Zazas

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Zazas
Total population
2 to 4 million[1]
Regions with significant populations
 Turkey
Diaspora: Approx. 300,000[2]
Australia,[3] Austria,[4] Belgium,[4] France,[4] Germany,[3] Netherlands,[4] Sweden,[4] Switzerland,[4] United Kingdom,[5] United States.[3]
Languages
Zaza, Turkish, Kurdish[6]
Religion
Sunni Islam,[7] Alevism

The Zazas (also known as Kird, Kirmanc or Dimili)[8][9] are a people in eastern Anatolia who natively speak the Zaza language. Their heartland, the Dersim region, consists of Tunceli, Bingöl provinces and parts of Elazığ, Erzincan and Diyarbakır provinces. The majority of Zazas consider themselves ethnic Kurds, part of the Kurdish nation,[3][10][11][12][13] and they are often described as Zaza Kurds.[9][14][15][16]

Demographics[edit]

The exact number of Zazas is unknown, due to the absence of recent and extensive census data. The most recent official statistics concerning native language are available for the year 1965, where 147,707 (0.5%) chose Zaza as their native language in Turkey.[17] More recent data suggests that the total population varies from approximately 2 to 4 million.[1] It is also important to note that many Zazas only learned Kurdish (Kurmanji), as it was believed that the Zaza language was just a Kurdish offshoot.[6] According to a KONDA survey from March 2007, Kurds and Zazas together comprise an estimated 13.4% of the adult population and 15.68% of the whole population in Turkey.[18] The Zazas live mainly in Dersim (present-day Tunceli), between Erzincan in the north and the Murad-su river in the south, as well as in Bingol, Mush, the province of Diyarbekir, Siverek, Sivas etc.[19] Following the 1980 Turkish coup d'état, many intellectual minorities educated in Turkey, including Zazas, emigrated from the country across Europe, Australia and the United States. The largest of the Zaza diaspora - about half a million people - is located in Europe, mainly in Germany.

Ethnogenesis[edit]

While almost all linguists agree that the Zaza language is not a Kurdish dialect but rather an independent language just like Gorani, they also agree on the fact that Zazas and Kurds are ethnically and culturally linked. This ethnic and culturally linkage though is more of an overshadowing of Kurdish identity upon the Zaza.[20] For centuries, the Zaza have been surrounded by the Kurds, a people with a homogeneous language and close culture. Therefore, outside of the region, the Zaza have always been considered to be a part of the Kurds, or a "Kurdish tribe".[21] This suppression of Zaza autonomy has only been increased in the past century as a result of Kurdish political strivings from multiple resistance movements against the government. These political Turko-Kurdish conflicts put significant twin pressure on the Zaza identity. Intense political agitation around them encourages the Zazas to be part of the "imagined community" of Kurds, the biggest 'ethnic grouping' to be with out nationhood, while simultaneously admitting that its participants are the very mixed product— an homogenisation or cultural mosaic of "tribes" over millennia.[22] Also, Kurdish nationalists play on the point that a large component of so-called Zazas do not want to be called by that name at all, but prefer self-inscribing as Kirmanji, a designation sounding one step away from being Kurmanji speaking Kurds.[23] Meanwhile, in the Zaza language the term Kirmanji is regarded as a synonym for Alevi, which is the main religious group of Zazas living in Dersim separate from Northern Kurds. Among the Armenians, the Zazas are also known as Zaza-Kider, i.e. Zaza-Kurds - the fact, which by no means shows the identification of the Zazas with the Kurds, but rather distinguishes them as a specific group from a common Kurdish background.[24] A scientific report from 2005 concluded that Zazas share the same genetical pattern as other 'kurdish groups', which would support the idea of a separate distinction between the two groups with a possibly connected background.[25]

However, the Kurds are not the only group to claim linkage to the Zazas. It is debated that the Zaza may possess roots going back to the Hitities or derive from a migration from the linguistically-related south Caspian.[26] Similar cultural expressions, and folkloric traditions of the "Old Women" in connection with the dead would further suggest a possible deeper connection between the Zazas and Hitities. Ludwig Paul also mentions that the ethno-cultural point is the decisive factor for the question of the ethnic identity of Zaza speakers.[15][27] The name Zaza was initially used by the neighbouring peoples as a pejorative characteristic (zaza means stutterer) due to specific phonetic system of the language of the Zazas, which is the only one among the North-West Iranian dialects having single- focused affricates - a strong indication of Armenian influence.[28] Some claim this to be exclusively an influence due to the shared historical and geographical ties between Zazas and Armenians to Dersim. Others citing the Prominence of Alevism, Armenian traditions, and everyday habits in Zaza society to be more suggestive of shared roots.[29]

Historic roots of the Zazas[edit]

Some Zazas use the word Dimilî (Daylami) to describe their ethnic identity. Opposed to Alevi-Zazas who live in the North self-describing as Kirmanji, those who live south of Dersim refer to themselves as Dimilî.[30] The word Dimilî (Daylami) also describes a region of Gilan Province in today’s Iran. Some linguists connect the word Dimilî with the Daylamites (Gilaks) in the Alborz Mountains near the shores of the Caspian Sea in Iran and believe that the Zaza have migrated from Daylam towards the west. The Armenians call this people Ddmik, the term which goes Middle Iranian delmik i.e. daylamit, the dweller of the Daylam.[31] Today, Iranian languages are still spoken in southern regions of the Caspian Sea (also called the Caspian languages), including Gilaki, Sangsari, Mazanderani, Tati, Semnani, and Talysh, and they are grammatically and lexically very close to Zaza; this supports the argument that Zazas emigrated from the southern regions of the Caspian Sea reaching eastern Anatolia.[32] These claims have already been disproven by genetical studies on Zazaki-speakers. A scientific study from 2005 concluded that Zazas share the same genetical pattern as other 'kurdish groups' and harshly didn't support the claim that Zazaki-speakers have migrated from Northern Iran (including the Caspian Sea area and Khorasan).[33]

Language[edit]

Zaza is a Northwest Iranic language, spoken in the east of modern Turkey, with approximately 2 to 3 million speakers. There is a division between Northern and Southern Zaza, most notably in phonological inventory, but Zaza as a whole forms a dialect continuum, with no recognized standard.[34] Northern Zaza is strongly associated with historical Dersim, and is spoken in the northern and northeastern parts of Elazig province, eastern and central Sivas, southern Erzincan, western Erzurum and Bingöl, and of course, most of Tunceli (the heart of historical Dersim).[35] Zazaki probably originates from northern Iran, from the historical region "Deylamān" at the Caspic sea, in the present province of Gīlān. Today the Iranian languages still spoken there (also called the Caspian dialects) like Gilaki, Sangsarī, Māzandarānī (Gelaki) , Tātī (Herzendī), Semnānī, Tāleshī are grammatically closer to Zazaki than Kurdish. Apart from the presently in Balochistan spoken Balochi, only Gōrānī, which is spoken in a few remote areas in Iran and Mesopotamia, have relatively closer linguistic affinity with Zazaki.[36] For centuries, the Zaza language was misrepresented in many political circles as a "Kurdish dialect". The political classification of the Zaza-language as a Kurdish dialect is in line with the frequent misunderstanding that ethnic labeling of populations in Turkey are incorrectly denominated, without any kind of differentiation.[37] Today the language has gained recognition that it is not a dialect or sub-form of Kurdish, but rather its own separate language.

The first written statements in the Zaza language were compiled by the linguist Peter Lerch in 1850.[38] Two other important documents are the religious writings (Mewlıd) of Ehmedê Xasi of 1899,[39] and of Usman Efendiyo Babıc (published in Damascus in 1933); both of these works were written in the Arabic alphabet.[40] The state owned TRT Kurdî airs shows on Zaza language.[41]

The Zaza language is considered to be an endangered language due to a long history of persecution, and targeting by the Turkish government. The lack of documentation, and the decline in the number of native Zaza speakers can largely be attributed to the Turkish laws put in place in the mid-1920’s, after the creation of the Republic of Turkey. These laws banned the Kurdish language, of which Zaza was often erroneously considered a dialect, from being spoken in public, being written down, and being published. One specific law, the Language Ban Act of 1985, explicitly stated that only Turkish could be spoken in public, not only greatly discouraged the use of Zaza, but it also endangered the cultural identity of the Zaza.[42] The consequences of this process of turkification were so detrimental that under the Alawi-Zaza population the youngest generations hardly speak the language or teaches it to its children.[43] Only until very recently has Zaza been allowed back in the public sphere of Turkey. But, the affects of these past policies are still very present as there has been a lack of literature and substantial development in the language.

During the 1980s following the passage of these persecutory laws, the Zaza diaspora resulted in a small renaissance following meager efforts by Zazas in Europe.[44] This was followed by the publication of magazines and books in Turkey, particularly in Istanbul. The efforts of Zaza intellectuals to advance the comprehensibility of their native language by alphabetizing were not fruitless: the number of publications in Zaza increased by the multiple. The rediscovery of the native culture by Zaza intellectuals not only caused a revival of Zaza language and culture, it also triggered feelings among younger generations of Zazas (who unfortunately, rarely spoke Zaza as a mothertongue at the time) in favor of modern western in the Zaza language, and thus their interest in the most important inheritance of their ancestors.[45] The diaspora resulted in a limited resurrection of the language, but by no means entirely reversed the damage done to it.

Connection to Kurds[edit]

"Zaza Kurds in Diyarbakir (Kurdistan)", E.Chantre & C.Barry, 1881

Kurds and Zazas have for centuries lived in the same areas in Anatolia. In the 1920s and 1930s, Zazas played a key role in the rise of Kurdish nationalism with their rebellions against the Ottoman Empire and later the Republic of Turkey. During the Sheikh Said rebellion in 1925, the Zaza Sheikh Said and his supporters (both Zazas and Kurmanjis) rebelled against the newly established Turkey for its nationalist and secular ideology.[46] In 1937 during the Dersim rebellion, Zazas once again rebelled against the Turks. This time the rebellion was led by Seyid Riza and ended with a massacre of thousands of Kurdish and Zaza civilians, while many were internally displaced due to the conflict.[47] Zazas also participated in the Kurdish Koçgiri rebellion in 1920.[8]

Sakine Cansız, a Zaza from Tunceli was a founding member of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), and like her many Zazas joined the rebels. Other noticeable Zaza individuals in PKK are Besê Hozat and Mazlum Doğan.[48][49] Many Zaza politicians are also to be found in the fraternal Kurdish parties of HDP and DBP, like co-chairman of HDP Selahattin Demirtaş, Aysel Tuğluk, Ayla Akat Ata and Gültan Kışanak. On the other hand, some Zazas have publicly said they don't consider themselves Kurdish like Hüseyin Aygün, a CHP politician from Tunceli.[50][51][52]

Zaza nationalism[edit]

Zaza nationalism grew primarily in the diaspora, because of the more visible difference between Kurmanjis and Zazas.[53] Supporters of Zaza nationalism are afraid of being assimilated by Turkish and Kurdish influence. They indicate of protecting Zaza culture, language and heritage rather than seeking any kind of autonomy within Turkey.[54] During this time period, following in the footsteps of the revival of Alevi cultural expression, the Zazas were able to find their own national self-consciousness in the freer European political climate. consciousness. Ebubekir Pamukchu, the founder of the Zaza national movement expressed this idea in the following word: "From that moment I became Zaza."[55] E. Pamukchu was born in Dersim in 1946. Being graduated from a higher college he taught the Turkish language in many parts of the country. At the age of 20 he joined the leftists and was several times imprisoned for his political activities and seditious poems. In 1989 E. Pamukchu emigrated to Sweden where he continued his work until he died in 1991. Ebubekir Pamukchu was the founder of first periodicals in the Zaza language - "Ayre" and "Piya".[56]

Some Kurds and international foundations suggest a link between the founder of Zaza nationalism, Ebubekir Pamukçu (d. 1993), and the Turkish intelligence services.[3] The Zaza nationalistic movement was welcomed and financially supported by certain circles in Turkey’s intelligence establishment and Pamukcu has since been accused of having ties to Turkish intelligence. These are not the only claims by Kurds, and others of attempts by the Turkish government to use Zaza nationalism to attack the strength of Kurdish resistance. The Zazas have the attractions of modern Turkey, and the socio-economic (especially educational) benefits it offers other neighboring minorities who eschew involvement in Kurdish separatism (such as the Lazi[c])s to the far north, or Arabic and Syriac-speaking enclaves in and around Mardin).[57]

In an interview with Kurdmedia, Kurdish-Zaza linguist Mehemed Malmîsanij said the name of this “Zazaistan” publisher was the “Zaza Culture and Publication House” and was part of the Turkish intelligence services with the task of attacking the Kurdish nationalist movement. “The conclusion that I draw… is that these [Zaza nationalist groups] were groups based in the state, or with a more favorable expression, groups that thought in parallel with the state”.[53]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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