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Including legal opinion by Foreign Office specialist on maritime law Craig Murray
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[[Richard Falk]], professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University and U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory said that the “ships were situated in the high seas where freedom of navigation exists, according to the law of the seas” and called for those responsible to "be held criminally accountable for their wrongful acts".
[[Richard Falk]], professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University and U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory said that the “ships were situated in the high seas where freedom of navigation exists, according to the law of the seas” and called for those responsible to "be held criminally accountable for their wrongful acts".

Former British Ambassador and one time Foreign Office specialist on maritime law [[Craig Murray]] explained that the raid did not suppose an act of [[piracy]], as the Israeli vessels carried a military commission, but that it would be "an act of illegal warfare". According to Murray, the [[Law of the Sea]] rules that, when an incident takes place on a ship on the [[high seas]] the applicable law is that of the flag state of the ship on which the incident occurred, so the Turkish ship was Turkish territory. If the Israeli commandos were acting on behalf of the government of Israel in killing the activists on the ships, Israel would be in a position of war with Turkey, and the act would fall under international jurisdiction as a war crime. If, on the other hand, the killings were not authorised Israeli military action, they were acts of murder under Turkish jurisdiction and if Israel does not consider itself in a position of war with Turkey, then it must hand over the commandos involved for trial in Turkey under Turkish law. <ref name=Murray>{{cite web|last=Murray |first=Craig |url=http://mondoweiss.net/2010/05/attack-is-in-turkish-jurisdiction.html;: Turkish jurisdiction |publisher=mondoweiss.com |date= |accessdate=31 May 2010}}</ref>


In a legal analysis published by the ''[[Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]]'', a staff expert on international law explained that countries are not allowed to extend their sovereignty on areas outside of their coastal waters. In a zone extending 24 [[nautical mile]]s from the coast, countries have the right to inspect ships in order to enforce immigration and public health laws and regulations. In international waters, if there is reasonable suspicion of piracy or human trafficking, a country has the right to access foreign ships. If the suspicion remains, it can search the ship. Israeli soldiers have the right to defend themselves. If Israel has used force against the ships without legal justification, the crew members had the right to defend themselves.<ref name="FAZ Auf Hoher See">{{cite news|last=Müller|first=Reinhard|journal=Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung|title=Auf Hoher See darf kein Zwang ausgeübt werden|date=2 June 2010|url=http://www.faz.net/s/RubB30ABD11B91F41C0BF2722C308D40318/Doc~E5237CD1680B143708A8E91DACB267CF5~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html|accessdate=2 June 2010|quote=Den Staaten ist es völkerrechtlich nicht erlaubt, die Hohe See ihrer Souveränität zu unterstellen. [...] In der sogenannten Anschlusszone, deren Grenze 24 Seemeilen von der eigenen Küste verläuft, haben die Staaten noch Kontrollrechte – vor allem, um ihren Einreise- und Gesundheitsvorschriften Geltung zu verschaffen. [...] Es gibt auch ein Recht, fremde Schiffe zu betreten. Das setzt aber etwa voraus, dass ein begründeter Verdacht der Seeräuberei oder des Sklavenhandels besteht – oder dass vermutet werden muss, dass das fremde Schiff keine Staatszugehörigkeit besitzt. [...] Nicht in Zweifel steht, dass sich israelische Soldaten gegen Angriffe zur Wehr setzen dürfen. Hat Israel allerdings ohne rechtlichen Grund Gewalt gegen die Schiffe eingesetzt, so durften sich deren Besatzungsmitglieder zur Wehr setzen.}} Translation: "Countries are not allowed by international laws to extend their sovereignty on international waters. [...] In an area that is being called the contiguous zone, which extends 24 nautical miles from the coast of the country, states have the right to inspection – especially to ensure the application of immigration and public health laws and regulations. [...] There also exists a right to access foreign ships. This, however, presupposes that there is a well-founded suspicion of piracy or human trafficking – or that it must be suspected that the foreign ship is not registered in any country. [...] There is no doubt that Israeli soldiers have the right to defend themselves against attacks. If Israel has used force against the ships without legal justification, however, the members of the crew had the right to defend themselves."</ref>
In a legal analysis published by the ''[[Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]]'', a staff expert on international law explained that countries are not allowed to extend their sovereignty on areas outside of their coastal waters. In a zone extending 24 [[nautical mile]]s from the coast, countries have the right to inspect ships in order to enforce immigration and public health laws and regulations. In international waters, if there is reasonable suspicion of piracy or human trafficking, a country has the right to access foreign ships. If the suspicion remains, it can search the ship. Israeli soldiers have the right to defend themselves. If Israel has used force against the ships without legal justification, the crew members had the right to defend themselves.<ref name="FAZ Auf Hoher See">{{cite news|last=Müller|first=Reinhard|journal=Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung|title=Auf Hoher See darf kein Zwang ausgeübt werden|date=2 June 2010|url=http://www.faz.net/s/RubB30ABD11B91F41C0BF2722C308D40318/Doc~E5237CD1680B143708A8E91DACB267CF5~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html|accessdate=2 June 2010|quote=Den Staaten ist es völkerrechtlich nicht erlaubt, die Hohe See ihrer Souveränität zu unterstellen. [...] In der sogenannten Anschlusszone, deren Grenze 24 Seemeilen von der eigenen Küste verläuft, haben die Staaten noch Kontrollrechte – vor allem, um ihren Einreise- und Gesundheitsvorschriften Geltung zu verschaffen. [...] Es gibt auch ein Recht, fremde Schiffe zu betreten. Das setzt aber etwa voraus, dass ein begründeter Verdacht der Seeräuberei oder des Sklavenhandels besteht – oder dass vermutet werden muss, dass das fremde Schiff keine Staatszugehörigkeit besitzt. [...] Nicht in Zweifel steht, dass sich israelische Soldaten gegen Angriffe zur Wehr setzen dürfen. Hat Israel allerdings ohne rechtlichen Grund Gewalt gegen die Schiffe eingesetzt, so durften sich deren Besatzungsmitglieder zur Wehr setzen.}} Translation: "Countries are not allowed by international laws to extend their sovereignty on international waters. [...] In an area that is being called the contiguous zone, which extends 24 nautical miles from the coast of the country, states have the right to inspection – especially to ensure the application of immigration and public health laws and regulations. [...] There also exists a right to access foreign ships. This, however, presupposes that there is a well-founded suspicion of piracy or human trafficking – or that it must be suspected that the foreign ship is not registered in any country. [...] There is no doubt that Israeli soldiers have the right to defend themselves against attacks. If Israel has used force against the ships without legal justification, however, the members of the crew had the right to defend themselves."</ref>

Revision as of 21:15, 2 June 2010

Gaza flotilla raid
File:Gaza-flotilla-boarded.jpg
Israeli commandos aboard the MV Mavi Marmara. On the lower-right the Flag of Turkey is visible.
LocationThe Mediterranean Sea off the coast of Israel and Gaza in international waters.
Date31 May 2010 (2010-05-31)
04:30[1] (UTC+3)
DeathsAt least ten people[2]
Injuredup to 60 activists and 10 Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers wounded.[2]

Template:Campaignbox Arab-Israeli conflict The Gaza flotilla raid occurred on 31 May 2010 in the international waters of the Mediterranean Sea, when Israeli naval forces seized an aid flotilla of six ships carrying 663 pro-Palestinian activists from 37 nations,[3] known as the "Gaza Freedom Flotilla".[4] The activists were planning to break through the blockade of Gaza and deliver humanitarian supplies.[4][5] The flotilla had refused to change its course to the port of Ashdod, where the Israeli government had said it would inspect the aid and deliver (or let humanitarian organizations deliver) items not banned by Israel to Gaza.[6]

At least ten persons aboard the MV Mavi Marmara, the main ship of the convoy,[2][7] were reportedly killed by Israeli commandos when commandos landed on the ship.[8][9][10] Up to 60 activists and 10 Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers were wounded in the clash.[2][8][9][10][11] Israeli accounts claim that soldiers were attacked as they boarded the boat,[12] while passenger accounts claim that the Israelis fired warning shots before boarding, then used sound, smoke, and gas bombs.[13]

International reaction has varied from strong criticism of Israel, to deep regret for the loss of life and requests for inquiries, with the United Nations Security Council condemning "those acts which resulted in the loss of at least 10 civilians and many wounded", and calling for "a prompt, impartial, credible and transparent investigation conforming to international standards".[14] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed regret for the loss of life, and said that the event represents a clear case of self-defense of the IDF soldiers.[15][16]

The UN Security Council called for the immediate release of the ships and all civilians held by Israel.[14] Israel said it would release 620 of the 682 arrested people, and deport them back to their countries.[17] The equipment found on the ships seized by the Israelis has been unloaded at the Ashdod port to be inspected before the Israeli government will allow it into Gaza by land.[18] As of June 2, 2010, Hamas refused to allow any of the humanitarian aid into Gaza.[19]

Background

Since winning the 2006 elections, Hamas had governed the Gaza Strip. Israel declared itself to be in a state of war with Hamas-run Gaza.[20] Egypt, for its part, does not recognize the Hamas government, but rather only the Palestinian Authority which Hamas ousted from Gaza.[21] Due to these factors, Egypt and Israel had enforced a military and naval blockade on Gaza.[20] The United Nations and human rights groups have repeatedly criticized the blockade of Gaza calling it a collective punishment of the Palestinian people by Israel, as it restricts the flow of materials for basic needs and for reconstruction of infrastructure and homes that were either destroyed, or severely damaged, in the Gaza War. [22][23]

Free Gaza Movement

See also: Free Gaza Movement

The "Gaza Freedom Flotilla", eight ships sailing under the maritime flags of, respectively, Comoros, Greece, Ireland, Kiribati, Turkey, and the United States.[24][25] was organized to break Israel's naval blockade of the Gaza Strip.[26] The ships were to carry what the organizers identified as 10,000 tons of humanitarian aid, including food, medicine, and building materials such as cement, with a value of $20 million, to the Gaza Strip.[27][21] Israel bars cement and other building materials from reaching Gaza, saying that they will be used to make smuggling tunnels for explosives and arms.[28] Organizers say that building materials are necessary to rebuild the infrastructure of Gaza that was seriously damaged in the 2008–2009 war.[29]

Several of the passengers were peace activists, trained in non-violent resistance and confrontation methods. Some of the passengers are well-known intellectuals, journalists and members of parliaments in various European countries.

This was the ninth time that the FGM had tried to ship aid to Gaza. Five aid shipments had been allowed through prior to the Gaza War of 2008–09, but all shipments following the war were blocked by Israeli forces.[30]

Israel declared that the flotilla was "about to break international law"; with one of the flotilla's organisers, Greta Berlin, saying "[w]e have the right to sail from international waters into the waters of Gaza,". An Israeli spokesmen countered, announcing that the convoy would not be permitted to reach Gaza but would be redirected instead to the port of Ashdod, where "large tents and other facilities had been set up at the port to receive the activists, so that either Israel or humanitarian agencies could deliver them to Gaza overland."[31] Israeli officials also said that all non-banned cargo would be transferred to Gaza after undergoing a security inspection, which would mean not allowing some of the activisit's supplies, such as concrete and cement through.[32] Foreigners would be deported or, if they did not willingly agree to be deported, detained.[2] The flotilla organisers rejected Israel's offer, saying that Israelis would not let the reconstruction aid into Gaza,[22] and further "This mission is not about delivering humanitarian supplies, it's about breaking Israel's siege on 1.5 million Palestinians...[33][34][26] We want to raise international awareness about the prison-like closure of Gaza and pressure the international community to review its sanctions policy and end its support for continued Israeli occupation."[22] Prior to the boarding, activists aboard the ships repeatedly stated they would not respond with violence to the navy's interception of their flotilla.[35] Yet several of the activists declared the desire to become martyrs prior to the journy, and videos of men on board the Turkish flagged Marmara, show activists chanting radical Islamic slogans before the clash. [36]

Ships in flotilla

Ships involved in raid

The flotilla consisted of six ships owned or chartered by a number of non-governmental organizations, including the Free Gaza Movement (FGM), the Turkish Foundation for Human Rights and Freedom and Humanitarian Relief (İHH) and the Greek Boat for Gaza.[37]. The lead ship was the Turkish-flagged Mavi Marmara carrying more than 500 activists on board.[38][39]

Mavi Marmara leaving Antalya for Gaza on 22 May 2010
United States Challenger 1

The US-flagged Challenger 1 is operated by the Free Gaza Movement.[40]

Greece Eleftheri Mesogeios and Sfendoni

The Eleftheri Mesogeios (Eλεύθερη Mεσόγειος, Free Mediterranean)[41] is a Greek-flagged cargo vessel and the Sfendoni (Σφενδόνη, Slingshot)[41] is a Greek-flagged passenger vessel operated by the Greek Boat for Gaza and the European Campaign to End the Siege of Gaza. Both vessels left Piraeus on 25 May to rendezvous with the rest of the flotilla off Cyprus.[42][43]

Comoros MV Mavi Marmara
Further information: [[:MV Mavi Marmara]]

The Mavi Marmara ("Blue Marmara") is a Comoros-flagged passenger ship,[44][45] which was formerly owned and operated by Istanbul Fast Ferries Co. Inc., in the Sea of Marmara.[46] It was purchased especially for the trip to Gaza by the İHH.

It left the Anatolian port of Antalya on 22 May 2010 to rendezvous with the flotilla heading to Gaza, along with the Gazze and Defne Y.[47] It carried 581 activists, around 400 of whom were Turkish.[48]

Turkey Gazze

The Gazze ("Gaza") is a Turkish-flagged cargo vessel owned and operated by the Turkish Islamic charity IHH.[49] Its cargo consisted of 2,104 tons of cement, 600 tons of construction steel, and 50 tons of tiles.[27] It also carried 13 Turkish crew members and 5 activists.[49] It left Antalya on 22 May to rendezvous with the flotilla, along with the Mavi Marmara and Defne Y.[47]

Kiribati Defne Y

The Kiribati-flagged Defne Y ("Laurel Y") is a cargo ship owned and operated by the Turkish Islamic charity IHH.[50] It carried a mixed cargo of goods including 150 tons of iron, 98 power units, 50 precast homes, 16 units of children's playground equipment and various items of specialist medical equipment.[50] There were 23 crew and 7 activists on board.[49] It left Antalya on 22 May to rendezvous with the flotilla, along with the Mavi Marmara and Gazze.[47]

Sweden MS Sofia

Vessel operated by the Swedish organisation Ship to Gaza.[51]

Other ships

Republic of Ireland MV Rachel Corrie
Further information: [[:MV Rachel Corrie]]

The Ireland-flagged Rachel Corrie, named after activist Rachel Corrie, was unable to join the rest of the flotilla because of mechanical problems that forced it to undergo repairs in Malta. The cement-carrying vessel got underway on 31 May 2010 after the interception of the flotilla, with its crew insisting that they would go to Gaza.[52] The vessel is a former merchant ship owned and operated by the Free Gaza Movement.[53] Irish Prime Minister Brian Cowen called on Israel to allow its passage.[54] The ship was checked for weapons in Ireland by customs officials and a senator from the Irish Green Party. No weapons were found.[55]

United States Challenger II

The US-flagged Challenger II, a Free Gaza Movement ship, was also unable to join the rest of the flotilla due to mechanical problems.[40] It is currently undergoing repairs in Nicosia, Cyprus.[56] The Free Gaza Movement suspects sabotage by Israeli agents to be the cause of the malfunctions in the Challenger I and Challenger II. [57]

People on board the flotilla

Main article: List of participants of the Gaza flotilla

There were in total 663 participants from 37 nations on board the flotilla.[3] Notable people aboard the flotilla included Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mairead Corrigan, former UN Assistant Secretary-General Denis Halliday,[54] Israeli-Arab member of Knesset Haneen Zoubi, leader of the northern branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel Raed Salah, Swedish novelist Henning Mankell, and a number of parliamentarians from European and Arab national legislatures and the European Parliament.[58]

Events leading up to the raid

Some supporters of the flotilla announced on March 28: "A violent response from Israel will breathe new life into the Palestine solidarity movement, drawing attention to the blockade."[59][60] Six of the eight ships in the flotilla set out on 30 May 2010 from international waters off the coast of Cyprus;[2] the remaining two were delayed by mechanical problems and did not join the rest of the flotilla.[56] The government of Cyprus refused to cooperate with the Free Gaza Movement, or allow activists to sail from its harbors, with the Cyprus Police stating that "anything related to the trip to Gaza is not permitted".[61] The flotilla sailed after two days of delays, aiming to reach Gaza on the afternoon of 31 May.[2] The Israeli Navy made initial contact with the flotilla at 11 p.m. (23:00) on 30 May, 200 kilometres (120 mi) northwest of Gaza, 64 kilometres (40 mi) off the coast of Israel in international waters, ordering the ships to follow them to port or otherwise be boarded.[62][63]

The Israeli navy contacted the captain of the Mavi Marmara, asking him to identify himself and say where the ship was headed. Shortly after, two Israeli naval vessels flanked the flotilla on either side, but at a distance, and an Israeli aircraft flew overhead.[64]

Israel Navy: "Mavi Marmara, you are approaching an area of hostilities which is under a naval blockade. The Gaza area coastal region and Gaza harbor are closed to all maritime traffic. The Israeli government supports delivery of humanitarian supplies to the civilian population in the Gaza Strip, and invites you to enter the Ashdod port. Delivery of the supplies in accordance with the authorities' regulations will be through the formal land crossings and under your observation, after which you can return to your home ports aboard the vessels on which you arrived."
Response: "Negative, negative. Our destination is Gaza, our destination is Gaza."[65]

Boarding

The flotilla had planned to break through the Gaza blockade, ignoring Israel's proposal for the activists to dock in Ashdod port and transfer the cargo through there.[2] After the flotilla activists ignored repeated calls to turn themselves in, Israeli soldiers from the Shayetet 13 unit boarded the ships at around 04:00 IST[66] with firearms, and reportedly, paintball guns [2][64] while in international waters 64 kilometres (40 mi) out to sea.[62] There are no confirmed reports of live gunfire onboard the other five vessels. Activists on two ships, the Sfendoni and the Free Mediterranean, report being subdued with violence.[67]

Mavi Marmara boarding

The MV Mavi Marmara from the starboard side

The boarding of the Mavi Marmara resulted in violent clashes between activists and Israeli soldiers, though the details are disputed. According to the IDF, activists responded to the boarding with violence, and soldiers fired in response.[68]

The Israeli military released 20 videos of the incident,[69] which according to it shows the first soldier being attacked while boarding, and thrown to the lower deck; at least one incident in which a stun grenade and fire bomb was thrown at the soldiers; and activists beating one of the soldiers and trying to kidnap him.[70] According to Major Avital Leibovich of the IDF Spokesperson's Unit, the activists attacked the soldiers with knives, slingshots, spikes, and clubs, and with pistols that were seized from Israeli commandos.[71][72][73] Adam Shapiro, a board member of the Free Gaza Movement, said that according to live Al Jazeera correspondence he had seen, the soldiers started opening fire immediately as they came down the ropes.[74] A spokesperson for the Free Gaza Movement said in response that the activists were "not going to pose any violent resistance."[62] According to Al Jazeera's journalist Jamal Elshayyal, on board the ship, live fire was heard after a white flag had been raised.[64]

Israeli military's account

File:Activistboatclash.jpg
Snapshot of footage from the boat, which shows an Israeli soldier being attacked[75][neutrality is disputed]

According to the Israeli military, Israeli commandos said they were prepared to encounter political activists seeking to hold a protest, and were armed with paintball guns and handguns as sidearms.[76][77] The soldiers orders were to verbally convince activists to give up, and if not successful, use non-lethal force to commandeer the ship. The commandos were instructed not to use the sidearms except in an emergency, when their lives were at risk.[78][79]

The Israeli military reported that the commandos were immediately attacked after descending from helicopters onto the deck of the ship. Soldiers were reportedly beaten badly, one was stabbed, and one was thrown to a lower deck 30 feet below.[80] Two Israeli commandos had their guns wrested away. An Israeli commando said that there was live fire at some point against them from below deck.[81] Stun grenades and tear gas were used in an attempt to disperse activists. After this proved ineffective, the commandos requested and received permission to use live ammunition against resisting activists. The commandos then shot activists in the legs, which forced them to disperse, and advanced towards the bridge while firing at attacking activists. The commandos reached the bridge and took over the ship after 30 minutes.[82][83][84] Some fighting can be seen in videos released by the Israeli military and Free Gaza activists.

Flotilla organizers' and activists' account

Organizers of the convoy have denied the account of Israeli military. Arafat Shoukri, of the Free Gaza Movement (FGM), one the co-organizers of the flotilla convey, said those on board one ship had called them by telephone to say that Israeli helicopters had arrived.[85] He said that from that moment on, he had witnessed shootings, and afterwards people on board shouted 'We are raising the white flag, stop shooting at us'.[85] He dismissed Israel's claims of activists having pistols and other weapons as "cheap propaganda".[85]

According to Mavi Marmara activists and personnel, Israel initially opened fire with warning shots but when the ship didn't stop the attack began. Activists said that sound and smoke bombs were used and then IDF commandos surrounded the ship and boarded from helicopters and from the sea. They stated that after boarding the IDF jammed communications and started shooting with live ammunition and tear gas even though they raised a white flag. They said that those on board defended themselves with wooden sticks and other items they could find on ship, while no one on board carried any weapons.[86] According to the eyewitness account provided by some of the activists who had returned home, the Israeli commandos used electronic shocks on those who tried to form a human ring on the bridge.[87] The wife of the Mavi Marmara captain, Nilüfer Ören, stated that IDF began tracking them after 90 miles, there were 40 ships surrounding the convoy and the announcement was made while the commandos were boarding from helicopters at 04:45 am. She also said that sound bomb and smoke bombs were used. Therefore activists and crewmembers used gasmasks.[88]

Norman Paech, a former member of the German parliament who was aboard the Marmara, said he heard detonations and then soldiers from helicopters dropped down on board, carrying "big guns" and being "extremely brutal".[89] Regarding weapons being used by the activists, he denied seeing any knives and claimed he saw only "two and a half wooden batons"[90] Another eyewitness says that the Israelis smashed her face against the ground and stepped on it; later they cuffed her and put a bag over her head.[91]

Kutlu Tiryaki, a captain of another vessel in the flotilla, said that the passengers did not have weapons at all, but only came to bring humanitarian help in a peaceful manner. [92]

Due to a communications blackout after the attack, it was originally difficult to get accounts from activists on board. Newly released activists are beginning to make statements to the press.[85][87][93]

Other boardings

Although Israeli sources claim that the other five ships were boarded and taken over peacefullly, [94] and that the only incidents took place in the Mavi Marmara, there are multiple reports that several people from the other ships were also wounded.[95] Activists from the Sfendoni and the Free Mediterranean reported that Israeli troops used tear gas, rubber bullets, and electrical shock against activists on board.[67] Huwaida Arraf, an American activist who was on the Challenger One reported that Israeli soldiers attacked who tried to block them from taking over the vessel with kicks, tasers, and concussion grenades.[96] Paul Larudee, a 64-year-old former linguistics professor from El Cerrito, California onboard the Sfendoni, was beaten and shot with a taser according to information provided to his family by the US Consul General and his lawyers; his family has reported that Israeli consular officials informed them that Larudee, a pacifist, was beaten after refusing to follow the orders of troops.[97][98]


Investigation for on-board weapons

File:Weapons on Marmaris.jpg
Israel Defense Forces (IDF) claims these knives, sticks, and various tools were recovered from the Mavi Marmara. Source: IDF

A statement released by the Foreign Affairs Minister of Israel said that violence against the soldiers was pre-planned, and that "light weaponry" was found on the ships, including pistols that would have been seized from IDF commandos. Israel stated that the naval forces "found weapons prepared in advance and used against our forces."[99][100] IDF photos displayed knives, metal and wooden poles, flares, wrenches and slingshots with marble projectiles allegedly used against the soldiers.[101] The IDF later reported that its searches of the ship uncovered a cache of bulletproof vests, night-vision goggles and gas masks.[102]

In response, activists denied this saying that would be impossible because "all the boats were carefully inspected by the government before they left the port of departure."[103] Turkish officials denied that weapons were on board, stating that every passenger had been searched with X-ray machines and metal detectors before boarding. Senior officials in the Customs Undersecretariat called the Israeli allegations tantamount to "complete nonsense".[104] One of the journalists from Czech Republic stated that no check of the baggage was done.[105]. A senior Norwegian officer stated after watching the released pictures that "This is not military equipment", while the tools and kitchen knives would normally belong on a ship.[106]

Fate of participants and cargo

Following the boardings, Israeli naval forces towed the flotilla's vessels to Ashdod, from where the activists are to be deported.[62] Israel said humanitarian aid confiscated from the ships would be transferred to Gaza, but that it would not transfer banned items such as cement.[2]

At least 32 activists who had been aboard the ships were arrested and incarcerated by the Israel Prisons Service, after they refused to sign deportation orders, including two who were wounded but refused hospital treatment.[107] According to two activists who had returned home, Israel confiscated all their belongings such as mobile phones, laptops, cameras, personal effects and their personal belongings including clothes. They were only allowed to keep papers.[87] Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheál Martin described the arrests as "kidnapping" and questioned the logic of bringing the detainees to Israel only to deport them there, instead of giving them "unconditional release".[108]

As of June 1, Israel was detaining 480 activists captured in the raid at a prison in Ashdod.[109] Reacting to intensifying international criticism of the raid, Israeli officials announced that all 680 activists held would be released, including two dozen Israel had threatened earlier to prosecute charging they had assaulted its troops.[110]

On 1 June, survivors of the Israeli assault on the flotilla returned to Greece and Turkey, where they provided the first eyewitness accounts.[87] One of them, a Turkish mother whose one-year-old child was on board with her, had agreed to extradition from Israel after she was warned that the prison was "too harsh" for her baby. In the prison – another activist described – they were not allowed to contact lawyers, nor were they allowed to "go to the toilet, eat or drink water" and were videotaped throughout.[87]

As of June 1, 2010, Israel planned to deport all of the detained flotilla passengers within 48 hours of their arrival into Israel.[17]

The IDF has said the aid was all equipment that has been regularly allowed into Gaza and was not in shortage.[111] Accordingly, on June 2, 2010, some of the aid was loaded onto eight trucks and delivered to Gaza.[112] According to an unnamed military official the aid, however, did not reach its destination because the Hamas did not allow its entrance to the Gaza Strip.[113]

There have been accusations of the use of violence against detained activists while in Israeli conducted interrogations. One activist clamed that "[d]uring their interrogation, many of them [activists] were badly beaten in front of us," and that "[t]here was great mistreatment after our arrest." [114] While at the Ben Gurion International Airport on their way to their planes before being deported, several of the detained activists physically attacked the Israeli officials who escorted them.[115]

Casualties

Full details as to the exact number of injuries and deaths were not immediately available, because Israel military censors blocked that information from the press.[116][117][118]

Activists

There were reports that at least ten activists had been killed and dozens injured.[2] Seven people from Turkey were confirmed dead.[119][120] The Israeli military confirmed most of the dead were Turks. Members of the Turkish Red Crescent, the largest humanitarian organization in Turkey, traveled to Tel Aviv to assist in the return of the dead and wounded.[121] Israel has confirmed four being dead.[122] On of the dead are İbrahim Bilgen, a Turkish politician from the Felicity Party, engineer and activist.

Israeli military

Israeli reports say that 10 soldiers were injured in the clash.[2][11] The Israeli military stated that two soldiers had sustained gunshot wounds, and one soldier sustained a serious head wound and lost consciousness after being tossed from an upper deck by the activists,[123] Israel released video interviews with those soldiers, while blurring their faces.

Israeli reactions

Israeli media, which had initially supported the IDF action and corroborated the IDF account of the incident, later criticized the operation considering it badly handled. Haaretz said that the Israeli army had fallen into a trap set by the flotilla organizers. Generally speaking, Israeli soldiers are supported, while the government is chastised for putting Israel in a compromising situation.[124]

After the boarding took place, Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon said that the flotilla of ships "was an armada of hate and violence." He added that the flotilla attempt to reach Gaza was "a premeditated and outrageous provocation" and claimed that its organizers had ties not only to Hamas, but also to global Jihad, and al Qaida.[125]

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a press conference that had Israel not stopped the flotilla from breaking the blockade and entering the Gaza Strip illegally, hundreds of more flotillas would arrive carrying weapons, perhaps from Iran.[126]

International reactions

Main article: International reactions to the Gaza flotilla raid

There were many strong international reactions. Official responses varied from deep concern over the killings to strong condemnations. The UN Security Council formally condemned "those acts which resulted in the loss of lives" and called for a prompt, impartial, credible and transparent investigation conforming to international standards.[127][128][129][130][131] Unofficial responses included widespread civilian protests of the Israeli action, following reports of the deaths.[132][133][134]

Template:Otheruses-section

International law experts differ over the legality of the Israel action, with some saying that the raid is a violation of the Law of the Sea, while others maintain that Israel may legally board foreign vessels in international waters as part of a naval blockade. However, both sides agree that Israel is required by law to respond with the proportional use of force in the face of violent resistance.[135] The issue of possible violation of international law was discussed at the UN security council. The United States blocked criticism of Israel for violating international law as proposed by Turkey, the Palestinians and Arab nations.[136]

In Israeli court the state prosecution was unable answer what the legal authority of the Israeli military was to attack the boat in international waters[137]

Mark Regev, spokesman for the Prime Minister of Israel, referring to the San Remo Manual on International Law Applicable to Armed Conflicts at Sea, said:

The San Remo memorandum states, specifically 67A, that if you have a boat that is charging a blockaded area you are allowed to intercept even prior to it reaching the blockaded area if you've warned them in advance, and that we did a number of times, and they had a stated goal which they openly expressed, of breaking the blockade. That blockade is in place to protect our people.[138][139]

The non-binding[140] San Remo memorandum (paragraph 60, chapter e) states that refusing an order to stop or actively resisting visit, search, or capture may render merchant vessels military objectives. Paragraph 47, chapter c, states that vessels engaged in humanitarian missions and carrying supplies indispensable to the survival of civilian population are exempt from attack, on condition they were operating based on "agreement between the belligerent parties", but the government of Israel has indicated that it had not agreed to the vessels breaking the blockade.[139][141]

"The Israeli blockade itself against Gaza itself is not illegal, and it's okay for Israeli ships to operate in international waters to enforce it," said Allen Weiner, former U.S. State Department attorney and legal counselor at the American Embassy in The Hague, and now a Stanford Law School professor.[142]

According to Abbas Al Lawati, a Dubai-based Gulf News journalist on board the flotilla, Israel is likely[143] to cite the Gaza–Jericho Agreement (Annex I, Article XI) which vests Israel with the responsibility for security along the coastline and the Sea of Gaza. The agreement stipulates that Israel may take any measures necessary against vessels suspected of being used for terrorist activities or for smuggling arms, ammunition, drugs, goods, or for any other illegal activity.[144]

Tel Aviv University law professor Yoram Dinstein, author of The Laws of War at Sea, has written that "there are several instances of contemporary (post-UN Charter of the Law of the Seas) practices of blockades, e.g., in the Vietnam and in the Gulf War."[145]

Richard Falk, professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University and U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory said that the “ships were situated in the high seas where freedom of navigation exists, according to the law of the seas” and called for those responsible to "be held criminally accountable for their wrongful acts".

Former British Ambassador and one time Foreign Office specialist on maritime law Craig Murray explained that the raid did not suppose an act of piracy, as the Israeli vessels carried a military commission, but that it would be "an act of illegal warfare". According to Murray, the Law of the Sea rules that, when an incident takes place on a ship on the high seas the applicable law is that of the flag state of the ship on which the incident occurred, so the Turkish ship was Turkish territory. If the Israeli commandos were acting on behalf of the government of Israel in killing the activists on the ships, Israel would be in a position of war with Turkey, and the act would fall under international jurisdiction as a war crime. If, on the other hand, the killings were not authorised Israeli military action, they were acts of murder under Turkish jurisdiction and if Israel does not consider itself in a position of war with Turkey, then it must hand over the commandos involved for trial in Turkey under Turkish law. [146]

In a legal analysis published by the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, a staff expert on international law explained that countries are not allowed to extend their sovereignty on areas outside of their coastal waters. In a zone extending 24 nautical miles from the coast, countries have the right to inspect ships in order to enforce immigration and public health laws and regulations. In international waters, if there is reasonable suspicion of piracy or human trafficking, a country has the right to access foreign ships. If the suspicion remains, it can search the ship. Israeli soldiers have the right to defend themselves. If Israel has used force against the ships without legal justification, the crew members had the right to defend themselves.[147]

Robin Churchill, international law professor at the University of Dundee in Scotland, said there was no legal basis for boarding the ships as they were in international waters. [148] Ove Bring, Swedish international law professor, said that Israel had no right to take military action.[149] That was supported by Mark Klamberg at Stockholm University.[150] Hugo Tiberg, maritime law professor[151] and Geir Ulfstein, professor at maritime law at University of Oslo[152] while Jan Egeland, director of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs said that only North Korea behaved in international waters in the same manner as Israel.[153] Canadian scholar Michael Byers notes that the event would only be legal if the Israeli boarding were necessary and proportionate for the country's self defence. Byers believes that "the action does not appear to have been necessary in that the threat was not imminent."[154] Jason Alderwick, a maritime analyst at the International Institute for Strategic Studies of London, was quoted as saying that the Israeli raid did not appear to have been conducted lawfully under the convention.[155] Anthony D'Amato, international law professor at Northwestern University School of Law, argued that the San Remo Manual on International Law Applicable to Armed Conflicts at Sea applies to a situation in which the laws of war between states are in force. He said the laws of war do not apply in the conflict between Israel and Hamas, which isn't even a state. He said the law of the Geneva Conventions would apply.[135] Said Mahmoudi, expert on international law, said that boarding a ship on international waters, kill and capture civilians is not in line with the law.[156]

A group of Israeli lawyers, including Avigdor Feldman, petitioned the Israeli High Court charging that Israel had violated the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea by capturing the boats in international waters. [157]

Turkey's foreign minister called the raid "a grave breach of international law and constituted banditry and piracy—it was “murder” conducted by a State, without justification".[14] Prominent Turkish jurists have characterized Israel's actions as a violation of international law and a "war crime." Dr. Turgut Tarhanlı of the University of Istanbul cited the concept of innocent passage, under which vessels are granted safe passage through territorial waters in a manner which is not "prejudicial to the peace, good order or the security" of the state.[158]

Turkey's deputy parliament speaker, Guldal Mumcu, said in a declaration that "[t]his attack was an open violation of United Nations rules and international law," and that "Turkey should seek justice against Israel through national and international legal authorities. The parliament expects the Turkish government to revise the political, military and economic relations with Israel, and to take effective measures." [159]

Dr. Turgut Tarhanlı, from the law department of İstanbul Bilgi University, said

the Convention on the Law of the Sea stipulates that a coastal state may consider intervention if a ship is engaged in arms and drug smuggling, the slave trade or terrorist activities. However, the case with the aid boats is totally different. They set sail in accordance with the Customs Act and are known to be carrying humanitarian aid, not weapons or ammunition. According to the Convention on the Law of the Sea, Israel was not entitled to launch a military operation against the boats and activists.[160]

With regard to the Gaza–Jericho Agreement, Palestinian Canadian lawyer Diana Buttu says that Israel declared the Oslo Accords dead in 2001, and actually breached the agreements, so that a call to the applicability of the Gaza-Jericho Agreement is not plausible.[143]

Additionally, José María Ruiz Soroa, a Spanish expert in Admiralty law, said that Israel is not entitled according to International Law to constrain the freedom of navigation of any ship on the high seas, except in a number of situations that do not apply to the Gaza flotilla case. Blockade is not a valid reason as it is a concept only applicable to war situations. He also mentioned that Israel's action is a breach of the UN International Maritime Organization Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation (SUA),[161] which was signed by Israel in April 2009. According to the article 6.1 of the SUA, the jurisdiction over the offences that a ship might have committed lays in the State whose flag the ship is flying (in this situation, Turkey).[162]

Aftermath

Egypt opened its Rafah Border Crossing with the Gaza Strip to allow humanitarian and medical aid to enter following international criticism of the raid and a call for the border to be opened by Hamas's leader Khaled Meshaal.[163] It is not clear how long it will remain open.[163] According to an Egyptian security source, construction materials such as concrete and steel are still required to be transported via Israel's border crossings.[163]

As of June 2, 2010 Israel has decided to release over 600 of the detained activists.[164]

As of June 2, 2010, Hamas refused to allow any of the humanitarian aid into Gaza.[165]

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  147. ^ Müller, Reinhard (2 June 2010). "Auf Hoher See darf kein Zwang ausgeübt werden". Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Retrieved 2 June 2010. Den Staaten ist es völkerrechtlich nicht erlaubt, die Hohe See ihrer Souveränität zu unterstellen. [...] In der sogenannten Anschlusszone, deren Grenze 24 Seemeilen von der eigenen Küste verläuft, haben die Staaten noch Kontrollrechte – vor allem, um ihren Einreise- und Gesundheitsvorschriften Geltung zu verschaffen. [...] Es gibt auch ein Recht, fremde Schiffe zu betreten. Das setzt aber etwa voraus, dass ein begründeter Verdacht der Seeräuberei oder des Sklavenhandels besteht – oder dass vermutet werden muss, dass das fremde Schiff keine Staatszugehörigkeit besitzt. [...] Nicht in Zweifel steht, dass sich israelische Soldaten gegen Angriffe zur Wehr setzen dürfen. Hat Israel allerdings ohne rechtlichen Grund Gewalt gegen die Schiffe eingesetzt, so durften sich deren Besatzungsmitglieder zur Wehr setzen. Translation: "Countries are not allowed by international laws to extend their sovereignty on international waters. [...] In an area that is being called the contiguous zone, which extends 24 nautical miles from the coast of the country, states have the right to inspection – especially to ensure the application of immigration and public health laws and regulations. [...] There also exists a right to access foreign ships. This, however, presupposes that there is a well-founded suspicion of piracy or human trafficking – or that it must be suspected that the foreign ship is not registered in any country. [...] There is no doubt that Israeli soldiers have the right to defend themselves against attacks. If Israel has used force against the ships without legal justification, however, the members of the crew had the right to defend themselves."
  148. ^ Teibel, Amy (31 May 2010). "Israeli police say 16 Gaza activists sent to jail". Associated Press. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |coauthor= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  149. ^ Blogg. "SvD: "Israel har inte rätt ingripa militärt"" (in Template:Sv icon). Svd.se. Retrieved 1 June 2010. {{cite web}}: Text "Resebloggen" ignored (help)CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  150. ^ "Dagens Juridik: Experter överens om Israel". Dagensjuridik.se. Retrieved 1 June 2010.
  151. ^ Björn Hansson 031-62 46 33 bjorn.hansson@gp.se (28 May 2010). "GP: Professor i sjörätt: Israel gör fel" (in Template:Sv icon). Gp.se. Retrieved 1 June 2010.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  152. ^ Mari Torsdotter Hauge (31 May 2010). "Professor: – Israel hadde ikke rett til å gripe inn" (in Template:No icon). Aftenposten. Retrieved 2 June 2010.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  153. ^ Marthe Haugdal (31 May 2010). "NUPI-direktør: – Marinens angrep er helt ødeleggende for Israel Mener angrepet kan få katastrofale følger internasjonalt" (in Template:No icon). Verdens Gang. Retrieved 2 June 2010.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  154. ^ Martin, Patrick (1 June 2010). "Was seizing the flotilla legal?". Globe and Mail.
  155. ^ How the flotilla bound for Gaza Strip sailed into death at sea. The Times, UK. June 1, 2010
  156. ^ DN: Folkrättsprofessorn: Israel har brutit mot internationell rätt
  157. ^ Izenberg, Dan (31 May 2010). "Israeli lawyers: Raid violates int'l law, Prosecution charges that Israel engaged in acts of piracy". Jerusalem Post.
  158. ^ "Jurists: Israeli flotilla assault violation of international law". Zaman. 1 June 2010.
  159. ^ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jun/02/israel-deport-gaza-flotilla-activists
  160. ^ "''Today's Zaman'': Jurists: Israeli flotilla assault violation of international law". Todayszaman.com. Retrieved 2 June 2010.
  161. ^ Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation
  162. ^ "Un ilícito internacional". El País (in Spanish). Retrieved 2 June 2010. La actuación de las Fuerzas Armadas israelíes al tomar por la fuerza el control de buques mercantes de otra bandera en alta mar [..] y al causar la muerte violenta a varios de sus tripulantes, viola patentemente el Derecho Internacional [..]. Ningún Estado puede arrogarse facultades para restringir la libertad de circulación de cualquier buque por ese ámbito, ni menos ejercer la fuerza contra buques mercantes de otra bandera salvo en los contados casos en que lo autoriza el propio Derecho Internacional (piratería, trata de esclavos, sospechas de falsa bandera, etcétera). Y no cabe recurrir a la noción de zona o puerto bloqueado, propia del Derecho Marítimo de Guerra, cuando no existe tal guerra. [..] [..] se acordó en 1988 [..] el Convenio Internacional para la Supresión de Actos ilícitos contra la Seguridad de la Navegación Marítima (SUA) que [..] tipifica como delito el apoderarse por la fuerza de un buque o de su control, o el realizar actos de violencia contra las personas embarcadas, por cualquier motivo que se efectúe, sea privado o público, económico o terrorista. [..] el Estado israelí ratificó hace muy poco este Convenio (entró en vigor para él en abril de 2009) [..] El artículo 6.1 del SUA establece la jurisdicción obligatoria para sancionar los actos ilícitos en cuestión del país cuya bandera enarbola el buque en el cual o contra el cual se ha realizado el acto de fuerza.
    Translation: The actions committed by the Israeli Armed Forces when seizing foreign-flagged ships on international waters (...) and when causing the death of some of its passengers, do clearly violate the International Law (...) No State whatsoever can arrogate faculties for restricting the freedom of movement of any ship on international waters, much less for storming foreign-flagged ships, exception made of the few exceptions authorized by the International Law (piracy, slave trade, suspicions of fake identifications, etc.). Thus, it is not legitimate to resort to the Maritime War Law concepts of a blocked zone or blocked port, when such a war is inexistent (...) In 1988 it was agreed (...) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation (SUA) that (...) typifies as a crime taking control of a ship by force, or exerting violence over shipped persons, for whatever private or public reason, for whatever economic or terrorist interests. (...) Israel recently ratified this Convention (it entered into force for Israel on April 2009) (...) SUA Article 6.1 establishes as the forceful jurisdiction for sanctioning the illicit actions the same country whose flag carries the ship on which or against which the forceful action has been taken
  163. ^ a b c Alastair Macdonald (1 June 2010). "Egypt opens Gaza border after Israel ship clash". Reuters. Retrieved 1 June 2010.
  164. ^ Sherwood, Harriett (2 June 2010). "Gaza flotilla deaths: pressure builds on Israel for full inquiry". Retrieved 2 June 2010.
  165. ^ "Hamas blocking delivery of aid." Ynetnews. 2 June 2010. 2 June 2010.
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