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Steve Biko

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Stephen Biko
Steve Biko.jpg
Born Stephen Bantu Biko
(1946-12-18)18 December 1946
Ginsberg, South Africa
Died 12 September 1977(1977-09-12) (aged 30)
Pretoria, South Africa
Occupation Anti-apartheid activist
Spouse(s) Ntsiki Mashalaba
Partner(s) Mamphela Ramphele
Children 5, including Hlumelo Biko[1][2]

Stephen Bantu Biko (18 December 1946 – 12 September 1977)[3] was a South African anti-apartheid activist. Ideologically an African nationalist and socialist, he was at the forefront of promoting a grassroots anti-apartheid campaign known as the Black Consciousness Movement during the late 1960s and 1970s.

A Xhosa, Biko was born in King William's Town. In 1966 he began studying medicine at the University of Natal, there becoming increasingly politicised and rising to a senior position in the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). He was strongly opposed to the apartheid system of racial segregation and white-minority rule in South Africa, but was also frustrated that the anti-apartheid movement, including NUSAS, was dominated by white liberals rather than by the blacks who were most disadvantaged by the apartheid system. He developed the view that to avoid white domination, black people had to organise independently and focus on ridding themselves of any sense of racial inferiority. To this end he was a leading figure in a NUSAS split that resulted in the creation of the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) in 1968. Membership was only open to "blacks"—a term that Biko used in reference not just to black Africans but also Coloureds and Indians—although he retained friendships with several white liberals and opposed anti-white racism.

Through SASO Biko went on to found the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), mobilizing much of South Africa's urban black population. During the early 1970s he was a prominent figure within the Durban Moment. The government were concerned by his activities and in 1973 they placed a banning order on him, severely restricting his activities. He remained politically active and was involved in organising the anti-apartheid protests that resulted in the Soweto uprising of 1976. In August 1977, Biko was arrested by the state security services. While in their custody, he was tortured and sustained fatal head injuries. Over 10,000 people attended his funeral, while his life and death were posthumously publicised in a book by his friend Donald Woods.

Biko has been called a martyr of the anti-apartheid movement.[4] While alive, his writings and activism had the goal of empowering black people. He was famous for his slogan "black is beautiful", which he described as meaning: "man, you are okay as you are, begin to look upon yourself as a human being".[5] Biko was never a member of the African National Congress (ANC), but the ANC considered him an anti-apartheid hero and used his image in campaign posters in South Africa's first non-racial elections in 1994.[6] Nelson Mandela said of Biko: "They had to kill him to prolong the life of apartheid."[7]

Biography

Early life: 1946–1966

Biko was born in King William's Town on 18 December 1946.[8] Biko was born to Mzingayi Mathew and Alice 'Mamcete' Biko in Ginsberg Township, in what is now the Eastern Cape province of South Africa.[9] His father was a government clerk and law student. His mother did domestic work in local white homes.[10] The third of four children, Biko grew up with his older sister Bukelwa; his older brother Khaya; and his younger sister Nobandile.[11] His father gave him his name, Bantu Stephen Biko, which Biko is said to have understood to mean "a person is a person by means of other people".[12] In 1950, when Biko was four, his father died.[13][14]

Biko was a Xhosa. In addition to Xhosa, he spoke fluent English and fairly fluent Afrikaans.[citation needed]

Biko spent two years at Brownlee Primary School and then a further four years at Charles Morgan Higher Primary School.[8][15] He was sent to Lovedale High School in 1964, a prestigious boarding school in Alice, Eastern Cape, where his older brother Khaya had previously been studying.[16] During the apartheid era, when there was no freedom of association protection for non-white South Africans, Biko was expelled from Lovedale for his political views, and his brother was arrested for his alleged association with Poqo (now known as the Azanian People's Liberation Army).[17] After his expulsion, he attended and in 1965 graduated from St. Francis College, a Roman Catholic institution in Mariannhill, Natal.[8][9]

Student activism: 1966–69

Steve Biko's house in Ginsberg, Eastern Cape.

In 1966 he entered the "non-European" section of the University of Natal Medical School at Wentworth, Durban, intent on studying medicine.[8][18] He initially did well at the university, but his grades began to slip as he devoted increasing amounts of his time to political activism.[8] The university eventually barred him from further study.[8]

Biko was initially involved with the multiracial National Union of South African Students, but after he became convinced that Black, Indian and Coloured students needed an organization of their own, he helped found the South African Students' Organisation (SASO), whose agenda included political self-reliance and the unification of university students in a "black consciousness."[19] In 1968 Biko was elected its first president. SASO evolved into the influential Black Consciousness Movement (BCM). Biko was also involved with the World Student Christian Federation.[citation needed]

NUSAS had gone to efforts to cultivate a multi-racial membership but remained white-oriented because the majority of South Africa's students were from the white minority.[20] As Clive Nettleton, a NUSAS leader, put it: "the essence of the matter is that NUSAS was founded on white initiative, is financed by white money and reflects the opinions of the majority of its members who are white".[21] The SASO's split from the NUSAS was nevertheless a traumatic experience for many white liberal youth who had embraced the idea of a multi-racial organisation.[20] The NUSAS leadership regretted the split, but nevertheless largely refrained from criticising the new SASO.[22]

The idea behind SASO and Black Consciousness was that black South Africans should break away from established mentalities and attain a new sense of self-reliance and dignity.[23] Much of the early message of the Black Consciousness movement focused on criticising anti-racist white liberals and liberalism itself, accusing it of "paternalism" and being a "negative influence" on black Africans.[24] In one of his early published articles, Biko stated although he was "not sneering at the [white] liberals and their involvement" in the anti-apartheid movement, "one has to come to the painful conclusion that the [white] liberal is in fact appeasing his own conscience, or at best is eager to demonstrate his identification with the black people only insofar as it does not sever all ties with his relatives on his side of the colour line."[25] During the formation of SASO, Biko took a back seat and sought a low public profile.[26]

The Durban Moment and banning: 1972–77

In the early 1970s, Biko became a key figure in The Durban Moment.[27] In 1972, he was expelled from the University of Natal because of his political activities[19] and he became honorary president of the Black People's Convention. He was banned by the apartheid government in February 1973,[28] meaning that he was not allowed to speak to more than one person at a time nor to speak in public, was restricted to the King William's Town magisterial district, and could not write publicly or speak with the media.[8][19] It was also forbidden to quote anything he said, including speeches or simple conversations.

When Biko was banned, his movement within the country was restricted to the Eastern Cape, where he was born. After returning there, he formed a number of grassroots organizations based on the notion of self-reliance: Zanempilo, the Zimele Trust Fund (which helped support former political prisoners and their families), Njwaxa Leather-Works Project and the Ginsberg Education Fund.[citation needed] To promote Black Consciousness, he helped to establish Black Community Programs from the BCM's headquarters in Leopold Street; these included self-help schemes such as classes in literacy, dressmaking, and health education.[29] Near to King William's Town they established the Zanempilo Clinic, a healthcare centre to cater for rural blacks who would not otherwise have access to hospital facilities.[30]

During his ban, Biko asked for a meeting with Donald Woods, the white liberal editor of the Daily Dispatch. Under Wood's editorship, the newspaper had published a number of articles criticising apartheid and the Nationalist regime and had also given space to the views of various black groups, but not members of the Black Consciousness movement. Biko hoped that by meeting Woods he could convince him to give the movement greater coverage and an outlet in which to express its views.[31] Woods was initially reticent, believing that Biko and Black Consciousness advocated a form of anti-white racism.[32] On meeting Biko in King William's Town, Woods expressed his concern about some of the criticism of white liberals present in Biko's early writings. Biko acknowledged that his earlier "antiliberal" writings were "overkill" although stated that he maintained committed to the basic message contained within them.[33] He clarified his position to Woods: "I don't reject liberalism as such or white liberals as such. I reject only the concept that black liberation can be achieved through the leadership of white liberals."[33] He added that "the [white] liberal is no enemy, he's a friend – but for the moment he holds us back, offering a formula too gentle, too inadequate for our struggle".[31] Over the coming months and years the pair met on further occasions and became close friends.[34] Woods later related that although he continued to have concerns about "the unavoidably racist aspects of Black Consciousness", , it was "both a revelation and education" to socialise with blacks who had "psychologically emancipated attitudes".[35]

In spite of the repression of the apartheid government, Biko and the BCM played a significant role in organising the protests that culminated in the Soweto Uprising of 16 June 1976. In the aftermath of the uprising, which was met with a heavy hand by the security forces, the authorities began to target Biko further.[citation needed]

Death and aftermath: 1977

Stephen Bantu Biko's grave in Ginsberg cemetery, King William's Town

On 18 August 1977, Biko was arrested at a police roadblock under the Terrorism Act No 83 of 1967 and interrogated by the Port Elizabeth security police, including officers Harold Snyman and Gideon Nieuwoudt. The interrogation took place in Police Room 619 of the Sanlam Building in Port Elizabeth. The 22-hour interrogation included torture and beatings, sending Biko into a coma.[19] He suffered a major head injury while in police custody at the Walmer Police Station in a suburb of Port Elizabeth, and was chained to a window grille for a day.

On 11 September 1977, police loaded him into the back of a Land Rover, naked and manacled, for a 1,100-kilometre (680 mi) drive to Pretoria, where there was a prison that had hospital facilities. He was nearly dead from his injuries,[36] and died shortly after he arrived at the Pretoria prison on 12 September. Police said his death was the result of an extended hunger strike, but an autopsy revealed multiple bruises and abrasions and found that he succumbed to a brain hemorrhage from massive head injuries.[19] Many saw this as strong evidence that he had been brutally beaten by his captors. Donald Woods, a journalist and editor who had been a close friend of Biko's, exposed the truth behind Biko's death, along with Helen Zille, who became the leader of the Democratic Alliance political party.[37][38]

Because of his high profile, news of Biko's death spread quickly, publicizing the repressive nature of the apartheid government. His funeral was attended by over 10,000 people, including numerous ambassadors and other diplomats from the United States and Western Europe. Donald Woods, who had photographed his injuries in the morgue as proof of police abuse, was later forced to flee South Africa for England. Woods campaigned against apartheid and further publicised Biko's life and death, writing many newspaper articles about him as well as a book titled Biko, which was later made into the film Cry Freedom.[39] Speaking at a National Party conference following the news of Biko's death, then–minister of police Jimmy Kruger said, "I am not glad and I am not sorry about Mr. Biko. It leaves me cold (Dit laat my koud). I can say nothing to you... Any person who dies... I shall also be sorry if I die."[citation needed] Biko was the 21st person to die in a South African prison in the space of twelve months.[40]

After a 15-day inquest in 1978, a magistrate judge found that there was not enough evidence to charge the officers with murder, since there were no eyewitnesses.[41][42] On 2 February 1978, based on the evidence given at the inquest, the attorney general of the Eastern Cape stated that he would not prosecute the officers.[43] On 28 July 1979, the attorney for Biko's family announced that the South African government had agreed to pay the family R65,000 ($78,000) in compensation for Biko's death.[42][44]

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission created following the end of minority rule and of apartheid reported that five former members of the South African security forces had admitted to killing Biko and applied for amnesty. Their application was rejected in 1999.[41] On 7 October 2003, the South African justice ministry announced that the five policemen accused of killing Biko would not be prosecuted because the statute of limitations had elapsed and there was not enough evidence.[41]

Biko was buried in the Ginsberg cemetery, King William's Town.[45][46] In 1997 the graveyard was upgraded and renamed the Steve Biko Garden of Remembrance.[45]

A year after Biko's death, some of his writings were collected and released under the title I Write What I Like.[47]

Ideology

See also: Négritude

Biko was profoundly influenced by Fanon's ideas about liberation.[48] He argued that in apartheid South Africa, white people not only participated in the oppression of black people and were also the main voices in the opposition to that oppression.[49] He thus argued that in dominating both the apartheid system and the anti-apartheid movement, white people totally controlled the political arena, leaving black people marginalised.[49] Biko and his comrades decided not to participate in multi-racial organisations that were dominated by white individuals and which focused their attention largely on issues facing white students.[49] Instead, they called for an anti-apartheid programme that was controlled by black people.[49]

Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement saw their main purpose as combating the feeling of inferiority that most black South Africans experienced.[49] Biko expressed dismay at how "the black man has become a shell, a shadow of man... bearing the yoke of oppression with sheepish timidity",[50] and stated that "the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed".[50] He defined Black Consciousness as "an inward-looking process" that would "infuse people with pride and dignity".[50]

Biko was not a Marxist and believed that it was oppression based on race, rather than class, which would by the main political motivation for change.[51] Rather, he has been described as a proponent of African socialism.[51] Noting that there was significant inequality in the distribution of wealth in South Africa, Biko believed that a socialist society would have to be established in order to ensure social justice.[52] In his view, this would require moving towards a mixed economy that allowed private enterprise but in which all land was owned by the state and in which state industries played a significant part in forestry, mining, and commerce.[53] He believed that if post-apartheid South Africa remained economically capitalist then black individuals would join the bourgeoisie but that economic inequality and poverty would remain.[52] He envisioned that a future socialist South Africa could become a completely non-racial society, with individuals of all ethnic backgrounds living peacefully together.[53] He did not support guarantees of minority rights, believing that doing so would continue to recognise divisions along racial lines.[53] Instead he supported a one person, one vote system, whereby everyone would vote as an individual rather than as a member of a racial group.[53]

In conversation with Woods, Biko insisted that the Black Consciousness Movement would not degenerate into anti-white racism "because it isn't a negative, hating thing. It's a positive black self-confidence thing involving no hatred of anyone".[31] He acknowledged that a "fringe element" may retain "anti-white bitterness", although added: "we'll do what we can to restrain that, but frankly it's not one of our top priorities or one of our major concerns. Our main concern is the liberation of the blacks".[31] Elsewhere, Biko argued that it was the responsibility of a vanguard movement to ensure that, in a post-apartheid society, the black majority would not seek vengeance upon the white minority.[53] He stated that this would require an education of the black population in order to teach them how to live in a non-racial society.[53]

Biku opposed any collaboration with the apartheid government, whether in the form of Bantustans or Coloured and Indian agreements with the regime.[53] He believed that those fighting apartheid in South Africa should link with anti-colonial struggles elsewhere in the world and with activists in the global African diaspora who were combatting racial prejudice and discrimination.[54]

Like Frantz Fanon, Biko originally studied medicine, and, like Fanon, Biko developed an intense concern for the development of black consciousness as a solution to the existential struggles that shape existence, both as a human and as an African. Biko can thus be seen as a follower of Fanon and of Aimé Césaire, in contrast to more multi-racialist ANC leaders such as Albert Lutuli and Nelson Mandela after his imprisonment at Robben Island, who were initially disciples of Gandhi.[55][56][57][58]

Personality and personal life

"The charisma of Steve Biko was entirely his own. He had from an early age the unmistakable bearing and quality of a unique leader. I say unique because his style of leadership was his own - it was un-pushy, un-promotional, yet immediately acknowledged by his peers... I was thirteen years older than Steve, yet I always had the feeling I was talking to someone older and wiser, and like many others I often sought his advice on all manner of problems."

— Donald Woods[59]

Physically, Biko was over six foot in height and was heavily built.[60] Woods described Biko as "an unusually gifted man. His quick brain, superb articulation of ideas and sheer mental force were highly impressive."[34] He felt that Biko "could enable one to share his vision" with "an economy of words" because "he seemed to communicate ideas through extraverbal media - almost psychically."[61] Biko exhibited what Woods referred to as "a new style of leadership", never proclaiming himself to be a leader and discouraging any cult of personality from growing up around him.[23] Other activists however regarded him as a leader and often deferred to him at meetings.[23]

Biko biographer Linda Wilson stated that he was not "a paragon of virtue" and that he often drank too much alcohol.[62] Although the Nationalist government portrayed Biko as a hater of whites,[63] he had a number of close white friends,[63] and both Woods and Wilson insisted that Biko was not a racist.[64] Woods related that Biko "simply wasn't a hater of people", and that he did not even hate prominent National Party politicians like B. J. Vorster and Andries Treurnicht, instead hating merely their ideas.[65]

Although often critical of the established Christian churches, Biko remained a believer in God and found insight in the Gospel teachings attributed to Jesus of Nazareth.[66]

Biko developed a reputation as a womaniser.[62] Biko married Ntsiki Mashalaba in 1970.[67] They had two children together: Nkosinathi, born in 1971, and Samora.[citation needed] He also had two children with Dr Mamphela Ramphele, a prominent activist within the Black Consciousness Movement: a daughter, Lerato, born in 1974, who died of pneumonia when she was only two months old, and a son, Hlumelo, who was born in 1978, after Biko's death.[1] Biko also had a daughter with Lorraine Tabane, named Motlatsi, born in May 1977.[citation needed]

Legacy

Steve Biko statue in East London, Eastern Cape

Biko is regarded as the "father" of the Black Consciousness Movement,[49] with Woods characterising him as the movement's "main guiding founder and inspiration".[23] He has also been described as one of the most important black political leaders in South Africa prior to the 1994 general election.[49] Woods was of the view that Biko had filled the vacuum within the country's African nationalist movement that arose in the late 1960s following the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela and the banning of Robert Sobukwe.[23] Ahluwalia and Zegeye referred to him as "an articulate and visionary black South African intellectual and hero".[54]

In the present post-apartheid South Africa, Biko is revered across the political spectrum regardless of ideology. Some people see Biko's philosophy as irrelevant after 1994, since his dream was not achieved and the ANC became the ruling party after the first democratic elections.[68] However, in 2004, he was voted 13th in the SABC3's Great South Africans. Many present-day social movements, activists, and academics continue to stress the relevance of Biko's black consciousness as well however. This includes a strong critique of voting by writer and political activist Andile Mngxitama who has said that if Biko were alive today, he would not be supporting any political party, would not even vote, but would be marching with the social movements against government.[69][70][71]

Biko also came to be closely associated with Frantz Fanon; the pair "share a highly similar pedigree in their interests in the philosophical psychology of consciousness, their desire for a decolonising of the mind, the liberation of Africa and in the politics of nationalism and socialism for the 'wretched of the earth'."[72] Posthumously however, Biko has not received the same level of attention as Fanon.[72]

Tributes

Peter Gabriel performing his song "Biko" in 2011

Apart from Donald Woods's book called Biko, his name has been honoured at several universities. Locally, the main Student Union buildings of the University of Cape Town are named in his honour and each year a commemorative Steve Biko lecture, open to all students, is delivered on the anniversary of his death. Internationally, the University of Manchester's student union, the Steve Biko Building, on the Oxford road campus, is named in his honour. Ruskin College, Oxford has a Biko House student accommodation. The bar at the University of Bradford was named after Biko until it closed in 2005. Many other venues in Students Unions around the United Kingdom also bear his name. The Santa Barbara Student Housing Cooperative has a house named after Steve Biko, themed to provide a safe, respectful space for people of colour. In London, streets in both Finsbury Park[73] and Hounslow[74] are named after Biko. At the University of California, Santa Cruz, there is a dormitory named "Biko House" in the Oakes College Multicultural Theme Housing. The Instituto Cultural Steve Biko in Salvador, Brazil supports the education and pride of Black Brazilians.[75] The Pretoria Academic Hospital was renamed the Steve Biko Hospital in 2008.[76] Durban University of Technology has acknowledged Steve Biko's contribution to South African society by naming its largest campus after him. A bronze bust of Steve Biko was unveiled in Freedom Square on that campus as a tribute. On Dec 18th, 2016 Google had a commemorative doodle in the name of Steve Biko.[77]

References in the arts

Literature

  • Benjamin Zephaniah wrote a poem titled Biko The Greatness, included in Zephaniah's 2001 collection, Too Black, Too Strong.
  • The Compound Arcane: Homage to Steve Biko a poem written in 1975 by Jack Hirschman, is published in The Arcanes. This poem was composed before Biko's death, yet already the poet was inspired enough by Biko's life to recognize him as a martyr.
  • In Detention by Christopher van Wyk, was published in 2007. Van Wyk, (b. 1957), also wrote We Write what we like: Celebrating Steve the same year.

Theatre, film, and television

Music

See also

References

  1. ^ a b Mothibeli, Tefo. "Mamphela Ramphele: Academic Giant and Ray of Hope", Financial Mail, Johannesburg, 7 July 2006.
  2. ^ Daley, Suzanne, "The Standards Bearer", New York Times, 13 April 1997.
  3. ^ "Stephen Bantu Biko". South African history Online. September 2007. Retrieved 27 August 2014. 
  4. ^ "Background: Steve Biko: martyr of the anti-apartheid movement". BBC News. 8 December 1997. Retrieved 16 April 2007. 
  5. ^ Biko, Steve (1986). I Write What I Like. San Francisco: Harper & Row. pp. 103–104. 
  6. ^ See, for instance, Rian Malan's book My Traitor's Heart.
  7. ^ "Row clouds Biko anniversary". BBC News. 12 September 2002. Retrieved 18 December 2013. 
  8. ^ a b c d e f g Woods 1978, p. 49.
  9. ^ a b Elizabeth J. Verwey; HSRC Press (1995). New Dictionary of South African Biography, Volume 1. ISBN 978-0-7969-1648-8 – via books.google.com. 
  10. ^ Leslie M. Alexander, Walter C. Rucker; ABC-CLIO (2010). ENCYCLOPEDIA OF AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORY 3 VOLUME. p. 643. ISBN 978-1-85109-769-2 – via books.google.com. 
  11. ^ Lindy Wilson (2012). Steve Biko (Ohio Short Histories of Africa). Ohio University Press. pp. 19, 22. ISBN 978-0-8214-2025-6. 
  12. ^ Wilson, Lindy; Selassie, Bereket Habte; Harsch, Ernest; Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges (2015-02-17). African Leaders of the Twentieth Century: Biko, Selassie, Lumumba, Sankara. Ohio University Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-2161-1. 
  13. ^ "Black Consciousness and the Quest for True Humanity" (PDF). Rutgers University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 October 2013. 
  14. ^ "Biko, Stephen Bantu (1946–1977)". blackwellreference.com. 24 June 2013. 
  15. ^ F. Abiola Irele, Biodun Jeyifo (2010). The Oxford Encyclopedia of African Thought, Volume 1. Oxford University Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-19-533473-9. 
  16. ^ Wilson (2012). Steve Biko. p. 23. 
  17. ^ Peter Joyce (2007). The Making of a Nation: South Africa's Road to Freedom. books.google.com. p. 142. ISBN 978-1-77007-312-8. 
  18. ^ Martin, G. (2012-12-23). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-06205-5. 
  19. ^ a b c d e Appiah, Kwame Anthony; Henry Louis Gates, Jr (1997). The Dictionary of Global Culture. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 76–77. ISBN 0-394-58581-X. 
  20. ^ a b Woods 1978, p. 31.
  21. ^ Woods 1978, p. 32.
  22. ^ Woods 1978, pp. 48–49.
  23. ^ a b c d e Woods 1978, p. 30.
  24. ^ Woods 1978, p. 36.
  25. ^ Woods 1978, p. 51.
  26. ^ Woods 1978, p. 33.
  27. ^ Black Consciousness in Dialogue: Steve Biko, Richard Turner and the "Durban Moment" in South Africa, 1970–1974, Ian McQueen, SOAS, 2009
  28. ^ "Martyr of Hope: A Personal Memoir" by Aelred Stubbs C.R., in Biko, Steve (2002). I Write What I Like. Chicago: Harper & Row. p. 161. 
  29. ^ Woods 1978, pp. 56–57.
  30. ^ Woods 1978, p. 57.
  31. ^ a b c d Woods 1978, p. 55.
  32. ^ Woods 1978, pp. 45, 48.
  33. ^ a b Woods 1978, p. 54.
  34. ^ a b Woods 1978, p. 56.
  35. ^ Woods 1978, pp. 57, 58.
  36. ^ Pillay, Verashni (12 September 2007). "Keeping Steve Biko alive". News24. Archived from the original on 17 October 2007. Retrieved 19 September 2007. 
  37. ^ Zille, Helen (9 September 2007). "Steve Biko's legacy lives on". IOL.co.za. 
  38. ^ Biko by Donald Woods. Originally published by Paddington Press, London and New York, 1978; later edition published by Henry Holt, New York, 1987
  39. ^ Blandy, Fran (31 Dec 2007). "SA editor's escape from apartheid, 30 years on". Mail & Guardian. Retrieved 19 June 2011. 
  40. ^ Wilson 2012, p. 11.
  41. ^ a b c Whitaker, Raymond (8 October 2003). "No prosecution for death of anti-apartheid activist Biko". The New Zealand Herald. Retrieved 13 October 2012. 
  42. ^ a b "South Africa Will Pay Biko Kin $78,000". Youngstown Vindicator. Associated Press. 28 July 1979. Retrieved 13 October 2012. 
  43. ^ "No prosecution of Biko's interrogators". The Calgary Herald. Reuter. 2 February 1978. Retrieved 13 October 2012. 
  44. ^ "Steve Biko, one of South Africa's favourite sons, remembered...". 
  45. ^ a b "Steve Biko Garden of Remembrance". sa-venues.com. 
  46. ^ "Bantu Steven Biko (1946–1977) – Find A Grave Memorial". Find a Grave. 
  47. ^ Biko, Steven; Mpumlwana, Thoko (1997). Aelred Stubbs, ed. I Write What I Like: A selection of his writings. London: Bowerdean Pub. ISBN 978-0-906097-49-6. 
  48. ^ Ahluwalia & Zegeye 2001, p. 459.
  49. ^ a b c d e f g Ahluwalia & Zegeye 2001, p. 460.
  50. ^ a b c Wilson 2012, p. 14.
  51. ^ a b Wilson 2012, p. 16.
  52. ^ a b Ahluwalia & Zegeye 2001, pp. 461–462.
  53. ^ a b c d e f g Ahluwalia & Zegeye 2001, p. 462.
  54. ^ a b Ahluwalia & Zegeye 2001, p. 463.
  55. ^ Stiebel, Lindy (2005). Still Beating the Drum: Critical Perspectives on Lewis Nkosi. Rodopi. p. 80. 
  56. ^ Kee, Alistair (2006). The rise and demise of black theology. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. 
  57. ^ Heinrichs, Ann (2001). Mahatma Gandhi. Gareth Stevens. p. 12. 
  58. ^ Lens, Sidney (1963). Africa — Awakening Giant. Putnam. p. 180. 
  59. ^ Woods 1978, pp. 60–61.
  60. ^ Wood 1978, p. 54.
  61. ^ Woods 1978, p. 60.
  62. ^ a b Wilson 2012, p. 15.
  63. ^ a b Woods 1978, p. 61.
  64. ^ Woods 1978, p. 61; Wilson 2012, p. 17.
  65. ^ Woods 1978, pp. 61–62.
  66. ^ Wilson 2012, pp. 15–16.
  67. ^ "King William's Town's hero: Steve Biko 1946–1977". Buffalo City Government. Retrieved 2 September 2007. 
  68. ^ Anonymous (17 February 2011). "Stephen Bantu Biko". sahistory.org.za. 
  69. ^ "Why Steve Biko wouldn't vote". Andile Mngxitama. Pambazuka News. 
  70. ^ Mngxitama, Andile; Andile Mngxitama; Amanda Alexander; Nigel C. Gibson (2008). Biko Lives! Contesting the Legacies of Steve Biko. Palgrave Macmillan. 
  71. ^ "A homemade politics' Rights, democracy and social movements in South Africa". Matt Birkinshaw. Abahlali baseMjondolo. 
  72. ^ a b Ahluwalia & Zegeye 2001, p. 455.
  73. ^ "Steve Biko Road", LondonTown.
  74. ^ "Steve Biko Way", LondonTown.
  75. ^ Martins, Alejandra (25 May 2005). "Black Brazilians learn from Biko". BBC News. Retrieved 19 June 2011. 
  76. ^ "Background". The Steve Biko Academic Hospital. www.sbah.org.za. Retrieved 18 December 2016. 
  77. ^ Zulu, Sifiso. "Google celebrates Biko with commemorative doodle". Retrieved 2016-12-18. 
  78. ^ "The Life and Death of Steve Biko (1977) Part 1". Headlines Africa. Retrieved 26 December 2013. 
  79. ^ "The Biko Inquest". IMDb. 
  80. ^ Dorian Lynskey (26 July 2012). "Peter Gabriel on 30 years of Womad – and mixing music with politics". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 17 September 2014. 
  81. ^ "Biko Drum". Christy Moore. Retrieved 19 February 2017. 

Sources

  • Ahluwalia, Pal; Zegeye, Abebe (2001). "Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko: Towards Liberation". Social Identities. 7 (3): 455–469. doi:10.1080/13504630120087262. 
  • Woods, Donald (1978). Biko. New York and London: Paddington Press. ISBN 0-8050-1899-9. 
  • Wilson, Lindy (2012). Steve Biko. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. ISBN 9780821444412. 
  • Biko's ghost: the iconography of Black Consciousness, Shannen L. Hill. Minneapolis : Univiversity Of Minnesota Press  2015

Further reading

External links