Greek love: Difference between revisions
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The ‘Discourse’ was intended as an introduction to his translation of ‘The Symposium’, but both documents were too daring for the time, and publication of translation (as ‘The Banquet’) and essay had to wait almost a century. In spite of its limitations, the document has nevertheless been considered as ‘a pioneering work in a field not fully and freely explored by an English scholar until Kenneth Dover’s authoritative study of 1980’. (Crompton)<ref name="Byron">Crompton, Louis: ''Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England''. London: Faber and Faber, 1985</ref> |
The ‘Discourse’ was intended as an introduction to his translation of ‘The Symposium’, but both documents were too daring for the time, and publication of translation (as ‘The Banquet’) and essay had to wait almost a century. In spite of its limitations, the document has nevertheless been considered as ‘a pioneering work in a field not fully and freely explored by an English scholar until Kenneth Dover’s authoritative study of 1980’. (Crompton)<ref name="Byron">Crompton, Louis: ''Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England''. London: Faber and Faber, 1985</ref> |
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The German scholar and writer, [[Johann Joachim Winckelmann]], did more than any other intellectual or artistic figure in the 18th century to promote the Greek ideal of beauty. |
The German scholar and writer, [[Johann Joachim Winckelmann]], did more than any other intellectual or artistic figure in the 18th century to promote the Greek ideal of beauty. His passionate dedication to the study and popularisation of Greek art and sculpture is reflected in detailed descriptions conveying in emotive and aesthetic terms an essential blend of eroticism, physicality and idealism. The sensual imagery employed in his portrayal of the [[Apollo Belvedere]] is intensely passionate, though never exceeding the bounds of good taste: |
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<blockquote>An eternal springtime, like that which reigns in the happy fields of Elysium, clothes his body with the charms of youth and softly shines on the proud structure of his limbs....From admiration I pass to ecstasy, I feel my breast dilate and rise as if I were filled with the spirit of prophecy; I am transported to Delos and the sacred groves of Lycia - places Apollo honoured with his presence - and the statue seems to come alive like the beautiful creation of Pygmalion.</blockquote> |
<blockquote>An eternal springtime, like that which reigns in the happy fields of Elysium, clothes his body with the charms of youth and softly shines on the proud structure of his limbs....From admiration I pass to ecstasy, I feel my breast dilate and rise as if I were filled with the spirit of prophecy; I am transported to Delos and the sacred groves of Lycia - places Apollo honoured with his presence - and the statue seems to come alive like the beautiful creation of Pygmalion.</blockquote> |
Revision as of 22:08, 27 June 2009
The concept of "Greek love" is an idealised philosophy of Greek male sexuality beginning with the Romans, and rediscovered after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. | |
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Homosexuality in ancient Greece | |
Pederasty in ancient greece | |
Plutarch, Plato, Socrates | Greek Philosophy |
Renaissance | |
Marsilio Ficino | Neoplatonism |
Neoclassicism | |
Byron | Hellenism (neoclassicism) |
Greek love is a term which originates in the mid 18th and 19th Century Germany at a time of Hellenisitc revival during the literay period known as "Neo Classism". | |
Greek love is a relatively modern phrase[1] generally placed within quotation marks of either or both words, i.e., "Greek" love, Greek "love" or "Greek love". The ambiguity of an ancient Greek model of "friendship" can imply a male bonding between equals or a spiritual, educational and/or sexual union of males of varying age.[2]
The term is documented as beginning in German writings between 1750 and 1850. Author Paul Dirks has demonstrated that the use of such terms as "griechische Liebe" (Greek love), "socratische Liebe" (Socratic Love) and "platonische Liebe" (Platonic love), were designated for male-male attractions.[3]
Apart from its perceived historical connotation, no such term is found in any surviving text from any ancient source. While there are terms, such as Mos Graecaie (Greek custom) and Mos Graecorum (the Greek Way), they were never deployed in reference to pederasty, but for a variety of Greek practices.[4]
Overview
The term "Greek love" has been used interchangeably with other similar phrases, such as "Platonic love" and "Socratic Love", (both used by Marsilio Ficino to denote the sort of attraction for a younger man discussed in the Phaedrus and the Symposium,) though the meaning of the individual terms has drifted over time. Authors and historians will sometimes add the varied names together between brackets to be clear the reader knows their written intentions. Richard A. Posner, ( author and judge, United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in Chicago) author of "Sex and Reason" dissects the subject, and illustrates the use of bracketing his own coined term, discussing men who prefer sex with other men, over women, and men who prefered sex with women, but were quick to substitute a man or (preferably) a boy when women were not available;
"The first group dominates the homosexual subculture of today; the last group dominated "Greek Love" ( which should really be called Athenian Love because we know little about the sexual customs of the other city states). Provided we are aware of this difference, we shall not get into trouble if we call Greek love homosexual."[5]
The three terms are associated with educational, civic and philosophical ideals as well as the sexual implications.[6] Relationships often transcended the physical or the erotic, the adult being invested with responsibility for the moral and spiritual welfare of the boy: abuse, exploitation and actual sexual penetration of the younger partner was not acceptable as the youth was expected to mature into a respected and honored Greek citizen. Such was the attitude of the time that submitting to the act would be distasteful and dishonorable, while such fate did not necessarily befall the abuser.[7]
Several revivals throughout documented history attempted to bring back ancient Greek philosophies as well as other classic Greek traditions. Interests in history, archeology, art, literature, astronomy, medicine and social sciences of the ancient Greeks survive today due in great part to these revivals of interest at times that can be identified as either "unenlightened" or religiously repressed.
Historical background
The history of the concept, predates the term by nearly 3000 years. Institutional Greek homosexuality as well as Greek pederasty (the erotic relationship of an adult male erastes with a young adolescent eromenos), appeared on the Greek mainland, as early as the 7th century B.C..Both Sparta and Athens established similar cultural and social phenomenon.
Homosexual activity in ancient civilizations is common. Many civilizations offer few sexual options in a rigid class system. Greek men stayed within their own class, if not within their own gender. Marriage was expected but offered little more than relations to produce offspring, as the two genders were seperated in public and traditionaly did not even take meals together. Women were secluded in Ancient Greece. The natural step was to turn to who was available and accepting.[8] Ancient sexuality was not approached as a gender specific attraction. Homosexuality, is also a modern term. It has only been in use for just 130 years.[9] The concept of strict sexual seperation of the genders is also a relatively new idea. Not untill strict church doctine taught this ideology did it become a moral issue. Up untill that time there simply was little to no standard against it.
A true homosexual subculture did not exist in ancient Greece. Not untill the Romans do we see evidence of this. Homosexuality is defined as the complete attraction to the same gender. While there were individuals of both sexes that were only attracted to their own gender they would have no reason not to marry for the same benefits afforded every adult of Greece. The marriage was not to become something else or to hide the males attractions, but because that is what men did at a specific time in their lives. They would have no reason to hide their desires or their affairs as the ancient society saw it as natural and even honorable.
It apears to have been a great honor to be "mock" abducted in a nearly theatrical way, and spirited off to the residence of the Erastus by his friends where the Eromenos is treated with food, wine and seduction while held "captive". The stylised faux "kidnapping" may last for several days as gifts and song are bestowed on the youth, who is returned safely home. It is clear that the goal is the acceptance from the youth, who may turn away the advances. Generaly the young man or adolescent boy will be sought after by many who, become attracted by the physical perfection of the athlete during competition in the Greek games. There is overwhelming evidence to illustrate the social phenomonon. Literary work such as the Socratic dialogues of Plato, for example, hundreds of Greek vases displaying a range of emotive and expressive guises, and the words of the actual love struck Greek's themselves carved into the many stadium tunnels, where the athelets would wait for their events as well as on the wall's columns and even natural rock of the country. Most of the Ancient greek love poems are attributed to the traditions of Kalos.
The spiritual and educational aspects were the focus. John Addington Symonds encapsulates this relationship as:
"The lover taught, the hearer learned; and so from man to man was handed down the tradition of heroism, the peculiar tone and temper of the state to which, in particular among the Greeks, the Dorians clung with obstinate pertinacity. Xenophon distinctly states that love was maintained among the Spartans with a view to education; and when we consider the customs of the state, by which boys were separated early from their homes and the influences of the family were almost wholly wanting, it is not difficult to understand the importance of the paiderastic institution. The Lacedæmonian lover might represent his friend in the Assembly. He was answerable for his good conduct, and stood before him as a pattern of manliness, courage, and prudence. Of the nature of his teaching we may form some notion from the precepts addressed by the Megarian Theognis to the youth Kurnus. In battle the lovers fought side by side; and it is worthy of notice that before entering into an engagement the Spartans sacrificed to Eros. It was reckoned a disgrace if a youth found no man to be his lover".[10]}}
Male same-sex relationships of the kind portrayed by the "Greek love" ideal were increasingly disallowed within the Judaeo-Christian traditions of Western society, though there was more tolerance within Asian cultures until recent times[11]. The earliest reference to the modern ideology is from that of Marsilio Ficino after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. In his comments of Plato's work in 1469, Ficino describes "amor socraticus", however it must be said that Ficino, influenced by the church doctrine attempted to water down it's meaning and concept and concluded that the male love was allegorical. [12]
Phrase history
The term "Greek love" itself is derived as a synonym for the original English use of "Platonic love". The first use of that phrase dates back to 1636 with "Platonic Lovers" by Sir William Davenant. The latter phrase was derived from the writings of Marsilio Ficino who coined the terms amor platonicus and amor socraticus.
In a German university of the late 18th century, a journal began circulating with the writings and letters of students. The journal centered around the philosophies of Plato and Socrates. In one journal a letter is published from a student proclaiming his attraction to other men. Citing both phrases in German ( "socratische Liebe" - Socratic Love, "platonische Liebe" - Platonic love), the author of the letter also coins the phrase "griechische Liebe" (Greek love).
Greek love was sometimes idealized and sentimentalized. Such a reading of the ancient Greeks can imply the beginning of sexual liberation, especially for 19th century homosexuals.[13]
Romanticism
Romantic Hellenism
As far back as the Roman Republic and Empire, Greek literature assumed a central place in classical education. The classics of Greek poetry, theatre and mythology permeated the civilizations that followed in great revivals of the arts and sciences. This was particularly characteristic of Renaissance Italy in the 14th century. The writings of the Roman Empire, which both preserved their own traditions and those of ancient Greece were rediscovered at the end of the Byzantine Empire. 400 years later, influential figures such as Byron, Shelley, Goethe and Winckelmann of early 18th century Britain and Germany, paid homage to the percieved sexuality of Greek life and culture.
Byron and his school-mates at Harrow would have read the classics. They would have had an understanding of the term, "Greek love".[14][15] His boyfriends inspired verses including the ‘Thyrza’ poems (Childe Harold), and ‘Love and Death’ set in Greece, where he was to end his life in the defense of Greek independence.
Ours too the glance none saw beside;
The smile none else might understand;
The whisper'd thought of hearts allied,
The pressure of the thrilling hand.
from:To Thyrza, October 11, 1811[16]
The poet, Shelley, a pupil at Eton, immersed himself in Greek literature, his Platonic studies leading to a translation of the Symposium (1818) and in the same year a ‘Discourse on the Manners of the Antient Greeks Relative to the Subject of Love’ which stands as the first published essay (after Bentham’s unpublished writings of 1785) on the subject of homosexuality. The significance of this document lies in its repudiation of the evasions of contemporary scholarship which had blurred the perceptions of Greek love as a sexual practice. Shelley, however, was restrained by the by the repressive homophobia of the time, so that much of the essay is couched in elaborately conceived circumlocution, while drawing a line between ‘ridiculous and disgusting conceptions’[17] and an oblique reference to ‘natural’ orgasmic release:
If we consider the facility with which certain phenomena connected with sleep, at the age of puberty, associate themselves with those images which are the objects of our waking desires…it will not be difficult to conceive the almost involuntary consequences of a state of abandonment in the society of a person of surpassing attractions, when the sexual connection cannot exist, to be such as to preclude the necessity of so operose and diabolical a machination as that usually described.
The ‘Discourse’ was intended as an introduction to his translation of ‘The Symposium’, but both documents were too daring for the time, and publication of translation (as ‘The Banquet’) and essay had to wait almost a century. In spite of its limitations, the document has nevertheless been considered as ‘a pioneering work in a field not fully and freely explored by an English scholar until Kenneth Dover’s authoritative study of 1980’. (Crompton)[18]
The German scholar and writer, Johann Joachim Winckelmann, did more than any other intellectual or artistic figure in the 18th century to promote the Greek ideal of beauty. His passionate dedication to the study and popularisation of Greek art and sculpture is reflected in detailed descriptions conveying in emotive and aesthetic terms an essential blend of eroticism, physicality and idealism. The sensual imagery employed in his portrayal of the Apollo Belvedere is intensely passionate, though never exceeding the bounds of good taste:
An eternal springtime, like that which reigns in the happy fields of Elysium, clothes his body with the charms of youth and softly shines on the proud structure of his limbs....From admiration I pass to ecstasy, I feel my breast dilate and rise as if I were filled with the spirit of prophecy; I am transported to Delos and the sacred groves of Lycia - places Apollo honoured with his presence - and the statue seems to come alive like the beautiful creation of Pygmalion.
As Robert Aldrich observes[19]: 'Greek sculpture and painting were the perfect representations of ideal beauty....This idea formed the basis of Winckelmann's art appreciation and criticism and should serve as the foundation for contemporary aesthetics and the programme of modern pedagogy.' The great German poet, Goethe, himself heterosexual, appreciated the depth of feeling and perception which lay behind the passion for Greek art by Winckelmann and others, and understood the force and nature of Greek love[20]. Similarly, Walter Pater, one of the group of Uranian writers and Hellenists in 19th century Oxford (see below),‘considered Winckelmann a true interpreter of the ancients', and so attuned with the spirit of the ancient world that his nature was 'itself like a relic of classical antiquity'.[21]
Victorian Hellenism
It is to the ‘Uranians’, as they were called, that we may look to identify a conscious awareness of pederasty as an essential ingredient of Hellenism, and the impulse to acknowledge and declare this aspect of life in Ancient Greece at a time when Victorian justice upheld the illegality of all male-male sexual relations. The Uranians embraced a number of distinguished men of letters, including William Johnson Cory, Gerald Manley Hopkins, Walter Pater, Oscar Wilde and the above-mentioned John Addington Symonds who defines the term:
I shall use the terms Greek Love, understanding thereby a passionate and enthusiastic attachment subsisting between man and youth, recognised by society and protected by opinion, which, though it was not free from sensuality, did not degenerate into mere licentiousness.[22]
His Uranian colleagues were similar in their views to be aware not only of the different emphases and interpretations brought to bear on their ideal of pederastic love, but also of other contemporaneous theories and concepts of sexuality taking place elsewhere. This is Greek love, both in its original sense and its wider applications.[citation needed] While this group of neo-Hellenists was finding support and inspiration from an ancient culture, the voices of Karl-Heinrich Ulrichs, Karl-Maria Kertbeny and Richard von Krafft-Ebing were being heard across Europe, articulating their theories of ‘homosexuality’ (coined by Kertbeny), sexual orientation and gender inversion which were to make an increasing impact in legal, medical and sociological circles. The Uranians, almost all classically-educated Oxonians, stood aside from such scientific controversies, with their spiritual, philosophical and emotional antecedents. Their Hellenic appellation derives from both Plato’s ‘heavenly’ love and the birth of Aphrodite as described in Hesiod (Theogony), but it should not be confused with ‘Urning’, a term coined by Ulrichs to denote ‘a female psyche in a male body’ ('Urning' also derives from Classical sources, particularly the Symposium). The Uranians did not see themselves in this light, and were opposed to Ulrichs’s claims for androphilic, homoerotic liberation at the expense of the paederastic (refer Uranian Poetry). In the introduction to his ‘Love in Earnest’ (1970) Timothy D’Arch Smith underlines the distinction:
Adult homosexuality, indeed, has little to do with the themes of the poets here
treated who loved only adolescent boys and it is for this reason that I have deliberately eschewed the word 'homosexual'. It is unpleasantly hybrid and modern psychiatrists would give another term to the boy-lover
- a position which thirty years on found ready agreement in Michael Kaylor's acknowledgment that the concept of the 'homosexual' was inapplicable to the dynamics of 'boy-love'.[23]
The immediate Hellenist precursors of the Uranians were the influential literary and reformist figures of Matthew Arnold, John Stuart Mill, and Benjamin Jowett who had already set out the Grecian values of philosophy and education which provided fertile ground for their philosophical adherents:
The immense spiritual significance of the Greeks is due to their having been
inspired with this central and happy idea of the essential character of human perfection […] [It is] this wonderful significance of the Greeks [that has] affected the very machinery of our education, and is in itself a kind of homage to
it. (Arnold)
Of the Greek authors who at the Renaissance brought a new life into the world
Plato has had the greatest influence. The Republic of Plato is also the first treatise upon education, of which the writings of Milton and Locke, Rousseau, Jean Paul, and Goethe are the legitimate descendents. [….] He is the father of
idealism in philosophy, in politics, in literature.(Jowett)
Through such statements, the Victorian ‘Greek chorus’ (as Kaylor described it) “unwittingly facilitated a ‘suspect’ aspect of the ‘Hellenic element’ that assisted in the emergence of the Uranians as a group, a ‘suspect’ aspect that linked the ‘essential character’ and ‘wonderful significance’ of the ancient Greeks to their celebration of paederastic love and its attendant pedagogical practices.”[23] Passion for youth and passion for the education and moral welfare of youth – such was the call to arms of the Oxford Hellenists who brought wisdom, learning, and instinctive perceptions bred by a highly cultivated aesthetic milieu[24]. But the balance between pedagogic responsibility and pederastic inclination was (perhaps unsurprisingly) achieved with varying success: after all, the sober environment of Victorian England was a far cry from the blue skies of Hellas[25].
For the Uranians and those who shared their desires, Michael Kaylor identifies “two forms of erotic positioning in relation to this ‘boy-worship’— as well as the fulfilment and outcome of such an erotic attachment — one ‘conciliatory to social orthodoxies’, the other ‘pervasively dissident’. The three major figures highlighted in his study Hopkins, Pater and Wilde, “represent different responses to this ‘boy-worship’: Gerard Manley Hopkins sublimated most, if not all of his paederastic desires; Walter Pater seems to have actualised his paederastic desires only once, threatening his academic position so thoroughly that he sublimated thereafter, a choice that later matured into an appreciation for such sublimation; Oscar Wilde actualised most of his paederastic desires, a ‘madness for pleasure’ that ruined many lives, and not just his own.”
To what extent does the sexual world of the Uranians mirror the pederasty of the Ancients? Certainly the intergenerational aspect is clear, even if the ‘boy’ was occasionally in his late teens or early twenties i.e. older than the traditional ‘eromenos’; the pedagogical element so essential to the Greek experience (as William Percy notes Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, 1996 ) was present except, for instance, in the case of Wilde, the dissident, though his writings can be construed as didactic and inspiringly so. Greek relationships were essentially asymmetrical, an aspect alluded to by the Uranians in their desire to emulate Grecian values within their own ‘culture’. Donald Mader viewed the use of these allusions as a “conscious and deliberate strategy for a sexual cultural politics through art” and as a “tool for valorization in a strategy for social acceptance.” He continues:
Surveying the allusions, one sees that they are largely to asymmetrical
relationships, either clearly age-structured, or between a god and a mortal, or a warrior/hero and his protégé […], or various combinations of these. […] Such relationships today are regarded as inherently morally culpable, paternalistic and patronizing at best, exploitative or even ‘abuse’ at the worst; to hold up such relationships as an ideal is accordingly viewed either as self-justification on the part of the ‘superordinate’ party, or hypocrisy. Yet this inequality is part of the objective outline that Uranians saw in their Greek mirror; the Greek relationships were asymmetrical, and the Uranians saw themselves in this outline
and filled in their own features.[26]
The dilemma for the Uranians, put succinctly by A.C. Benson, one of Pater’s first biographers, resided in the educational value attached to the ‘essential character’ of the Greeks and their sanctioned practice of paederastic pedagogy:
But if we give boys Greek books to read and hold up the Greek spirit and the
Greek life as a model, it is very difficult to slice out one portion [the paederastic], which was a perfectly normal part of Greek life, and to say that it is
abominable etc. etc.[27]
Contradicting opinions
Sex and Domination
In his paper, Reconsiderations about Greek Homosexualities (2005), Percy takes Dover to task in connection with what he terms ‘the sexual-role dichotomization’. He refers here to the depiction of the erastes/eronemos relationship as defined by sexual roles, active and passive respectively. This dichotomy was connected by Dover to other sexual and social mores which conferred a certain propriety on the role of the male adult Athenian as an active penetrator while denigrating the passive/penetrated role. As a result, ‘penetration’ has become a focal point in the scholarship to the extent that the concept of domination takes precedence over any other aspects of Greek sexuality. The ‘constructionists’, Foucault and Halperin, and their many followers, have extended this analysis, but the ‘Dover dogma’ remains at the heart of the discussion.
Percy underlines the complexity of the Greek male experience which is not served by reducing same-sex behaviors to the purely physical or sexual. He places at the forefront of his discussion the established pederastic system of education which ‘became a way to lead a boy into manhood and full participation in the polis’ which in turn was able ‘to benefit the city in a wide range of potential ways.’ The training and indeed inspiration provided in the pederastic relationship ‘released creative forces that led to what has been called the Greek "miracle".’ He argues that the coexistence of ‘lustful pederasty’ and pedagogical pederasty represented ‘two ways that the Greeks understood the desire and relationship involved in boy-love’, and its vital educational force.
Percy strongly criticizes Dover’s ‘myopic view of the institution of pederasty' and ‘lack of understanding of homosexuality verging on homophobia, a crucial point being Dover’s way of dealing with the sexual terminology: retaining the word ‘sexual’ for hetero relations while being inclined to treat homosexuality ‘as a subdivision of the quasi-sexual or pseudo-sexual (not para-sexual)’.[Dover, 1978, Preface] He does not, however, neglect to mention the availability of flute girls, slaves, prostitutes, and hetairai to dispel any notion that the elite Greeks had no opportunity for heterosexual contact before marriage (typically delayed until the age of 30), concluding (in a footnote) that the incidence of homosexual choice would still most likely have been higher than in today's world (as measured by Kinsey). No exclusive homosexuals are recorded in the epics or myths, though the stories - as with Achilles and Patroclus - continued to be homosexualized even as late as the Roman period.
Professor Thomas K Hubbard views [28] the dominant/submissive position as leading some scholars ‘to see the active/passive polarity as fundamental to the significance of pederasty as a social institution’. The depiction on Greek vases of the older partner as typically the insertive agent in sexual acts lies behind claims ‘that phallic penetration was an index of sociopolitical empowerment, and that boys, as passive “victims” of penetration (considered isomorphic to exploitation) were parallel to women, slaves, and foreigners as instrumental foils to the adult citizen males who wielded the political franchise and thereby the right to phallic supremacy.’
He contests this interpretation via the following observations:
- the textual evidence, and even the iconographic tradition points towards a different conclusion in that most man-boy couples are engaged in frontal and intercrural penetration, not anal acts
- it is the adult partner who has to adopt an awkward and distorted posture in order to accommodate himself to the younger and usually shorter partner
- the erotic interest is focused on the boy’s developing penis rather than the anus: the interest is not in the boy ‘as a passive receptacle’, but as one ‘who is himself budding and maturing into an active agent with sexual capabilities’
- boys seemed quite free to make their own choices either to accept or refuse men’s advances – there are many categories of response between outright rejection and full acceptance
- oral or anal penetration – the symbolic instruments of the active partner’s power and control – occurs in Attic vase-painting only in the case of heterosexual partners or age-equal males
- the fact that age-equal activity was not uncommon ‘profoundly undercuts any interpretation of Greek homosexuality in terms of “victim categories”’
Hubbard goes on to compare the ‘advantages’ of the older and younger protagonists in the love game: the experience and worldliness of the older lover as against the ‘countervailing power of Beauty’ of the youth – ‘a rarer commodity’ taking into account the demographic reckoning that eligible boys within the transient period of adolescent bloom (about fourteen to eighteen years old) were far fewer than the adults who might pursue them. Even among those eligible, many boys would not be interested, or would be closely guarded by their fathers or pedagogues (slave attendants), not forgetting the evidence of Socrates’ proverb, ‘Youth delights youth’, that they would prefer age-mates[29].
Academic sources
Notes
- ^ The 'Thyrza' elegies were written in memory of John Edleston, a 15 year old Cambridge choirboy with whom the young Byron had a passionate friendship. The enforced secrecy of the relationship required concealment of the true object of his affection [34]
- ^ Paederasty is as old as humanity itself, and one can therefore say that it is natural,
that it resides in nature, even if it proceeds against nature. What culture has won from nature will not be surrendered or given up at any price.
— A comment by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 7 April 1830 - ^ Percy did not specify but may have had the dynamics of the female role in mind, and possibly also Dover’s discussion of anthropological data indicating that some societies meted out anal violation to strangers or trespassers.[35]
- ^ Percy suggests that the vase-paintings on which Dover relies (unlike the kouroi which he neglected) were ‘passing fashions’ and of exaggerated importance to scholars .[36]
- ^ Percy criticized Dover’s ‘myopic view of the institution of pederasty' and ‘lack of understanding of homosexuality verging on homophobia’. This opinion is in stark contrast to the previously expressed view (Percy 1996) that 'Dover's book on Greek homosexuality...was, in its avoidance of homophobia, a welcome and needed addition to classical studies.' It may be a coincidence that Percy's own book on pederasty received an indifferent review in Gnomon (1999) by Dover, 'the most distinguished and waspish of my critics', as Percy describes him.[37]
- ^ Dover refers to his associate, George Devereux, who 'regards the urge towards the portrayal of heterosexual anal intercourse as a manifestation of homosexuality, and [that] we may well suspect a divergence between homosexual copulation and vase-paintings and what an erastes hoped to achieve. [38]
- ^ Dover's thesis includes the following key arguments:
*In the preface, he expresses dissatisfaction with the antithesis implied by the terms homosexual and heterosexual. Greek culture, unlike ours, did not recognize a division of roles or identities, but viewed the alternation of these roles or preferences within the same individual as the norm.
References
- ^ Williams, Craig Arthur (June 10, 1999). Roman homosexuality. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 72. ISBN 9780195113006.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Taddeo, Julie Anne (July 18, 2002). Lytton Strachey and the search for modern sexual identity. Routledge; 1 edition. pp. 21. ISBN 978-1560233596.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Gustafson, Susan E. (June 2002). Men desiring men. Wayne State University Press. pp. +Platonic+love, +Socratic+love+refer+to&lr=&ei=ZoxBSr_SCo6QkAT92_D1Dg=24. ISBN 978-0814330296.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Williams, Craig Arthur (June 10, 1999). Roman homosexuality]. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 72. ISBN 9780195113006.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Posner, Richard (January 1, 1992). Sex and reason. Harvard University Press. pp. [1]. ISBN 978-0674802803.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Kuzniar, Alice A. (July 1, 1996). Outing Goethe & his age. Stanford University Press. pp. +Platonic+love, +Socratic+love+refer+to&ei=44lBSoiOO4z4lQTs9MntDg= 7. ISBN 978-0804726153.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Simon, Rita James (May 25, 2001). A comparative perspective on major social problems. Lexington Books. pp. 4–5. ISBN 978-0739102480.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Posner, Richard A. (January 1, 1992). Sex and reason. Harvard University Press. pp. 146-149. ISBN 978-0674802803.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Tamagne, Florence (August 2004). History Of Homosexuality In Europe, 1919-1939. Algora Publishing. pp. 6. ISBN 978-0875863566.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Symonds, J. A.: A Problem in Greek Ethics: London: Privately printed, ISBN 978-1605063898
- ^ Crompton, Louis: Homosexuality and Civilization, First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 2006 pp.([213], 411 & passim)ISBN 978-0674022331
- ^ Fone, Byrne R. S. (May 15, 1998). The Columbia anthology of gay literature. Columbia University Press. pp. 131. ISBN 978-0231096706.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Haggerty, George E. (June 15, 1999). Men in love. Columbia University Press. pp. 141. ISBN 978-0231110433.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: year (link) - ^ Crompton, Louis:Byron and Greek Love - Homophobia in 19th century England. GMP Publishers Ltd 1998/The Cromwell Press. Introduction p.11
- ^ MacCarthy, Fiona: Byron, Life and Legend. John Murray, London 2002. p.39
- ^ The 'Thyrza' elegies were written in memory of John Edleston, a 15 year old Cambridge choirboy with whom the young Byron had a passionate friendship. The enforced secrecy of the relationship required concealment of the true object of his affection (see MacCarthy p.59 Note 5 above).
- ^ Crompton (in Byron & Greek Love p.294-5, refer Note 4) takes this as a reference to anal penetration, like the terms 'operose' and 'diabolical' which appear in the extract.
- ^ Crompton, Louis: Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England. London: Faber and Faber, 1985
- ^ Aldrich, Robert: The Seduction of the Mediterranean: Writing, Art and Homosexual Fantasy. London: Routledge, 1993 (pp. xi, 50-52, 54)
- ^ Paederasty is as old as humanity itself, and one can therefore say that it is natural, that it resides in nature, even if it proceeds against nature. What culture has won from nature will not be surrendered or given up at any price. — A comment by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 7 April 1830
- ^ Walter Pater, 'Winckelmann', in The Renaissance Studies in Art and Poetry (London, 1907)
- ^ Symonds, J. A.: A Problem in Greek Ethics: London: Privately printed, ISBN 978-1605063898
- ^ a b Kaylor, Michael Matthew: Secreted Desires: The Major Uranians: Hopkins, Pater and Wilde. Brno, Czech Republic: Masaryk University Press, 2006 (pp.15 notes, xiv Preface, 58) [2] (The author has made this volume available in a free, open-access, PDF version.)
- ^ University of Oxford, Famous Oxonians[3]
- ^ MacCarthy refers to Byron's 'dearly beloved Greece' as "the land of azure skies and incomparable landscapes: ultimate contrast to England's foggy shores." (see Notes 4, P.109)
- ^ Mader, Donald H., The Greek Mirror: The Uranians and Their Use of Greece, Journal of Homosexuality, 49., 377-420
- ^ David Newsome, On the Edge of Paradise: A. C. Benson: The Diarist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), p.192.
- ^ In Thomas K Hubbard: Homosexuality in Greece and Rome - a sourcebook of Basic Documents, University of California Press 2003
- ^ Plato: Phaedrus,240
- ^ [4]
- ^ [5]
- ^ [6]
- ^ [7]
- ^ MacCarthy p.59
- ^ Percy, William, "Reconsiderations About Greek Homosexualities" (1978)
- ^ Percy, William, "Reconsiderations About Greek Homosexualities" (1978)
- ^ Reconsiderations (2005)
- ^ Dover, Kenneth J. 'The Nature of Sappho's Seizure in Fr. 31 LP, as Evidence of her Inversion', Classical Quarterly n.s. 20: 17-31
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