Human rights in Tibet

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Human rights in Tibet are a contentious political issue.

Pre-1950 Tibet has been described as a society in which the concept of human rights was unknown:[1][2] it was ruled by a theocracy,[3][4] beset by serfdorm and a form of slavery,[5][6] had a caste-like social hierarchy,[7] lacked a proper judicial system[8] and enforced penal mutilations.[9] However, it is claimed that capital punishment and mutilation decreased considerably with the increased influence of Buddhism.

Abuses of human rights in post-1950 Tibet include restricted freedom of religion, belief, and association. Specific abuses include arbitrary arrest and maltreatment in custody, including torture. Freedom of the Press in the PRC is still absent, and Tibet's media is tightly controlled by the Chinese leadership,[10] making it difficult to determine accurately the scope of human rights abuses.[11] A series of reports published in the late 1980s claimed that China was forcing Tibetans to adhere to strict birth control programs that included forced abortions, sterilizations, and even infanticide.[12]

According to a 1992 Amnesty International report, judicial standards in China, including in Tibet, were not up to "international standards". The report charged the Chinese Communist Party[13] government with keeping political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, including the death penalty in its penal code, ill-treatment of detainees and inaction in the face of ill-treatment of detainees, including torture, the use of the death penalty, extrajudicial executions,[13][14] forced abortions and sterilisation.[12][15] The status of religion, mainly as it relates to figures who are both religious and political, such as the 14th Dalai Lama, is a regular object of criticism.[16]

Human rights in pre-1950 Tibet[edit]

According to Australian journalist Norm Dixon, in pre-1950 Tibet "the concepts [of] democracy, human rights or universal education were unknown."[1]

The theocratic system[edit]

Norm Dixon observes that "The Tibetan 'government' in Lhasa was composed of lamas selected for their religious piety. At the head of this theocracy was the Dalai Lama."[1] In Portrait of the Dalai Lama (1946), British tibetologist Charles Bell describes the 13th dalaï-lama as "an absolute autocrat in both the religious and the secular administration of Tibet,"[17] adding that his being regarded as Tibet’s patron deity earned him an overpowering position in Tibet.[18] Bell even claims that "The Dalai Lama was indeed an absolute dictator; more so as regards his own country than Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini in theirs", because he had greater resources at his disposal than the power of oratory and the wireless since "he could reward or punish, both in this life and in future lives," and in particular ensure "that one will be reborn as a human being in a high position, or, better still, as a monk or nun in a country where Buddhism flourishes"[19]

The social system[edit]

Likewise, to journalist and writer Israel Epstein, a foreign-born Chinese citizen and member of the Chinese communist party, "the old society" in Tibet "had nothing even remotely resembling human rights." He explains: "High and low, the belief had for centuries been enforced on the Tibetans that everyone's status was predetermined by fate, as a reward for virtues or penalty for faults on one's past incarnations. Hence it was deemed senseless for the rich (even though compassion was abstractly preached) to have qualms about sitting on the necks of the poor, and both criminal and blasphemous for the poor not to patiently bear the yoke. ‘Shangri-La’ the old Tibet was definitely not."[20]

An ancient form of slavery preceding the development of the feudal system, was still extant in a small number of manors in old Tibet (prior to 1959): the nanggzan manors (nanggzan meaning "family slave" in Tibetan). In these, according to Chinese sociologist Liu Zhong, "exploitation was not through land-rent but through enslavement" to the manor's owner. In return for working the land, the slaves were provided with lodging, clothing and food, albeit minimal. "Some slaves had their families [with them] while others did not." This residual form of slavery was finally abolished in Central Tibet in 1959 by the Preparatory Committee for the Founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region.[21]

Robert W. Ford, an Englishman employed by the Tibetan government as a radio operator in the town of Chamdo, Kham, in the late 1940s, writes in his memoirs (published in 1957) that “in Tibet a landowner owned the tenants like serfs.” He reports that “before he could engage [his] boy Tenné he had to get a formal release from the owner of the estate on which he was born.”.[22] In a passage acknowledging the “material benefits” the country received after the 1951 Seventeen Point Agreement with the central government, the same author writes that “already the oppressive system of requisitioning transport has been abolished,” making the claim that “no doubt serfdom will go too,” although “they are all serfs now”.[23]

The nature of serfdom and its applicability to Eastern societies is contested amongst academics. Tibetologist Melvyn Goldstein wrote in 1971 that "Tibet was characterized by a form of institutionalized inequality that can be called pervasive serfdom".[6] However some academics have questioned the applicability of the concept to Tibet, a recent example being Heidi Fjeld who in 2003 argued that feudalism and the use of the term 'serf' was misleading in relation to the social system of Tibet and instead described it as "a caste-like social hierarchy".[24]

In the political debate concerning the legitimacy of Communist Party rule in the Tibetan Autonomous Region, official Chinese sources assert that the Communist invasion was justified in order to end the practice of "feudal serfdom" and other alleged human rights abuses under the Dalai Lama.[25]

The Tibetan Government in Exile and supporters of the free Tibet movement contend that efforts had been underway in the first half of the 20th century to modernise the country, and argue that human rights abuses under the Communist Party have inflicted greater suffering and repression of the Tibetan people.[26][27]

The judicial system[edit]

According to Heinrich Harrer, who lived in Tibet from 1944 to 1951, there was no organized system of law courts in Tibet. The investigation of offences was entrusted to two or three persons of noble ranks, but corruption was very prevalent. If a defendant considered that he had been unjustly condemned, he was allowed to appeal to the Dalai Lama. If thus proved innocent, he would receive a free pardon, otherwise his penalty was doubled.[28]

This contrasts the statements of the 14th Dalai Lama,[29] who noted that "For many Tibetans material life was hard, but they were not the victims of desire; and in simplicity and poverty among our mountains, perhaps there was more peace of mind than there is in most of the cities of the world."[29] According to the Friends of Tibet India support group, while the society of pre-1950 Tibet was not perfect, it was nowhere as repressive as it is under Chinese rule.[30][31]

Crimes and punishments[edit]

A number of punishments that were enforced in traditional Tibetan society fall into the range of what may be regarded today as human rights abuses.

In a description of the judicial system that was enforced under the Great Thirteenth, Sir Charles Bell, who was his friend and confidant, calls the Tibetan criminal code "drastic". "In addition to fines and imprisonment, floggings were frequent, not only of people after they have been convicted of an offence, but also of accused persons, and indeed witnesses, during the course of the trial. For serious offences, use is made of the pillory as well as of the cangue, which latter is a heavy square wooden board round the neck. Iron fetters are fastened on the legs of murderers and inveterate burglars. For very serious or repeated offences, such as murder, violent robbery, repeated thefts, or serious forgery, the hand may be cut off at the wrist, the nose sliced off, or even the eyes gouged out, the last more likely for some heinous political crime. In former days those convicted of murder were put into a leather sack, which was sewn up and thrown into a river".[32]

Whipping was legal and common as punishment[citation needed] in Tibet including in the 20th century, also for minor infractions and outside judicial process. Whipping could also have fatal consequences, as in the case of the trader Gyebo Sherpa subjected to the severe corca whipping for selling cigarettes. He died from his wounds 2 days later in the Potala prison.[33] Tashi Tsering, a self-described critic of traditional Tibetan society, records being whipped as a 13 year old for missing a performance as a dancer in the Dalai Lama's dance troop in 1942, until the skin split and the pain became excruciating.[34]

Heinrich Harrer reports that crimes and offences were punished with special severity in Lhassa during the Losar Festival. On March 4 (or a date near to this), the city magistrate would hand over his authority to the monks, which marked the beginning of a strict and formidable regime. The monks were relentless judges and were accustomed to inflict fearful floggings, which occasionally caused the death of the victim.[35]

Judicial mutilation - principally the gouging out of eyes, and the cutting off of hands or feet - which was formalized under the Sakya school as part of the 13th century Tibetan legal code, was used as a legal punishment until being declared illegal in 1913 by a proclamation of the 13th Dalai Lama.[36] This is one of the practices that had been eradicated by the Dalai Lama's reforms.[37][38][39] Capital punishment and mutilation were banned by the 13th Dalai Lama in 1898 and 1913, respectively.[40]

Yet, incidents of mutilation have been recorded in Tibet in the period between the start of the 20th Century and the Chinese occupation. Tibetan communist Phuntso Wangye recalled his anger at seeing freshly severed human ears hanging from the gate of the county headquarters in Damshung north of Lhasa in 1945.[41] The top level Tibetan official Lungshar's eyes were gouged out by direct order of the Kashag or Tibetan Government was carried out in 1934.[42] An attempt was made at anesthetizing the alleged criminal with intoxicants before performing the punishment, which unfortunately did not work well.[42]

Robert W. Ford, a British radio operator who stayed in Tibet from 1945 till 1950 and was sent by the Tibetan government to Chamdo in 1950, reported in his memoirs that "all over Tibet [he] had seen men who had been deprived of an arm or a leg for theft," adding that "penal amputations were done without antiseptics or sterile dressings."[9]

In 1950, the six Tibetan border guards that had been involved in the killing or wounding of Frank Bessac's companions (one of them Douglas Mackiernan) as they were fleeing into Tibet from the Communist advance, were tried and sentenced to mutilation in Lhasa's military court: "The leader was to have his nose and both ears cut off. The man who fired the first shot was to lose both ears. A third man was to lose one ear, and the others were to get 50 lashes each." (The punishment was subsequently changed to lashings on Bessac's request).[43]

Hostility to Western missions and churches[edit]

Western missionaries, in past centuries, took the perilous and time-consuming journey to Tibet, only to be frustrated by the poor number of native converts, to be expelled from the area, or even to be killed or to die. But at different stages of Tibetan history secular rulers and religious leaders such as the Dalai Lama have been eager to protect Western missionaries and their tasks of preaching Christian beliefs to the local Tibetans. The first Western missionary known to have reached Lhasa was the Jesuit Father Antonio de Andrade, accompanied by Fratello Manuel Marques, and their first encounter with the Tibetans was cordial, with the Tibetans greeting Andrade and Marques with friendliness.[44]

However, Christians endured a number of persecutions in old Tibet. In 1630, the Tsaparang Jesuit mission in the Guge Kingdom (presently the Gantok district of West Tibet) fell victim to an uprising by dissident local Yellow Hat lamas, led by the king's brother and abetted by the king of Ladakh, against the King who had lavished favours on the alien mission. Many Christian converts were carried off by force to Ladakh as slaves. The church and properties at Tsaparang and Rudok were sacked, and five resident Jesuits became virtual prisoners of the king of Ladakh who had become the de facto ruler of Guge. A 1640 effort to reestablish the mission in Guge collapsed when a party of three new priests was attacked as it entered Tibet before reaching Tsaparang and was forced to retreat to India.[44]

Between 1850 and 1880, after the Qing court's decree allowing Western missionaries to purchase lands and construct churches in Chinese provinces, as many as a dozen lower ranking priests of the Paris Foreign Mission Society were killed or injured during their journeys to missionary outposts in the Sino-Tibetan borderlands. In 1881, Father Brieux, then head of the Paris Foreign Mission Society in Batang in eastern Tibet, was reported to have been murdered on his way to Lhasa. After proper investigations, Qing officials discovered that the murder cases were covertly supported and even orchestrated by local lamaseries and native chieftains. Feeling threatened by the increasing number of new Christian converts in eastern Tibet, as well as by the imperial decree allowing the missionaries to openly purchase and possess land, the lamaistic monastic communities and their political patrons felt the need to take drastic measures to secure their religious, financial, and political interests.[44]

In 1904, Qing official Feng Quan sought to curtail the influence of the Gelugpa Sect and ordered the protection of Western missionaries and their churches. Indignation over Feng Quan and the Christian presence escalated to a climax in March 1905, when thousands of the Batang lamas revolted, killing Feng, his entourage, local Manchu and Han Chinese officials, and the local French Catholic priests. The revolt soon spread to other cities in eastern Tibet, such as Chamdo, Litang and Nyarong, and at one point almost spilled over into neighboring Sichuan Province. The missionary stations and churches in these areas were burned and destroyed by the angry Gelugpa monks and local chieftains. Dozens of local Westerners, including at least four priests, were killed or fatally wounded. The scale of the rebellion was so tremendous that only when panicked Qing authorities hurriedly sent 2,000 troops from Sichuan to pacify the mobs did the revolt gradually come to an end. The lamasery authorities and local native chieftains' hostility towards the Western missionaries in Tibet lingered through the last throes of the Manchu dynasty and into the Republican period.[45][46]

According to Hsiao-ting Lin, it was neither 'anti-imperialism' nor 'patriotism' – contrary to what is asserted by the 'standard' Chinese historical narratives – that led the Tibetans to expel the Western missionaries, but "the fact that Tibetan religious and political figures were desperate to prevent any possible intrusion into their local interests and privileges by Christian authorities."[44]

Reform[edit]

According to supporters of the Tibetan Government in Exile, in his reforms the 13th Dalai Lama banned capital punishment, making Tibet one of the first countries to do so.[37][38][39]

This is acknowledged by Sir Charles Bell, a friend of the Dalai Lama's, with the reservation, however, that "the punishment for deliberate murder is usually so severe that the convict can hardly survive for long."[47]

Also, historian Alex C. McKay notes that isolated cases of capital punishment did take place in later years, such as the death of one Padma Chandra and the execution of a youth involved in stealing the western Tibetan administrator's horse. McKay also stresses the fact that corporal punishment continued to be inflicted for numerous offences and often proved fatal.[48]

Republic of China invasion[edit]

The Kuomintang's Republic of China government supported Muslim warlord Ma Bufang when he launched seven expeditions into Golog, causing the deaths of thousands of Tibetans.[49] Author Uradyn Erden Bulag called the events that followed genocidal and David Goodman called them ethnic cleansing. One Tibetan counted the number of times Ma attacked him, remembering the seventh attack which made life impossible.[50] Ma was highly anti-communist, and he and his army wiped out many Tibetans in the northeast and eastern Qinghai, and also destroyed Tibetan Buddhist Temples.[51][52][53] Ma also patronized the Panchen Lama, who was exiled from Tibet by the Dalai Lama's government.

Human rights in post-1950 Tibet[edit]

Reforms[edit]

The 14th Dalai Lama's brother Jigme Norbu reports that, along with these reforms, living conditions in jails were improved, with officials being designated to see that these conditions and rules were maintained."[54]

In the reforms that were enacted after 1959, Italian marxist philosopher Domenico Losurdo sees a chance for the Tibetan populace to access the human rights they were previously denied, besides gaining considerably improved living conditions and a significantly increased average life expectancy.[55] This contrasts the view of Choekyi Gyaltsen, the 10th Panchen Lama, who criticised the situation in Tibet with a 70,000 character document that dealt with the brutal suppression of the Tibetan people during and after the Chinese invasion of Tibet.[56] In this document, he criticized the suppression that the Chinese authorities had conducted in retaliation for the 1959 Tibetan uprising.[57]

Difficulties[edit]

According to an Asia Watch Committee report in 1988, the question of human rights in a minority area of the People's Republic of China is inherently difficult to research and address.[58] Official sensitivity around the Tibet issue compounds the problem. Government measures to prevent information about Tibetan protests and protesters from leaving China have hindered human rights monitoring organizations from providing an adequate account of protests and their consequences, according to the CECC.[59]

The position of the Communist Party that any discussion of the issue by foreigners is "unacceptable interference in China's internal affairs" is itself an obstacle to scrutiny.[60] The Chinese government has also linked negative remarks about human rights in Tibet with damage to Sino-American relations. This relates to questions about political prisoners, population transfer, and more, which are "hidden in secrecy," according to the report. Thus, gathering information on such subjects with regard to Tibet is a difficult undertaking.[60]

Types of abuses[edit]

An aerial shot of Drapchi Prison, which, according to the Central Tibetan Administration, has gained a notorious reputation for its violent treatment of prisoners.

Human rights abuses documented in Tibet include the deprivation of life, disappearances, torture, poor prison conditions, arbitrary arrest and detention, denial of fair public trial, denial of freedom of speech and of press and Internet freedoms.[16] They also include political and religious repression,[10] forced abortions, sterilisation,[15] and even infanticide.[12]

The security apparatus has employed torture and degrading treatment in dealing with some detainees and prisoners, according to the U.S. State Department's 2009 report.[16] Tibetans repatriated from Nepal have also reportedly suffered torture, including electric shocks, exposure to cold, and severe beatings, and been forced to perform heavy physical labor. Prisoners have been subjected routinely to "political investigation" sessions and punished if deemed insufficiently loyal to the state.[16]

Physical abuses[edit]

"Police Attention: No distributing any unhealthy thoughts or objects." A trilingual (Tibetan - Chinese- English) sign above the entrance to a small café in Nyalam Town, Tibet, 1993.

According to a UN report regarding the adoption of its Tibetan resolution in 1965,[61] "The Chinese occupation of Tibet has been characterised by acts of murder, rape and arbitrary imprisonment; torture and cruel, inhuman and degraded treatment of Tibetans on a large scale."[29]

According to a secret PLA document purportedly captured by the guerrillas fighting the Chinese army, 87,000 deaths were recorded in Lhasa between March 1959 and September 1960.[29] Regarding this document, Chinese demographer Yan Hao wonders why "it took six years for the PLA document to be captured, and 30 years for it to be published" ("by a Tibetan Buddhist organisation in India in 1990"), adding that it was "highly unlikely that a resistance force could ever exist in Tibet as late as in 1966."[62]

The 10th Panchen Lama said in relation to atrocities by Chinese forces: "If there was a film made on all the atrocities perpetrated in Qinghai Province, it would shock the viewers. In Golok area, many people were killed and their dead bodies rolled down the hill into a big ditch. The soldiers told the family members and relatives of the dead people that they should celebrate since the rebels have been wiped out. They were forced to dance on the dead bodies. Soon after, they were also massacred with machine guns...In Amdo and Kham, people were subjected to unspeakable atrocities. People were shot in groups of ten or twenty... Such actions have left deep wounds in the minds of the people"[30]

Since March 10, 2008, exiled Tibetan sources have documented that 228 Tibetans have died under the crackdown, 1,294 have been injured, 4,657 arbitrarily detained, 371 sentenced and 990 disappeared. Four Tibetans were executed in Lhasa on 20 October 2009, while the Chinese authorities confirmed only two.[63] 11 Tibetans were sentenced to life imprisonment. In the majority of cases the defendants had no independent legal counsel and when a lawyer of choice represented the defendants, the authorities blocked representations either through intimidation or on procedural grounds.[63] Amnesty International have stated that there have been a number of detainees in prisons and detention centres in Tibet have "reported to have died in custody, or within weeks of their release, apparently as a result of ill-treatment or lack of medical care in detention."[13]

In one case a Tibetan from Sichuan province, Paltsal Kyab, died five weeks after he had been detained by police in connection with the 2008 protests. His family was not allowed to visit him while he was detained, and received no news until being informed of his death. When claiming his body, family members found it bruised and covered with blister burns; they discovered later that he also had internal injuries, according to Amnesty International. The police told the family that he had died of an illness, though relatives claimed he was healthy when detained.[64]

In another case a Tibetan, Jamyang Samten, said he was given electric shocks with a cattle prod, chained to a wall and hit in the stomach by a Chinese guard wearing a metal glove, and if he made a minor mistake in his interrogation, he would be beaten with a chain, saying that "The way the Chinese tortured was terrifying, they beat us using their full strength. Sometimes they forced us to take off our clothes. We were locked up in a room with our arms and legs handcuffed and they beat us. The chain injured the surface but not the inside of the body. If they hit us with the electric baton, our entire body trembled and gradually we were unable to speak." Jamyang Samten was eventually released and fled to Kathmandu in Nepal.[65]

Director Jezza Neumann, who spent three months undercover in Tibet, said that "There are spies everywhere," and that "There are the uniformed police and army, the secret police in their suits and dark glasses and then a spy network of Chinese and Tibetans. It's like the Stasi in East Germany.[65]

Allegations of physical genocide[edit]

According to Friends of Tibet, an organization that defines itself as a "people's movement for an Independent Tibet", the number of Tibetans killed after the Chinese occupation—a period marked by torture and starvation—now exceeds a million.[29] The 14th Dalai Lama has alleged that 1.2 million Tibetans were killed under Chinese rule.[66]

In her book “People who Count” (1995), Dorothy Stein indicates just how the deaths for which the Chinese are held responsible were arrived at by “Tibetan nationalists” (her words): “they are attributed to ‘figures published by the Information Office of the Central Tibetan Secretariat' in India.” "A letter to Tibetan Review by Jampel Senge (April, 1989, p. 22) says 'The census which resulted in the figure of 1.2 was conducted by the Government in Exile through exiled Tibetans who travelled to meet their relations, and through new arrivals from Tibet."[67]

The figure of 1.2 million dead is challenged by Chinese demographer Yan Hao who says that the methodoloy used by the TGIE is defective. “How can they come to these exact death figures by analysing documents,” he questions, “if they have problems in working out an exact figure of Tibet’s total population alive at present?” “How can they break down the figures by regions” “when they have a problem in clearly defining the boundary of the greater Tibet as well as its provinces?” To drive the last nail in the “physical genocide” coffin, Yan Hao stresses that “knowledge of statistics tells us that random sampling is necessary for acquiring reliable data in any surveys” and “those conducted entirely among political refugees could produce anything but objective and unbiased results.”[68]

Patrick French, the former director of Free Tibet Campaign in London, states that there is "no evidence" to support the figure of 1.2 million Tibetans killed as a result of Chinese rule.[69] He estimates that as many as half a million Tibetans died from repression and famine under Chinese rule.[70]

In a « Writenet » report prepared for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in 2005, Professor Colin P. Mackerras writes that the claims such as that the Chinese are swamping Tibetans in their own country and that 1.2 million Tibetans have died due to Chinese occupation should be treated with the deepest scepticism. The figures show that since the early 1960s, the Tibetan population has been increasing, probably for the first time for centuries. What seems to follow from this is that the TGIE’s allegations of population reduction due to Chinese rule probably have some validity for the 1950s but are greatly exaggerated. However, since the 1960s, Chinese rule has had the effect of increasing the population of the Tibetans, not decreasing it, largely due to a modernization process that has improved the standard of living and lowered infant, maternity and other mortality rates.[71]

In his essay Hidden Tibet: History of Independence and Occupation published by the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives at Dharamsala, historian Sergius L. Kuzmin provided detailed analysis of human losses in Tibet, varying from 3 to 30% population when using different sources[72] He indicated inadequacy of demography-based results and noted that local-level data was generalized and has only been published by the Tibetan emigrants. He concluded that, according to International Law, actions of Maoists in Tibet can be qualified as genocide, regardless of which of the above estimates of population losses one considers to be credible.

Allegations of forced abortions, sterilisations and infanticide[edit]

In The Making of Modern Tibet, historian A. Tom Grunfeld observes that "in the years following the [1960] publication of the LIC's report, the Dalai Lama, Purshottam Trikamdas and the ICJ" (International Commission of Jurists) "all claimed to have found proof of sterilization; yet they failed to produce a single person who could be clinically examined to verify these claims."[73]

A demographical survey of Pala – an area located in Western Changtang about 300 miles north-west of Lhasa – conducted by tibetologist Melvyn Goldstein brings to light that from 1959 to 1990 large families remained the norm and that no reproductive restraints were imposed on nomadic herders: "Despite repeated claims in the West that the Chinese had imposed a strict policy of birth control in Tibet, where ‘forced abortions, sterilisations and infanticides are everyday occurrences’ (New York Times, 31 January 1992), there was no policy of restricting reproduction in Pala, let alone evidence of forced abortions, sterilisations or infanticide." An analysis of the fertility histories collected from 71 females aged from 15 to 59 provides strong evidence in support of the conclusion that no population control policy restricting couples to 2 or even 3 births was or is operative. Besides, no Pala nomads have ever been fined for any subsequent children, and all such children and their families enjoy full rights in the community[74]

In a study of fertility and family planning in rural Tibet published in 2002, Melvyn C. Goldstein, Ben Jiao, Cynthia M. Beall and Phuntsog Tsering claim that there was no evidence in any of the sites surveyed that Lhasa was applying a two-child birth rule in rural Tibet. Although a Tibet Information Network report stated this policy was in place, when Ngamring county, which was cited in the report, was visited, no such policy was evident. The Ngamring county government had striven to increase the use of family planning in the 1990s, but in the summer of 2000 no local nomads or officials in the area of study had heard anything about a two-child limit, nor had any of the officials interviewed at the Ngamring country seat. And finally, no fines had been imposed for fourth and subsequent births. For its authors, "the study highlights the dangers of using refugee reports and anecdotal evidence to interpret highly politicized situations."[75]

In China's Birth Control Policy in the Tibet Autonomous Region - Myths and Realities, Melvyn C. Goldstein and Cynthia M. Beall report that "A series of published reports claim that China was and is compelling Tibetans to adhere to a strict birth control program that includes forced abortions, sterilizations, and even infanticide.[12]

In 1992, Paul Ingram, speaking on behalf of an NGO group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child claimed that "Few people or organisations seem willing to admit that the Chinese FORCE [sic] Tibetan women to be sterilised, or to have abortions, or will entertain the perspective that their policy is one of planned cultural genocide against the Tibetan people, supplemented by an enormous influx of Chinese settlers. Yet there is a great deal of evidence and detailed testimony, which indicates that this has been Chinese policy in Tibet for many years," saying that it was "Nazi-like".[76]

Director Jezza Neumann, who spent three months undercover in Tibet, interviewed a Tibetan woman who described her agony at an alleged forced sterilisation operation without anaesthetic, saying that "I was forcibly taken away against my will. I was feeling sick and giddy and couldn't look up. Apparently they cut the fallopian tubes and stitched them up. It was agonisingly painful. They didn't use anaesthetic. They just smeared something on my stomach and carried out the sterilisation. Apart from aspirin for the pain, there were no other drugs. I was so frightened, I can't even remember how I felt. Some people were even physically damaged by the operation. They have limps and have to drag their hips."[65] Unconfirmed reports also suggest mobile sterilisation units are inserting a new type of contraceptive coil into village women that cannot be removed by them.[65]

Infringements on freedom of religion[edit]

Tibetans in Tibet state that there are clear limits on their right to practice Buddhism. The most stringently enforced are the ban on public prayers for the 14th Dalai Lama. Also, permission from authorities is required for any large public gathering, Buddhist gatherings not exempted.[77]

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, Yang Jiechi, told a press conference in March 2009 that the Dalai Lama is "by no means a religious figure but a political figure."[78] Xinhua, quoting a Tibetologist, echoed this theme, referring to the Dalai Lama's efforts in establishing a government in exile, establishing a Constitution, and other things.[79] Ending the "Dalai clique"'s use of monasteries for subversion against the state is a core part of the campaign that promotes the CCP's “stability and harmony in the religious field”.[78] The state supervisory organ for Buddhism, the Buddhist Association of China, changed their charter in 2009 to denounce the Dalai Lama for agitating for Tibetan independence.[80] The Central People's Government has asserted a right to approve the next Dalai Lama, according to "historical conventions" used in the Qing Dynasty since 1793.[81]

The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) reported instances of "patriotic education" in 2005, from the testimony of "young Tibetan monks who escaped from Tibet". In them, monks were given political literature and a script to recite to County Religious Bureau officials when they were due to visit. They were instructed to practice denouncing the Dalai Lama as a "separatist" and to pledge allegiance to China, and were quizzed on the literature.[82] Officials also extolled the monks to accept the legitimacy of Gyaincain Norbu, the government choice for 11th Panchen Lama.[83]

According to the CECC, educational, legal, and propaganda channels are used to pressure Tibetan Buddhists to change their religious beliefs into a doctrine that promotes government positions and policy. This has resulted instead in continuing Tibetan demands for freedom of religion and the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet.[84] In June 2009, a monastic official who also holds the vice chairmanship of the CPPCC for Tibet, told monks at Galden Jampaling Monastery in Qamdo that their freedom of religion was a result of the Party's benevolence.[83] The TCHRD has claimed that Chinese authorities in 2003 threatened residents of a Tibetan-inhabited county with expropriation if they did not hand over portraits of the Dalai Lama within a month.[85]

The CCP further increased its influence over the teaching and practice of Tibetan Buddhism in 2009, including intensifying a media campaign to discredit the Dalai Lama as a religious leader and preventing Tibetans from respecting him as such. Chinese official statements also indicated that the government would select a successor to the Dalai Lama, currently aged 74, when he passes away. Tibetans are expected to "embrace such a development."[86]

'Reshaping' Tibetan Buddhism[edit]

In February 2009 The “Tibet Branch” of the Buddhist Association of China changed their charter to pressure Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns to treat the Dalai Lama as a "de facto criminal" and threat to Tibetan Buddhism, according to a report in China’s state-controlled media. The revised charter urged monks and nuns to “see clearly that the 14th Dalai Lama is the ringleader of the separatist political association which seeks ‘Tibet independence,’ a loyal tool of anti-China Western forces, the very root that causes social unrest in Tibet and the biggest obstacle for Tibetan Buddhism to build up its order.”[80] The CECC argues that incorporating language classifying the Dalai Lama as a “separatist” into the charter of a government-designated religious organization increases the risk of punishment for monks and nuns who maintain religious devotion to the Dalai Lama even if they do not engage in overt political activity.[80]

On March 10, 2010, the Dalai Lama stated that "the Chinese authorities are conducting various political campaigns, including patriotic re-education campaign, in many monasteries in Tibet. They are putting the monks and nuns in prison-like conditions, depriving them the opportunity to study and practice in peace. These conditions make the monasteries function more like museums and are intended to deliberately annihilate Buddhism."[63]

The CCP continued to state that Chinese policies in Tibetan areas are a success, and in 2008 and 2009 took a stance of pressuring other governments to abandon support of the Dalai Lama and instead to support the Party line on Tibetan issues.[87]

The Dalai Lama's advocacy on behalf of the Tibetan people and culture is used in official propaganda to argue that he is not a legitimate religious leader, but a political actor.[78] Ending the Dalai Lama’s role as supreme religious leader is a core part of the campaign that promotes the CCP's “stability” and “harmony” in the Tibetan areas of China.[78] This was carried out by state-run media and senior government officials. Minister of Foreign Affairs Yang Jiechi, for example, told a press conference in March 2009 that the Dalai Lama is “by no means a religious figure but a political figure.”[78]

The official response to continued criticism of CCP policy from Tibetans includes "aggressive campaigns" of “patriotic education” (“love the country, love religion”) and legal education. Patriotic education sessions require monks and nuns to pass examinations on political texts, affirm that "Tibet is historically a part of China," accept the legitimacy of the Panchen Lama installed by the Chinese government, and denounce the Dalai Lama.[83]

In June 2009, a monastic official who also holds the rank of Vice Chairman of the TAR Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) spoke to monks at Jampaling (Qiangbalin) Monastery in Changdu (Chamdo) prefecture, TAR, and emphasized the dependency of “freedom of religion” on Party control and patriotism toward China. “Without the Party’s regulations,” he told the monks, “there would be no freedom of religion for the masses. To love religion, you must first love your country.”[83]

According to the CECC, Chinese officials justify such campaigns as "legitimate and necessary" by seeking to characterize and conflate a range of Tibetan objections to state policy as threats to China’s unity and stability.[83] An example given to substantiate this is comments made by Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) Party Secretary Zhang Qingli and Vice Minister of Public Security Zhang Xinfeng, speaking during a February 2009 teleconference on “the work of maintaining social stability.”[83] They called for “large numbers of party, government, military, and police personnel in Tibet to immediately go into action” and “resolutely smash the savage attacks by the Dalai clique and firmly win the current people’s war against separatism and for stability.” Principal speakers at the teleconference stressed the importance of "education campaigns" in achieving such objectives.[83]

A Tibetan activist group reported that Chinese authorities in Kardze County and Lithang County in Kardze Tibet Autonomous Prefecture ("TAP"), Sichuan Province, as part of the anti-Dalai Lama campaign, threatened the local populace with confiscation of their land if they do not hand over portraits of the Dalai Lama within a month.[85]

Writing in 2005, jurist Barry Sautman asserts that the ban on the public display of photos of the 14th Dalai Lama began in 1996 in the TAR but is not enforced in the Tibetan areas of the provinces of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and Yunnan.[88]

Repercussions of 2008 unrest[edit]

Main article: 2008 Tibetan unrest

In March 2008, what began as routine monastic commemorations of Tibetan Uprising Day descended into riots, beatings, and arson by Tibetans against Han, Hui, and even other Tibetans, killing 18 civilians and 1 police officer.[16] Casualties sustained during the subsequent police crackdown are unknown, according to the U.S. Department of State.[16] Many members of the People's Armed Police (PAP) remained in communities across the Tibetan Plateau during the year, and the fallout from the protests continued to impact on human rights outcomes for Tibetan people.[16]

According to numerous sources, the U.S. Department of State says, many detained after the riots were subject to extrajudicial punishments such as severe beatings and deprivation of food, water, and sleep for long periods.[16] In some cases detainees sustained broken bones and other serious injuries at the hands of PAP and Public Security Bureau (PSB) officers. According to eyewitnesses, the bodies of persons killed during the unrest or subsequent interrogation were disposed of secretly rather than returned to their families.[16] Many monasteries and nunneries remained under virtual lock-down, while the authorities renewed the “Patriotic Education” campaign, according to Amnesty International, involving written denunciations against the Dalai Lama.[64]

Tibetan members of the CCP were also targeted, including being forced to remove their children from Tibet exile community schools where they obtain religious education.[64] In March 2010 as many as 50 Tibetans were arrested for sending reports, photos, and video abroad during the unrest, according to Reporters Without Borders (RSF). One individual received a 10-year prison sentence.[89]

It was Chinese government and Communist Party interference with the norms of Tibetan Buddhism, and "unremitting antagonism toward the Dalai Lama," that were key factors behind the protests, according to a special report by the US Congressional-Executive Commission on China.[86]

Many members of the People's Armed Police (PAP) remained in communities across the Tibetan Plateau during the year, and the fallout from the protests continued to impact on human rights outcomes for Tibetan people.[16] Amnesty International was "deeply concerned at the human rights violations" that occurred during these events and called on the Human Rights Council to address the human rights situation during the 2008 unrest.[90]

Verifiabilty of exile pronouncements[edit]

Psychologist and writer Colin Goldner[91] alleges that although human rights abuses carried out by the People's Liberation Army, especially during the Cultural Revolution, cannot be justified, the pronouncements of Tibetan exiles cannot be trusted, because "These are, if not totally invented out of thin air, as a rule hopelessly exaggerated and/or refer to no longer actual happenings. The contention of the Dalai Lama's exiled government that 'the daily life of the Tibetans in their own land' are dictated by 'torture, mental terror, discrimination and a total disrespect for of human dignity' is pure propaganda meant to collect sympathy points or monetary contributions; such accusations do not reflect today's realities in Tibet. Likewise, the accusations of forced abortions and blanket area sterilizations of Tibetan women, of a flooding of the land by Chinese colonists, of systematic destruction of the Tibetan cultural heritage do not agree with the facts."[92]

Amnesty International have stated that there have been "consistent reports", including "testimonies by former detainees and relatives of detainees who left Tibet illegally" that indicated that people held in police stations and detainees in prisons and detention centres in Tibet have been "systematically tortured and ill-treated."[13] The chairman of the Committee Against Torture stated that "allegations of torture were numerous and mutually corroborative: torture did not seem like an isolated phenomenon." China's report on its implementation of the Convention Against Torture did not address these allegations that torture had occurred in Tibet, with many of the questions the members of the Committee Against Torture had relating to this towards China "remained largely unanswered".[13]

American sinologist Allen Carlson is of the opinion that it is nearly impossible, without substantial field research in Tibet, to verify the numerous allegations of violations advanced by China critics. He does, however, state, "my analysis of Beijing’s policies and practices has left me with the impression that the Chinese leadership has no reservations about using whatever means necessary to secure Chinese rule over Tibet."[93]

According to Amnesty International[94] "The Chinese authorities have turned down as “inconvenient” requests for visits to the TAR by several UN human rights experts."

Reported sentencings of Tibetans in Chinese courts[edit]

Tibetans are often punished by Chinese authorities for activities that would not be considered crimes under international law, such as exercising their freedom of speech.

Name Date of Report Claimed Offence Punishment
Tsering Tenzin 2011-08-31 Intentional homicide (over another monk's death by self-immolation) - Helped a monk kill himself, by setting himself on fire, considered a form of extreme protest. 13 years
Tenchum 2011-08-31 Intentional homicide (over another monk's death by self-immolation) - Helped a monk kill himself, by setting himself on fire, considered a form of extreme protest. 10 years
Drongdru 2011-08-31 Intentional homicide (over another monk's death by self-immolation) - Helped a monk kill himself, by setting himself on fire, considered a form of extreme protest. 11 years
Pema Yeshi 2010-02-24 Inciting separatism and disturbing social order. 2 year suspended death
Sonam Gonpo 2010-02-24 Inciting separatism and disturbing social order. Life
Tsewang Gyatso 2010-02-24 Inciting separatism and disturbing social order. 16 years
Gangkye Drubpa Kyab 2012-02-20 Unknown Detention
Dawa Dorjee 2012-02-20 Unknown Detention
Norbu Tsering 2012-02-20 Unknown 2 years

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  • Barnett, Robert. What were the conditions regarding human rights in Tibet before democratic reform?, in Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China’s 100 Questions, pp. 81–83. (Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille ed.) (2008) University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24464-1 (cloth); ISBN 978-0-520-24928-8 (paper)
  • Grunfeld, A. Tom (1996). The making of modern Tibet, 2nd edition, M. E. Sharpe, 352 pages, chapter Tibet as it used to be (Sections: The social structure - The elite - the people - Education - Nomads - Women and marriage - Health care - Crime and punishment - Religion)
  • Sautman, Barry. "Cultural genocide" and Tibet, in Texas International Law Journal, April 1, 2003.
  • Stein, Dorothy (1995). People Who Count. Population and Politics, Women and Children, Earthscan Publications, London, XI + 239 p.

External links[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ a b c Norm Dixon, The dalai Lama's hidden past, Green Left Weekly, September 25, 1996.
  2. ^ Epstein, Israel, My China Eye: memoirs of a Jew and a journalist, Long River Press, 2005, 358 p., p. 277.
  3. ^ Norm Dixon, op. cit.
  4. ^ Samten G. Karmay, Religion and Politics: commentary, September 2008: "from 1642 the Ganden Potrang, the official seat of the government in Drepung Monastery, came to symbolize the supreme power in both the theory and practice of a theocratic government. This was indeed a political triumph that Buddhism had never known in its history in Tibet."
  5. ^ Robert W. Ford, Wind between the Worlds, David McKay Company, Inc., New York, 1957, p. 13 and 337.
  6. ^ a b Goldstein, Journal of Asian Studies, May 1971, pp. 521-34.
  7. ^ Fjeld, Heidi (2003). Commoners and Nobles:Hereditary Divisions in Tibet. Nordic Institute of Asian Studies. p. 5. 
  8. ^ Heinrich Harrer, Seven Years in Tibet, with a new epilogue by the author. Translated from the German by Richard Graves. With an introduction by Peter Fleming, Tarcher/Putnam, 1996, 329 p., p. 190.
  9. ^ a b Robert W. Ford, Wind Between the Worlds. Captured in Tibet, 1957, p. 37.
  10. ^ a b Regions and territories: Tibet bbc http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/country_profiles/4152353.stm
  11. ^ US State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 2008 Human Rights Report: China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), February 25, 2009
  12. ^ a b c d Goldstein, Melvyn; Cynthia, Beall (March 1991). "China's Birth Control Policy in the Tibet Autonomous Region". Asian Survey 31 (3): 285–303. doi:10.1525/as.1991.31.3.00p0043x. JSTOR 2645246. 
  13. ^ a b c d e Amnesty International, Amnesty International: "China - Amnesty International's concerns in Tibet", Secretary-General's Report: Situation in Tibet, E/CN.4/1992/37
  14. ^ "Amnesty International Documents". Hrweb.org. Retrieved 2012-12-09. 
  15. ^ a b there is a great deal of evidence and detailed testimony, which indicates that this [forced abortions, sterilisation] has been Chinese policy in Tibet for many years http://www.crin.org/docs/resources/treaties/crc.12/China_CFT2_NGO_Report.pdf
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j US State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 2009 Human Rights Report: China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), March 11, 2010
  17. ^ Sir Charles Bell, Portrait of a Dalai Lama: the Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth, Wisdom Publications (MA), January 1987 (initially published under the title Portrait of the Dalai Lama, London, Collins, 1946), p. 136 and 198 : "he was developing into, and later on became, an absolute autocrat in both the religious and the secular administration of Tibet," "The Dalai Lama was not only the autocrat of the State, he was the autocrat of the Church also."
  18. ^ Sir Charles Bell, op. cit., p. 198 : he was regarded as Tibet's patron deity, this gave the Dalai Lama an overpowering position in Tibet."
  19. ^ Sir Charles Bell, op. cit., p. 197.
  20. ^ Epstein, Israel, My China Eye: memoirs of a Jew and a journalist, Long River Press, 2005, 358 p., p. 277 ISBN|1-59265-042-2.
  21. ^ Liu Zhong, On the K'ralpa Manors of Tibet, The Humanities Study, 2003-5-23.
  22. ^ Robert W. Ford, Wind between the Worlds, David McKay Company, Inc., New York, 1957, p. 13.
  23. ^ Robert W. Ford, op. cit., p. 337.
  24. ^ Fjeld, Heidi (2003). Commoners and Nobles:Hereditary Divisions in Tibet. Nordic Institute of Asian Studies. p. 5. ISBN 978-87-91114-17-5. 
  25. ^ "100 Questions and Answers About Tibet". China Tibet Information Center. Retrieved 2008-06-30. 
  26. ^ Human Rights by the Tibetan Government in Exile http://tibet.net/en/index.php?id=149&rmenuid=11
  27. ^ Why Tibet? Why Be Concerned? by the Friends of Tibet India http://www.friendsoftibet.org/main/concerns.html
  28. ^ Heinrich Harrer, op. cit., p. 190.
  29. ^ a b c d e "Tibet: Before and After Invasion | Friends of Tibet (INDIA)". Friends of Tibet. Retrieved 2012-12-09. 
  30. ^ a b "Why Concerned About Tibet? | Friends of Tibet (INDIA)". Friends of Tibet. Retrieved 2012-12-09. 
  31. ^ "Tibet - As It Was Before the Chinese Occupation". Cosmicharmony.com. Retrieved 2012-12-09. 
  32. ^ Charles Bell, Portrait of a Dalai Lama: the life and times of the great thirteenth, Wisdom Publications, 1987, 467 p., p. 178.
  33. ^ Melvyn C. Goldstein, A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State, London/Berkeley, University of California Press, 1989, p. 163.
  34. ^ Goldstein, Tsering, and Siebenschuh, 1997, pp. 3-5.
  35. ^ Heinrich Harrer, Seven Years in Tibet, op. cit., p. 157.
  36. ^ Barnett 2008, pp. 81-83.
  37. ^ a b "Acme of Obscenity". Retrieved 2010-03-28. 
  38. ^ a b The third World day against Death Penalty, Jean-François Leclere
  39. ^ a b Florence Perret, La répression est féroce, 24 heures (interview with Katia Buffetrille), 26 March 2008.
  40. ^ Dawa Norbu, Red star over Tibet, Envoy Press, 1987, p. 77.
  41. ^ Goldstein, Sherap, Siebenschuh 2004 p. 90.
  42. ^ a b A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951, Melvyn C. Goldstein pp. 208-209
  43. ^ These Tibetans killed an American... and get the lash for it. This was the perilous trek to tragedy by Frank Bessac, as told to James Burke, Time-Life correspondent in New Delhi, Life, November 1950, pp. 130-136: "Just before we left Lhasa, I was told that the six border guards had been tried and sentenced in Lhasa's military court. The leader was to have his nose and both ears cut off. The man who fired the first shot was to lose both ears. A third man was to lose one ear, and the others were to get 50 lashes each. (...) Since the Tibetan Buddhists do not believe in capital punishment, mutilation is the stiffest sentence given in Tibet. But I felt that this punishment was too severe, so I asked if it could be lightened. My request was granted. The new sentences were: 200 lashes each for the leader and the man who fired the first shot, 50 lashes for the third man and 25 each for the other.
  44. ^ a b c d Hsiao-ting Lin, When Christianity and Lamaism Met: The Changing Fortunes of Early Western Missionaries in Tibet, esp. chapters « Christianity and Tibetan Politics » and « The Fate of Western Missionaries in Tibet ».
  45. ^ Hsiao-ting Lin, When Christianity and Lamaism Met: The Changing Fortunes of Early Western Missionaries in Tibet
  46. ^ Alex McKay (ed), The History of Tibet, London: RoutledgeCurzon (2003), p640-1,643 Christian missionaries banned.
  47. ^ Charles Bell, Tibet Past and Present, Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 1992, 326 pages, p. 143 (1st published: 1927): "The Dalai informed me that he had not allowed any capital sentence to be inflicted since he assumed power. This no doubt is so, but the punishment for deliberate murder is usually so severe that the convict can hardly survive for long."
  48. ^ Alex McKay, Introduction, in The History of Tibet: the modern period: 1985–1959, the encounter with modernity, edited by Alex McKay, RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, p. 32: "Note 2: The death penalty was abolished around 1898. Isolated cases of capital punishment did, however, take place in later years; see, for example, M. Goldstein, a History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State (London/Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 126-30 in regard to the death of Padma Chandra. But for an example of a more despotic kind, see Oriental and India Office Collection (hereafter OIOC), L/P&5/7/251, in regard to the execution of a youth involved in stealing the western Tibetan administrator's horse. It must not be forgotten that corporal punishment continued to be inflicted for numerous offences and often proved fatal".
  49. ^ Uradyn Erden Bulag (2002). Dilemmas The Mongols at China's edge: history and the politics of national unity. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 54. ISBN 0-7425-1144-8. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  50. ^ Chung-kuo fu li hui, Zhongguo fu li hui (1961). China reconstructs, Volume 10. China Welfare Institute. p. 16. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  51. ^ David S. G. Goodman (2004). China's campaign to "Open up the West": national, provincial, and local perspectives. Cambridge University Press. p. 72. ISBN 0-521-61349-3. Retrieved 2010-06-28. 
  52. ^ Shail Mayaram (2009). The other global city. Taylor & Francis US. p. 76. ISBN 0-415-99194-3. Retrieved 2010-07-30. 
  53. ^ Shail Mayaram (2009). The other global city. Taylor & Francis US. p. 77. ISBN 0-415-99194-3. Retrieved 2010-07-30. 
  54. ^ Jigme Norbu, Tibet is My Country, second edition, 1987, p. 317.
  55. ^ Domenico Losurdo, Fuir l'histoire ? La révolution russe et la révolution chinoise aujourd'hui, Paris:Le temps des cerises, 2007 : "Les réformes et la révolution ont signifié pour les masses populaires tibétaines un accès aux droits de l'homme auparavant complètement inconnus, une augmentation très forte des conditions de vie et un prolongement sensible de la durée moyenne de la vie."
  56. ^ The 10th Panchen Lama
  57. ^ Hostage of Beijing: The Abduction of the Panchen Lama, Gilles Van Grasdorff, 1999, ISBN 978-1-86204-561-3 fr:Pétition en 70 000 caractères
  58. ^ Asia Watch Committee, "Human Rights in Tibet", February 1988
  59. ^ CECC 2009 report, p. 270
  60. ^ a b Asia Watch report, p. 1
  61. ^ McCarthy, Roger E. Tears of the Lotus: Accounts of Tibetan Resistance to the Chinese Invasion, 1950–1962. Jefferson, NC: McFarland &, 1997. Print.
  62. ^ Yan Hao (Institute of Economic Research, State Department of Planning Commission, Peking), Tibetan Population in China: Myths and Facts Re-examined, p. 20, note 21: "See also the footnote in Warren Smith, Tibetan Nation: A History of Tibetan Nationalism and Sino-Tibetan Relations (Westview Press, Boulder, 1996), p. 451, which claims that the figures reportedly come from a secret 1960 PLA document captured by the Tibetan Resistance in 1966, and were published first by a Tibetan Buddhist organisation in India in 1990. It is said that 87,000 enemies were eliminated in the original document, and Smith believes that `eliminated’ does not necessarily mean killed. However, it is hard to understand why it took 6 years for the PLA document to be captured, and 30 years for it to be published. It is also highly unlikely that a resistance force could ever exist in Tibet as late as in 1966."
  63. ^ a b c http://www.tibetcustom.com, "Tibet's human rights issues raised at the 13th session of UN Human Rights Council," March 17, 2010
  64. ^ a b c Amnesty International, International report 2009 on China, no publish date given.
  65. ^ a b c d Torture, hunger, mobile sterilisation units ... the brutal reality of Tibet 2008 By CLAUDIA JOSEPH http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-549310/Torture-hunger-mobile-sterilisation-units---brutal-reality-Tibet-2008.html
  66. ^ Regions and territories: Tibet, BBC.
  67. ^ Dorothy Stein, People Who Count. Population and Politics, Women and Children, Earthscan Publications, London, 1995, XI + 239 p.
  68. ^ Yan Hao (Institute of Economic Research, State Department of Planning Commission, Beijing), Tibetan Population in China: Myths and Facts Re-examined, pp. 19-20.
  69. ^ "The New York Times". nytimes.com. Retrieved 2014-06-01. 
  70. ^ Patrick French, Tibet, Tibet: A Personal History Of A Lost Land (HarperCollins, 2003), p. 292.
  71. ^ People’s Republic of China: Background paper on the situation of the Tibetan population, A Writenet Report by Professor Colin P. Mackerras.
  72. ^ Kuzmin, S.L. Hidden Tibet: History of Independence and Occupation. Dharamsala, LTWA, 2011, pp. 334-345.
  73. ^ A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet, 2nd edition, M.E. Sharpe, 1996, 352 p., p. 149.
  74. ^ Melvyn C. Goldtein, Change, conflict and continuity among a community of nomadic pastoralists. A case study from Western Tibet, 1950–1990, in Resistance and Reform in Tibet, Robert Barnett andt Shirim Akiner eds., 1994, p. 106-107.
  75. ^ M.C. Goldstein, Ben Jiao, C.M. Beall, Phuntsog Tsering, Fertility and Family Planning in Rural Tibet, in The China Journal, 2002, Vol. 47, Issue 1, p. 19-40.
  76. ^ NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child Database of NGO Reports presented to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child - Genocide in Tibet - Children of Despair - Introduction by Paul Ingram http://www.crin.org/docs/resources/treaties/crc.12/China_CFT2_NGO_Report.pdf
  77. ^ Asia Watch report, p. 17
  78. ^ a b c d e CECC Tibet paper, p. 31
  79. ^ "Tibetologist: 14th Dalai Lama political figure bent on "Tibet independence"". New York: Xinhua. 2008-05-04. Retrieved 2010-08-23. 
  80. ^ a b c CECC Tibet paper, p. 32
  81. ^ "Tibetan official: Dalai Lama's reincarnation needs nod from central gov't". Beijing: Xinhua. 2009-03-12. Retrieved 2010-08-24. 
  82. ^ "China recommences "patriotic education" campaign in Tibet’s monastic institutions". Human Rights Update and Archives (Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy). September 2005. Retrieved 2010-08-24. 
  83. ^ a b c d e f g CECC Tibet paper, p. 33-34
  84. ^ CECC Tibet paper, p. 30.
  85. ^ a b Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, "Anti-Dalai Lama Campaign intensifies in Kardze and Lithang County", 14 November 2003
  86. ^ a b Congressional-Executive Committee on China, Tibet Special Report 2008-2009, October 22, 2009
  87. ^ Congressional-Executive Committee on China, Annual report, 2009
  88. ^ Barry Sautman, China's strategic vulnerability to minority separatism in Tibet, in Asian Affairs: An American Review, 32, 2 (Summer 2005), 87 (32): "the ban on public display of Dalai Lama photos in the TAR [...] began in 1996. The ban is not enforced in Tibetan areas of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan, however."
  89. ^ Cole, Michael J., "Fifty Tibetans allegedly caught over info leaks," Taipei Times, Wednesday, March 24, 2010.
  90. ^ Our statement to UN Human Rights Council regarding Tibet http://www.amnesty.org.au/news/comments/11342/
  91. ^ Colin Goldner is director of the Forum of Critical Psychology in Munich and author of Dalai Lama: Fall eines Gottkönigs (Dalai Lama: The Fall of the God King), Alibri Verlag, 2005, 733 p.
  92. ^ Colin Goldner, The Myth of Tibet. How a dictatorial regime of monks is romantically transfigured, translation into English of a German article published in the EUNACOM website under the title Mythos Tibet [# 49/1999, pp. 14-15].
  93. ^ Allen Carlson, Beijing's Tibet Policy: Securing Sovereignty and Legitimacy, Policy Studies 4, East-West Center, Washington, 71 p., p. 25 : "Without substantial field research in Tibet, it is nearly impossible to verify the numerous allegations of violations advanced by China critics."
  94. ^ "Unrest in Tibet continues as human rights violations escalate | Amnesty International". Amnesty.org. Retrieved 2012-12-09. 
  95. ^ Tibet: Its Ownership and Human Rights Situation