps because it had secretly been providing arms to the Dogra side: the figures are open to question, but the fact that Muslim civilians were persecuted by the Maharaja's troops is not.}}</ref> It is known that the Maharaja of Patiala, who had acceded to India, was supplying weapons to Maharaja Hari Singh's forces<ref>{{cite book|author=Ilyas Chattha|authorlink2=P. Panayi|authorlink3=P. Virdee|title=Refugees and the End of Empire: Imperial Collapse and Forced Migration in the Twentieth Century|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8cCHDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA206|date=17 May 2011|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-0-230-30570-0|pages=206–quote=There were also reports that the Maharaja of Patiala was not only supplying weapons, but also that a Sikh brigade of the Patiala princely state troops was operating in Jammu and Kashmir.}}</ref> and his troops, who were by then ''de jure'' Indian troops,<ref>{{cite book|author=Shubh Mathur|title=The Human Toll of the Kashmir Conflict: Grief and Courage in a South Asian Borderland|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PeYdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT21|date=1 February 2016|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan US|isbn=978-1-137-54622-7|pages=21–|quote=An often overlooked fact is that there were already Indian troops on the ground in Jammu and Kashmir well before the controversial date of the signing of the Instrument of Accession. The state of Patiala had acceded to India in August 1947 and by September, the former Maharaja of Patiala's troops, now de jure Indian forces, were helping Hari Singh to put down the armed rebellion in Poonch (Bose 2005; Schofield 2010)}}</ref> were present in the state.


=== Estimates of people killed and displaced ===
=== Estimates of people killed and displaced ===

Revision as of 02:57, 7 April 2018

1947 Jammu massacres
DateSeptember 1947 – November 1947
Location
Jammu
GoalsGenocide,[1] ethnic cleansing[citation needed]
MethodsRioting, pogrom, arson, mass rape
Casualties
Death(s)20,000–100,000 Muslims[2][3] 20,000+ Hindus and Sikhs[4][5][6]
Jammu and Kashmir with the Jammu province shown in 'yellow ochre' colour.

After the Partition of India, during September–November 1947 in the Jammu region of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, a large number of Muslims were massacred and others driven away to West Punjab. The killings were carried out by extremist Hindus and Sikhs, aided and abetted by the forces of the Dogra State headed by the Maharaja Hari Singh.[7] The activists of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) played a key role in planning and executing the riots.[8][9]

Subsequently, many non-Muslims, estimated as over 20,000, were massacred by Pakistani tribesmen and soldiers, in the Mirpur region of today's Azad Kashmir.[4][5][6] Similarly, many Hindus and Sikhs were also massacred in the Rajouri area of Jammu division.[8]

Violence against Jammu Muslims

Background

Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir

At the time of the Partition of India in 1947, the British abandoned their suzerainty over the princely states, which were left with the options of joining India or Pakistan or remaining independent. Hari Singh, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, the Maharaja indicated his preference to remain independent of the new dominions. All the major political groups of the state supported the Maharaja's decision, except for the Muslim Conference, which declared in favour of accession to Pakistan on 19 July 1947.[10] The Muslim Conference was popular in the Jammu province of the state. It was closely allied with the All-India Muslim League, which was set to inherit Pakistan.

Unlike the Kashmir valley which remained mostly calm during this transition period, the Jammu province which was contiguous to Punjab, experienced mass migration that led to violent inter-religious activity. Large numbers of Hindus and Sikhs from Rawalpindi and Sialkot started arriving since March 1947, bringing "harrowing stories of Muslim atrocities in West Punjab". This provoked counter-violence on Jammu Muslims, which had "many parallels with that in Sialkot".[11] Ilyas Chattha writes, "the Kashmiri Muslims were to pay a heavy price in September–October 1947 for the earlier violence of West Punjab."[12]

According to scholar Ian Copland, the administration's pogrom against its Muslim subjects in Jammu was undertaken partly out of revenge for the Poonch rebellion that started earlier.[13]

Observers state that a main aim of Hari Singh and his administration was to alter the demographics of the region by eliminating the Muslim population, in order to ensure a Hindu majority in the region.[8][14][11]

Historian Ilyas Chattha and Jammu journalist Ved Bhasin blame the mishandling of law and order by Maharaja Hari Singh and his armed forces in Jammu, for the large scale communal violence in the region.[11][8]

Massacres

The Muslim localities of Mohalla Dalpatian, Ustad da Mohalla, Pthanan da Mohalla and Khalka Mohalla in Jammu city were destroyed by the middle of September.[15] The proportion of Muslims in the Jammu city altogether halved by the middle of September due to killings and displacement.[16] By the end of September, Muslims were surrounded in Jammu city and in the villages, and were told by civil and military officials to leave to Pakistan. Starting from the first week of October, Muslim population was attacked in Jammu plains and the surrounding hills. On 14 October, the RSS activists and the Akalis attacked various villages of Jammu district—Amrey, Cheak, Atmapur and Kochpura—and after killing some Muslims, looted their possessions and set their houses on fire.[17] There was mass killing of Muslims in and around Jammu city. The state troops led the attacks. The state officials provided arms and ammunition to the rioters. The administration had demobilised a large number of Muslim soldiers in the state army and had discharged Muslim police officers.[18][a] Most of the Muslims outside the Muslim dominated areas were killed by the communal rioters who moved in vehicles with arms and ammunition, though the city was officially put under curfew.[b] Many number of Gujjar men and women who used to supply milk to the city from the surrounding villages were reportedly massacred en route. It is said that the Ramnagar reserve in Jammu was littered with the dead bodies of Gujjar men, women and children. In the Muslim localities of Jammu city, Talab Khatikan and Mohalla Ustad, Muslims were surrounded and were denied water supply and food. The Muslims in Talab Khatikan area had joined to defend themselves with the arms they could gather, who later received support from the Muslim Conference. They were eventually asked to surrender and the administration asked them to go to Pakistan for their safety. These Muslims and others who wanted to go to Sialkot, in thousands, were loaded in numerous trucks and were escorted by the troops in the first week of November. When they reached the outskirts of the city, they were pulled out and killed by armed Sikhs and RSS men, while abducting the women.[8][17][19]

There were also reports of large-scale massacres of Muslims in Udhampur district, particularly in proper Udhampur, Chenani, Ramnagar, Bhaderwah and Reasi areas. Killing of a large number of Muslims was reported from Chhamb, Deva Batala, Manawsar and other parts of Akhnoor with many people fleeing to Pakistan or moving to Jammu. In Kathua district and Bilawar area, there was extensive killing of Muslims with women being raped and abducted.[8][21]

On November 16, 1947, Sheikh Abdullah arrived in Jammu and a refugee camp was set up in Mohalla Ustad.[8]

Observations

"To recall those days of communal orgy my only objective is to point out that a communalist and killer has no religion. It was the humanity that was the victim of communal fanatics... we should better learn appropriate lessons from history and not allow the communal fanatics of one or the other community to vitiate the atmosphere and disturb communal peace and harmony."

— Ved Bhasin, who witnessed the Jammu violence in 1947.[8]

Mahatma Gandhi commented on the situation in Jammu on 25 December 1947 in his speech at a prayer meeting in New Delhi: "The Hindus and Sikhs of Jammu and those who had gone there from outside killed Muslims. The Maharaja of Kashmir is responsible for what is happening there…A large number of Muslims have been killed there and Muslim women have been dishonoured."[22]

According to Ved Bhasin and historians, the Jammu riots were executed by members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) who were joined by the refugees from West Pakistan, and were supported strongly by Hari Singh and his administration with a main aim to change the demographic composition of Jammu region and ensure a non-Muslim majority. Bhasin states, the riots were "clearly" planned by the activists of RSS.[8][23] Observers have noted that the Akali Sikhs and some former members of the Indian National Army (INA) also participated in this violence along with the RSS and state forces.[24][25][26][27]

Bhasin says that the massacres took place in the presence of the then Jammu and Kashmir's Prime Minister Mehr Chand Mahajan and the governor of Jammu, Lala Chet Ram Chopra, and that some of those who led these riots in Udhampur and Bhaderwah later joined the National Conference with some of them also serving as ministers.[8][c]

Historians explain that India had supplied the Dogra troops with weapons and probably because of this India would deny the holocaust.[28] It is known that the Maharaja of Patiala, who had acceded to India, was supplying weapons to Maharaja Hari Singh's forces[29] and his troops, who were by then de jure Indian troops,[30] were present in the state.

Estimates of people killed and displaced

An early official calculation made in Pakistan, using headcount data, estimated 50,000 Muslims killed.[31] A team of two Englishmen jointly commissioned by the governments of India and Pakistan investigated seven major incidents of violence between 20 October – 9 November 1947, estimating 70,000 deaths.[32] Scholar Ian Copland estimated total deaths to be around 80,000,[33] while Ved Bhasin estimated them to be around 100,000.[21] Scholar Christopher Snedden says, the number of Muslims killed were between 20,000 and 100,000.[2] Justice Yusuf Saraf estimates them to be between 20,000 and 30,000.[34]

Much higher figures were reported by newspapers at that time. A report by a special correspondent of The Times, published on 10 August 1948, stated that a total of 237,000 Muslims were either killed or migrated to Pakistan.[7][d] The editor of The Statesman Ian Stephens claimed that 500,000 Muslims, "the entire Muslim element of the population", was eliminated and 200,000 "just disappeared".[37] Scholar Ian Copland finds these figures dubious.[e]

As a result of the killings, Ilyas Chattha says, more than 100,000 Jammu refugees had arrived in Sialkot in Pakistan.[38] Snedden, on the other hand, cites a "comprehensive report" in Dawn published in January 1951, which said that 200,000 Muslims went as refugees to Pakistan in October–November 1947.[4] An unidentified organisation in Pakistan counted refugees from Jammu and Kashmir during May–July 1949, and found 333,964 refugees from the Indian-held parts of the state.[39]

Violence against Hindus and Sikhs in Rajouri and Mirpur

On 24 October, after Poonch rebellion, a provisional government of Azad Kashmir was established at Palandri under the leadership of Sardar Ibrahim. Meanwhile, several thousand armed Pashtun tribesmen from North-West Frontier Province, who had support from Pakistani administration and Army, had been pouring into Jammu and Kashmir to capture it from the Maharaja's rule. After the accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India on 26 October, there followed the First Kashmir War between India and Pakistan.

Rajouri

The Pakistani raiders, along with the rebels and deserters from the western districts of the state, captured Rajauri on 7 November 1947. The town was surrounded by Muslim mobs who carried out extensive killings, loot and rapes of Hindu residents.[8] According to Indian sources, an estimated 30,000 Hindus and Sikhs living in Rajauri were reportedly killed, wounded or abducted.[40][41][42]

Mirpur

Main article: 1947 Mirpur Massacre

Many Hindus and Sikhs, on and after 25 November 1947 gathered in Mirpur for shelter and protection were killed by the Pakistani troops and tribesmen. Mass rape and abduction of women was also reported. Estimates measure the death count as over 20,000.[4][5][6] "A 'greatly shocked' Sardar Ibrahim painfully confirmed that Hindus were 'disposed of' in Mirpur in November 1947, although he does not mention any figures."[4][f][g]

Population figures

The table below compares the 1941 percentage of Muslim population with the present percentage for the Indian-controlled part of the Jammu province and gives figures for estimated 'loss' of Muslims, due to deaths as well as migration.

Region 1941 Population[44] 1941 Muslim proportion[44] 2011 Muslim proportion[45] Loss of Muslims (est)[h]
Jammu District[i] 431,362 39.6% 7.1% 151,010
Kathua District 177,672 25.3% 10.4% 29,567
Udhampur District (inc. Chenani)[j] 306,013 42.7% 41.5% 5,975
Reasi District[k] 257,903 68.1% 58.4% 59,804
Jammu province (exc. Poonch and Mirpur) 1,172,950 44.5% 27.9% 246,356
Poonch jagir 421,828 90.0% 90.4% –
Present day district map of Jammu and Kashmir

Scholar Ian Copland tries to estimate how many Muslims might have been killed in the Jammu violence based on demographic data. If the headcount figure of 333,964 refugees from the Indian-held parts of the state[39] is used to calculate an estimate, one ends up with a surplus rather than a deficit.[33][l] However, Justice Yusuf Saraf estimates that 100,000 Jammu refugees returned to their homes in 1949–1950.[47][m] If we deduct this 100,000 from the original headcount figure, the estimate of Muslims killed would be a few tens of thousands.[34][2]

The table below compares the 1941 percentage of 'Hindu & Sikh' population (H/S population) with that in 1951 for the areas of Pakistan-administered Azad Kashmir (comprising 89 per cent of the Mirpur District, 60 per cent of the Poonch Jagir and 87 per cent of the Muzaffarabad District[2]).

Region 1941 Population[44] 1941 H/S proportion[44] 1951 Population[49][n] 1951 H/S proportion[50] Loss of Hindus/Sikhs (est)
Mirpur District 386,655 19.6% 371,459 – –
Poonch Jagir 421,828 10.0% 293,723 – –
Muzaffarabad District 264,671 7.1% 220,971 – –
Azad Kashmir Districts[o] 1,073,154 12.7% 886,153 0.09% 113,210

See also

Notes

  1. ^ According to the accounts of refugees, the Maharaja was "in person commanding all the forces which were ethnically cleansing the Muslims".[19][20]
  2. ^ Ved Bhasin, Jammu 1947, Kashmir Life: "The curfew, it appeared, was meant only to check the movement of Muslims."
  3. ^ Ved Bhasin, Jammu 1947, Kashmir Life: "Another incident that I recall is about Mr Mehr Chand Mahajan who told a delegation of Hindus who met him in the palace when he arrived in Jammu that now when the power is being transferred to the people they should better demand parity. When one of them associated with National Conference asked how can they demand parity when there is so much difference in population ratio. Pointing to the Ramnagar rakh below, where some bodies of Muslims were still lying he said “the population ratio too can change”. ...Mahajan later became a finance and revenue minister in Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s ministry."
  4. ^ To quote the 10 August 1948 report published in The Times:

    "237,000 Muslims were systematically exterminated – unless they escaped to Pakistan along the border – by the forces of the Dogra State headed by the Maharaja in person and aided by Hindus and Sikhs. This happened in October 1947, five days before the Pathan invasion and nine days before the Maharaja’s accession to India."

    The number of 237,000 was out of 411,000 Muslims said to have lived in the 'eastern Jammu' province. No calculations for the exact figure were given and the figure was not broken down into deaths and escapes. The 'Special Correspondent' that authored the report is later identified as Frederick Paul Mainprice, the former Assistant Political Agent of the Gilgit Agency, who worked as a Deputy Secretary for the Pakistan government during 1948–49 "specialising on the Kashmir problem".[35][36]
  5. ^ Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood 2005, p. 153: "None of these figures, however, are authoritative.... And the Times man, too, seems to have harboured Pakistani sympathies and, more importantly, offers no clues as to the source of his information."
  6. ^ Ibrahim Khan, Muhammad (1990), The Kashmir Saga, Verinag, p. 55: "During the month of November, 1947, I went to Mirpur to see things there for myself. I visited, during the night, one Hindu refugee camp at Ali Baig—about 15 miles from Mirpur proper. Among the refugees I found some of my fellow lawyers in a pathetic condition. I saw them myself, sympathised with them and solemnly promised that they would be rescued and sent to Pakistan, from where they would eventually be sent out to India.... After a couple of days, when I visited the camp again to do my bit for them, I was greatly shocked to learn that all those people whom I had seen on the last occasion had been disposed of. I can only say that nothing in my life pained my conscience so much as did this incident.... Those who were in charge of those camps were duly dealt with but that certainly is no compensation to those whose near and dear ones were killed."
  7. ^ According to a survivor, the prison guard at Ali Baig, who killed his victims with a butcher's knife chanting kalima, identified himself to Sardar Ibrahim as a soldier of Pakistan and a follower of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and said that he was following the orders of his superiors.[43]
  8. ^ These figures are notional. They represent the number of Muslims lost to the state, due to either deaths or out-migration, so that the 2011 demographic percentage could have been obtained. It is derived by multiplying the 1941 population figure by the factor (1941 percentage – 2011 percentage)/(100 – 2011 percentage). If there was in-migration of Muslims or if the Muslim population grew at faster rate than the rest, these figures would be underestimates. If there was in-migration of non-Muslims, these figures would be overestimates.
  9. ^ The 1947 Jammu district is now divided into Jammu and Samba districts
  10. ^ The 1947 Udhampur district is now divided into Ramban, Udhampur, Doda and Kishtwar districts
  11. ^ The 1947 Reasi district is now divided into Reasi and Rajouri districts
  12. ^ An even higher figure of 500,000 Muslim refugees was reported in Dawn on 2 January 1951.[39] Scholar Ilyas Chattha has claimed that over 1 million Muslims were uprooted owing to the violence.[46] Evidently, such high figures are not supported by the demographic data.
  13. ^ Jammu and Kashmir government has claimed that 200,000 refugees returned.[48]
  14. ^ Figures from the 1951 census of Pakistan. They only cover the areas that came under Pakistani control.
  15. ^ Mirpur and Poonch were part of the Jammu province in the princely state whereas Muzaffarabad was part of the Kashmir province.

References

  1. ^ Alex von Tunzelmann (25 October 2012). Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire. Simon and Schuster. pp. 3–. ISBN 978-1-4711-1476-2. During September and October 1947, the Maharaja's Dogra-led troops carried out a campaign of sustained harassment, arson, physical violence, and genocide against Muslim Kashmiris in at least two areas-Poonch, right on the border with Pakistan, and pockets of southern Jammu.
  2. ^ a b c d Snedden, Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris 2015, p. 167.
  3. ^ Khalid Bashir Ahmad. "circa 1947: A Long Story". www.kashmirlife.net. Retrieved 27 March 2017. {{cite web}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
  4. ^ a b c d e Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History 2013, p. 56.
  5. ^ a b c Das Gupta, Jammu and Kashmir 2012, p. 97.
  6. ^ a b c Hasan, Mirpur 1947 (2013)
  7. ^ a b Snedden, What happened to Muslims in Jammu? 2001.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Ved Bhasin (17 November 2015). "Jammu 1947". Kashmir Life. Retrieved 4 June 2017. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
  9. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 182, 183; Chattha, The Long Shadow of 1947 2016, p. 149
  10. ^ Puri, Balraj (November 2010), "The Question of Accession", Epilogue, 4 (11): 4–6, Eventually they agreed on a modified resolution which 'respectfully and fervently appealed to the Maharaja Bahadur to declare internal autonomy of the State... and accede to the Dominion of Pakistan... However, the General Council did not challenge the maharaja's right to take a decision on accession, and it acknowledged that his rights should be protected even after acceding to Pakistan.
  11. ^ a b c Noorani, A.G. (25 February 2012). "Horrors of Partition". Frontline. Vol. 29, no. 04.
  12. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 179.
  13. ^ State, Community and Neighbourhood in Princely North India, c. 1900-1950 By I. Copland. Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. p. 143.
  14. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 179, 183.
  15. ^ Ilyas Chattha (17 May 2011). Refugees and the End of Empire: Imperial Collapse and Forced Migration in the Twentieth Century. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 206–. ISBN 978-0-230-30570-0. These Muslim localities presented a picture of destruction by mid-September 1947.
  16. ^ Ilyas Chattha (17 May 2011). Refugees and the End of Empire: Imperial Collapse and Forced Migration in the Twentieth Century. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 206–. ISBN 978-0-230-30570-0. By mid-September 1947, Jammu city's Muslim population was halved.
  17. ^ a b Puri, Luv (2012). Across the Line of Control: Inside Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir. Hurst. pp. 25, 26. ISBN 9781849041737.
  18. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 180, 182.
  19. ^ a b Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 183.
  20. ^ Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood 2005, p. 156.
  21. ^ a b Ahmad, Khalid Bashir (5 November 2014), "circa 1947: A Long Story", Kashmir Life, retrieved 11 October 2016
  22. ^ "Document Twenty". The second assassination of Gandhi? by Ram Puniyani. Anamika Pub & Distributors. 2003. pp. 91, 92.
  23. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 182, 183.
  24. ^ Copland, The Abdullah Factor, p. 244.
  25. ^ Hassan, Amtul (2006). Impact of Partition: Refugees in Pakistan: Struggle for Empowerment and State's Response. Regional Centre for Strategic Studies. p. 58. ISBN 9788173046988.
  26. ^ Dutta, Madhusree; Flavia; Adarkar, Neera (1996). The Nation, the State, and Indian Identity. Popular Prakashan. p. 145. ISBN 9788185604091.
  27. ^ Hajari, Nisid (9 June 2015). Midnight's Furies: The Deadly Legacy of India's Partition. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 209. ISBN 9780547669243.
  28. ^ Alex von Tunzelmann (25 October 2012). Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire. Simon and Schuster. pp. 3–. ISBN 978-1-4711-1476-2. India would deny that any holocaust had taken place, perhaps because it had secretly been providing arms to the Dogra side: the figures are open to question, but the fact that Muslim civilians were persecuted by the Maharaja's troops is not.
  29. ^ Ilyas Chattha (17 May 2011). Refugees and the End of Empire: Imperial Collapse and Forced Migration in the Twentieth Century. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 206–quote=There were also reports that the Maharaja of Patiala was not only supplying weapons, but also that a Sikh brigade of the Patiala princely state troops was operating in Jammu and Kashmir. ISBN 978-0-230-30570-0.
  30. ^ Shubh Mathur (1 February 2016). The Human Toll of the Kashmir Conflict: Grief and Courage in a South Asian Borderland. Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 21–. ISBN 978-1-137-54622-7. An often overlooked fact is that there were already Indian troops on the ground in Jammu and Kashmir well before the controversial date of the signing of the Instrument of Accession. The state of Patiala had acceded to India in August 1947 and by September, the former Maharaja of Patiala's troops, now de jure Indian forces, were helping Hari Singh to put down the armed rebellion in Poonch (Bose 2005; Schofield 2010)
  31. ^ Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood 2005, pp. 153–154.
  32. ^ Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History 2013, pp. 52–53.
  33. ^ a b Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood 2005, p. 153.
  34. ^ a b Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, Volume 2 2015, p. 133 (1979:841)
  35. ^ Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History 2013, pp. 55, 330.
  36. ^ MAINPRICE PAPERS, South Asian Studies Archive, University of Cambridge, retrieved 31 March 2017
  37. ^ Snedden, What happened to Muslims in Jammu? 2001, p. 121.
  38. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, p. 185.
  39. ^ a b c Snedden, What happened to Muslims in Jammu? 2001, p. 125.
  40. ^ Prasad, Sri Nandan; Pal, Dharm (1987). Operations in Jammu & Kashmir, 1947-48. History Division, Ministry of Defence, Government of India. pp. 49–50.
  41. ^ Singh, V. K. (23 March 2005). Leadership in the Indian Army: Biographies of Twelve Soldiers. SAGE Publications. p. 160. ISBN 9780761933229.
  42. ^ Ramachandran, D. P. (2008). Empire's First Soldiers. Lancer Publishers. p. 171. ISBN 9780979617478.
  43. ^ Bhagotra 2013, p. 124.
  44. ^ a b c d Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History 2013, p. 28.
  45. ^ 2011 Census India: Population by religious community
  46. ^ Chattha, The Long Shadow of 1947 2016, p. 145.
  47. ^ Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, Volume 2 2015, p. 481: "Towards the middle of 1949, a movement for return started on a small scale which gained momentum by the end of 1950. A fair estimate of the returnees is about a hundred thousand. Sheikh Abdullah's Government re-settled them on their abandoned properties, advanced taqqavi loans and appointed a special staff to look after their problems."
  48. ^ Jammu & Kashmir, 1947-50: An Account of Activities of First Three Years of Sheikh Abdullah's Government, Printed at the Ranbir Government Press, 1951, p. 90
  49. ^ Snedden, Kashmir: The Unwritten History 2013, p. 161.
  50. ^ Snedden, Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris 2015: "By 1951, of the former approximately 114,000 non-Muslims who in 1941 had lived in areas that later came to comprise Azad Kashmir... only a paltry 790 non-Muslims remained."

Bibliography

External links

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