Catalogue of Women

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Guido Reni's first Atalanta e Ippomene (oil on canvas, c. 1612, Museo del Prado, Madrid), depicting the race of Atalanta, a myth which was known to Reni from Ovid's Metamorphoses, but is now also represented by several fragments of the Catalogue of Women.

The Catalogue of Women (Ancient Greek: Γυναικῶν Κατάλογος, Gynaikôn Katálogos)—also known as the Ehoiai (Ἠοῖαι, [ɛː.hoĵ.aj])[a]—is a now fragmentary Greek epic poem that was attributed to Hesiod during antiquity. The "women" of the title were in fact heroines, many of whom lay with gods, bearing the heroes of Greek mythology to both divine and mortal paramours. In contrast with the focus upon narrative in the Homeric Iliad and Odyssey,[1] the Catalogue was structured around a vast system of genealogies stemming from these unions and, in M.L. West’s appraisal, covered "the whole of the heroic age."[2] Through the course of the poem's five books, these family trees were embellished with stories involving many of their members, and so the poem amounted to a compendium of heroic mythology in much the same way that the Hesiodic Theogony presents a systematic account of the Greek pantheon built upon divine genealogies.[3]

For a variety of reasons, most scholars do not currently believe that the Catalogue (or, at least, all of the Catalogue) should be considered the work of Hesiod,[4] but doubts about the poem's authenticity have not lessened its interest for the study of literary, social and historical topics.[5] As a Hesiodic work that treats in depth the Homeric world of the heroes, the Catalogue offers a transition between the divine sphere of the Theogony and the terrestrial focus of the Works and Days by virtue of its subjects' status as demigods.[6] Given the poem's concentration upon heroines in addition to heroes, it provides evidence for the roles and perceptions of women in Greek literature and society during the period of its composition and popularity.[7] Greek aristocratic communities, the ruling elite, traced their lineages back to the heroes of epic poetry; thus the Catalogue, a veritable "map of the Hellenic world in genealogical terms," preserves much information about a complex system of kinship associations and hierarchies that continued to have political importance long after the Archaic period.[8] Many of the myths in the Catalogue are otherwise unattested, either entirely so or in the form narrated therein, and held a special fascination for poets and scholars from the late Archaic period through the Hellenistic and Roman eras.[9]

Despite its popularity among the Hellenistic litterati and the reading public of Roman Egypt,[10] the poem went out of circulation before it could pass into a medieval manuscript tradition and is preserved today by papyrus fragments and quotations in ancient authors. Still, the Catalogue is much better-attested than most "lost" works,[11] with some 1,300 whole or partial lines surviving: "between a third and a quarter of the original poem", by one estimate.[12] The evidence for the poem's reconstruction—not only elements of its content, but the distribution of that content within the Catalogue—is indeed extensive, but the fragmentary nature of this evidence leaves many unresolved complexities and has over the course of the past century led to several scholarly missteps.[13] This article reflects, for the most part, M.L. West's reconstruction of the Catalogue as presented in his landmark monograph on the poem,[14] but also takes account of scholarship that has appeared since its publication, especially Martina Hirschberger's 2004 commentary.[15]

Contents

[edit] Title and the ē' hoiē-formula

Ancient authors most commonly referred to the poem as the Catalogue of Women or, simply, the Catalogue, but several alternate titles were also employed.[16] The Suda gives an expanded version, Catalogue of Heroic Women (Γυναικῶν Ἡρωϊνῶν Κατάλογος), and another late source, Tzetzes, prefers to call the poem the Heroic Genealogy (Ἡρωϊκὴ Γενεαλογία).[17] But the earliest and popular alternate title was Ehoiai (Ἠοῖαι), after the feminine formula ē' hoiē (ἠ' οἵη, [ɛː.hoȷ́.ɛː]), "or such as", which introduces new sections within the poem via the introduction of a heroine or heroines.[18] This nickname provided the standard title for a similar work, the Megalai Ehoiai or Great Ehoiai (Μεγάλαι Ἠοῖαι), that was also attributed to Hesiod.[19]

As is reflected by its use as an alternate title, the ē' hoiē-formula was one of the poem's most recognizable features. The formula may have belonged originally to a genre of poetry that simply listed notable heroines,[20] but in the Catalogue it is used as a structuring tool that allows the poet to resume a broken branch of a family tree or to jump horizontally across genealogies to a new figure and line of descent.[21] A characteristic example can be found in the introduction of the daughters of Porthaon at Cat. fr. 26.5–9:[b]

ἠ' οἷαι [κο]ῦραι Πορθάονος ἐξεγέν[οντο[c]
τρε[ῖς, ο]ἷαί τε θεαί, περικαλλέα [ἔργ' εἰδυῖα]ι·
τ[ά]ς ποτε [Λ]αο[θό]η κρείουσ' Ὑπερηῒς ἀ[μύ]μων
γεί]νατο Παρθᾶνος [θ]α[λ]ερὸν λέχ[ος] ε[ἰσ]αναβᾶσα,
Εὐρ]υθεμίστην τε Στρατ[ο]νίκην [τ]ε Στ[ε]ρόπην τε.

Or such as (e' hoiai) the maidens sired by Porthaon,
three, like goddesses, skilled in all-beautiful works,
whom Laothoe the blameless Hyperian queen once
bore, entering Porthaon's blooming bed:
Eurythemiste and Stratonice and Sterope.

The preceding section of the poem had dealt at some length with the extended family of Porthaon's sister Demodice; the ē' hoiai (plural) is used here to jump backwards in time as the poet completes his treatment of the descendents of Porthaon and Demodice's father Agenor by covering the son's family. Elsewhere the formula is used as a transition to far more distant families. The Ehoie of Mestra, for example, ultimately serves to reintroduce the family of Sisyphus who hoped to win her as bride for his son Glaucus. Although that marriage does not take place, the descendents of Sisyphus are soon presented.[22]

[edit] Content

According to the Suda, the Catalogue was five books long.[23] The length of each book is unknown, but it is likely that the entire poem consisted of around 4,000 lines.[24] The vast majority of the content was structured around major genealogical units: the descendants of Aeolus were found in book 1 and at least part of book 2, followed by those of Inachus, Pelasgus, Atlas and Pelops in the later books.[25]

[edit] Book 1

The first is by far the best attested book of the poem, with several extensive papyri overlapping ancient quotations or coinciding with paraphrases: at least 420 verses survive in part or entire. One papyrus includes stichometric marks which, taken together with the system of overlaps among the other sources, allows much of the book's content to be assigned approximate line numbers.[26]

[edit] The proem and the Heroic Age

The Catalogue was styled as a continuation of the Theogony, and the proem takes the form of a re-invocation of the Muses to introduce a new, slightly more terrestrial topic (Cat. fr. 1.1–5):

Νῦν δὲ γυναικῶν ⌊φῦλον ἀείσατε, ἡδυέπειαι[c]
Μοῦσαι Ὀλυμπιάδε⌊ς, κοῦραι Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο
αἳ τότ' ἄρισται ἔσαν [
μίτρας τ' ἀλλύσαντο [
μισγόμεναι θεοῖσ[ιν

 Now do sing of the tribe of women, sweet-voiced
Olympian Muses, daughters of aegis-bearing Zeus,
they who were the best in those days [ ...
and loosed their girdles [ ...
mingling [i.e. having sex] with the gods [ ...

The immediately subsequent lines describe the characteristic of the Heroic age which allowed for these liaisons: gods and mortals freely interacted in those days.[27] A further significant detail about the heroic condition is offered in one of the most puzzling passages of the Catalogue. Two groups are compared with regard to their longevity: one appears to live a long life characterized by perpetual youth, while the other group is apparently condemned to an early death by the gods. The papyrus is unfortunately damaged at this point, and it is unclear just who is being compared with whom.

[edit] First families

It is unlikely that the Catalogue proem continued in as extended and complex a manner as does the opening of the Theogony.

Deucalion Pyrrha Zeus
Hellen
(hellenes)		 Thyia Pandora II
Dorus
(dorians)		 Xuthus Aeolus
(aeolians)		 Magnes
(magnetes)		 Macedon
(macedones)		 Graecus
(graeci)
Aegimius Achaeus
(achaeans)		 Ion
(ionians)
Dymas
(dymanes)		 Pamphylus
(pamphyli)

The genealogical relation between Greek tribes within the family of Deucalion in the Catalogue.[28]

[edit] Aeolids

Louis Billotey's Iphigénie (1935) depicting Iphigenia (center) in embrace with Clytemnestra, with Artemis gazing at the girl. In the Catalogue, the goddess saved Iphigenia (called Iphimede) from being sacrificed so that the Achaean fleet could sail for Troy. Note the altar in the extreme left.

The descendents of Aeolus' five daughters and seven sons comprised what was likely the largest unified stemma to be treated, stretching from before the 200th line of book 1 well into the second book.[29] His sons who were certainly found in the Catalogue are Cretheus, Athamas, Sisyphus, Salmoneus, Deion (or Deioneus) and Perieres.[30] A seventh son's name is obscured in lacuna: he has been identified tentatively as Minyas, Locrus or a second Magnes, not the eponym of the Magnetes, but the father of Dictys and Polydectes of the Danaë-Perseus myth.[31] No similar doubt attends the identities of Aeolus' daughters: they were Peisidice, Alcyone, Calyce, Canace and Perimede.[32] As seems to have been the poet's practice, the families of the daughters were treated first, and much of the middle of book 1—over 400 lines—was devoted to recounting their descendents. Aeolus' extended family, via both sons and daughters, is notable for a concentration of fantastical narratives and folk elements of a sort largely absent from the Homeric poems, beginning with the doomed, hubristic love of Ceyx and Alcyone, and Canace's grandsons, the Aloadae, giant youths who attempted to assault the Olympians.[33]

Following the Thessalian families of Peisidice and Canace, the poet turned to the intermingled Aetolian-Elian lines of Calyce and Perimede. Perimede had earlier in the book borne two sons to the river Achelous, one of whom was the grandfather of Oeneus, Hippodamas.[34] To Aethlius Calyce bore Endymion, whose son Aetolus was the eponym of Aetolia and the great-grandfather of Demodice and Porthaon, through whom the later Aetolian and Elian genealogies were traced. Somewhere within these families, Eurytus and Cteatus were found in a form more fearsome than they were in the Iliad: they were fierce conjoined twins with two heads, four arms and an equal number of legs.[35] Most significant for the epic tradition, however, was the marriage of Demodice's son Thestius and Porthaon's daughter Eurythemiste which produced the daughters Leda, Althaea and Hypermestra, who are introduced in a group Ehoiai at fr. 23(a)3–5:[d]

ἠ' οἷαι κ̣[οῦραι
τρεῖς ο̣[ἷαί τε θεαί, περικαλλέα ἔργ' εἰδυῖαι,
Λήδη[ τ' Ἀλθαίη τε Ὑπερμήστρη τε βοῶπις

 Or such as the m[aidens ...
three, l[ike goddesses, skilled in all-beautiful works,
Leda [and Althaea and cow-eyed Hypermestra

Leda's marriage to Tyndareus is followed by the births of Clytemnestra, Timandra and Phylonoe, the last of whom Artemis made immortal.[36] Clytemnestra and Agamemnon had two daughters, Electra and Iphimede, the name used in the poem for the woman later and more famously known as Iphigenia.[37] It had been prophesied that she must be sacrificed to Artemis before the Greek fleet could sail for Troy, but in the Catalogue version of events the goddess replaced her with an eidolon and immortalized Iphimede as "Artemis Enodia", or Hecate.[38] Next Orestes' birth and matricide is reported, the earliest extant account of his killing Clytemestra, as is the planned sacrifice of Iphimede/Iphigenia first found in the Catalogue.[39] Timandra's marriage to Echemus follows, followed in turn by Leda's bearing the Dioscuri to Zeus in several damaged lines. It is unknown if Helen's birth was reported here, for the testimonia leave her parentage uncertain. Althaea lies with Ares and bears Meleager, whose heroic qualities are described along with his death at the hands of Apollo during the conflict with the Curetes.[40] Among Althaea's children by Oeneus, Deianeira is singled out for her role in the death an apotheosis of Heracles.[41] The poet next turns his attention to the Porthaonids (see above) and closes out his account of the female Aeolids with the Sirens, daughters of Sterope and Achelous.[42]

The Ehoie of Salmoneus' daughter Tyro provides the transition to the families of the male Aeolids.[43] As king of Elis, Salmoneus forced his subjects to worship him as Zeus and simulated the god's thunder and lighting by dragging bronze cauldrons from his chariot and throwing torches through the air.[44] The real Zeus destroyed king and subjects alike, but spared Tyro and conducted her to the house of her uncle Cretheus in Thessaly because she wrangled with her impious father.[45] There she became enamoured of the river Enipeus, but Poseidon had his own designs upon Tyro, and in the guise of the river lay with her, siring Neleus and Pelias.[46] The brothers did not get along, and Zeus gave them different realms to rule: Pelias received as his lot Iolcos; to Neleus fell Pylos in the western Peloponnese.[47] The house of Neleus now takes center-stage. Heracles sacked Pylos, killing all the male Neleids, save Nestor who was off in Gerenia, another Messenian city.[48] Periclymenus, a son of Neleus to whom Poseidon had granted the ability to change shape, was Pylos' only bulwark against the onslaught of Heracles, and the Catalogue-poet granted him a brief aristeia which ended when Athena pointed out that the bee on Heracles' chariot was actually the Pylian defender.[49] Following the account of Nestor's marriage and family, the contest for Neleus' daughter Pero was narrated.[50] The father would give her hand to whomever could rustle the cattle of of Iphicles from Phylace, a feat accomplished by Bias with the help of his brother Melampus.[51] The poet then turned to the family of Pelias as the last assignable papyrus fragment from book 1 breaks off. It is likely that Tyro's children by Cretheus—Aeson, Pheres and Amythaon—followed, and there might have been room in the book to at least start the family of Salmoneus' brother Athamas.[52]

[edit] Book 2

It is uncertain at what point among the extant fragments the division between books 1 and 2 fell, but at least some of the Aeolid families were covered in the second book.[53] The families of Perieres, Deion and Sisyphus (in that order) were almost certainly found in the 2nd book because there does not appear to be enough room left in book 1 to accommodate them as a group after the children of Neleus and Pelias.[54] It was once though that the Ehoie of Atalanta opened the book, but recently published evidence casts doubt upon this view (see Book 3, below).

Perieres' family was centered around Messene.[55] His son Leucippus had several daughters, but Arsinoe was singled out for extensive treatment.[56] To Apollo she bore Asclepius, whom Zeus killed. In a rage Apollo killed the Cyclopes, after which Zeus was about to hurl him into Tartarus, but Leto interceded and arranged for Apollo to serve as a laborer for Admetus instead.[57]

Directly following the Asclepius affair comes the Ehoie of Asterodeia, the daughter of Deion.[58] She bore Crisus and Panopeus to Phocus; the brothers did not get along, quarreling while still in the womb. Another daughter of Deion, Philonis, bore Philammon to Apollo and Autolycus to Hermes. Philammon sired Thamyris; Autolycus, the grandfather of Odysseus, was a master thief who could change the appearance of his booty to avoid detection.

Autolycus' daughter Polymele, the mother of Jason, is apparently born directly preceding the Ehoie of Mestra.[59] She had the ability to changed her shape at will, a skill which her father Erysichthon exploited in service of a ravening hunger with which he had been cursed. He would marry off Mestra for the bride prices she garnered, only to have the girl return home in some different form.

There is no explicit testimony for what followed the marriage of Bellerophontes and Iobates' daughter.

[edit] Book 3

The division between books 2 and 3 presents a special problem for the reconstruction of the Catalogue.[60] A fragmentary scholion to Theocritus, Idyll 3.40 appears to attribute the story of Atalanta to "Hesiod in book 3", a method of citation that almost certainly refers to the present poem.[61] She was the daughter of Schoeneus, a descendant of Athamas, but as has already been mentioned, the Aeolid line to which he belonged was supposed to have been completed at some point in book 2.

A papyrus fragment transmitting the very beginning of the Atalanta myth in the Catalogue (P.Lit.Lond. 32, 3rd c. BCE = fr. 73.1–7)

It is believed that two papyri to combine to transmit the opening of the Atalanta-Ehoie in such a way that would imply that it was the opening of a book:

ἠ' οἵη Σχ[οινῆος ἀγακλε]ιτοῖο ἄνακτος[c]
. . . . .  . . . . .  . . . . .]σι ποδώκης δῖ' Ἀταλάν[τη
. . . . . .  . . . . . .  Χαρί]των ἀμαρύγματ' ἔχο[υσα

Or such as she, [much]-famed lord Sch[oeneus's]
[daughter, ... ] swift-footed noble Atalanta
[ ... ] with the gleam of the Charites

[edit] Book 4

Before the papyri began accruing, the longest extant passage of the Catalogue was known from the Shield of Heracles, the first 56 lines of which were borrowed from book 4 according to the scholia to the Shield, a fact confirmed by a second-century papyrus which contains the preceding sections of the Catalogue and followed by the first few lines transmitted in the other Hesiodic work.

[edit] Book 5

A second century CE papyrus transmitting portions of the Catalogue of Helen's Suitors (P.Berol. inv. 9739 col. iv–v = Cat. frr. 199–200)

Book 5 was different: it opened with a nearly 200-line catalogue of the suitors of Helen, similar in style to the Catalogue of Ships in Iliad book 2, and probably led into an account of the beginning of the Trojan War. Most of the leaders of the Greek forces who figure in the Homeric catalogue also attempted to win Helen, but Menelaus was granted her hand by Tyndareus since he could give the most bride prices.

[edit] The end of the Heroic Age

Immediately following the birth of Hermione, a conflict arises among the gods, and Zeus plans to bring about the end of the Heroic Age.

[edit] Notable unplaced and disputed fragments

Many fragments that are securely attributed to the Catalogue, some of which are relatively substantial, cannot be placed within the poem because their content is either too obscure or could be assigned to different individuals or genealogies which are themselves difficult to locate within the five books.[62]

[edit] The Wedding of Peleus and Thetis

A papyrus preserving part of the "Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis" (P.Strasb. inv. 55, 1st or 2nd century CE = Cat. fr. 211)

Like the marriage of Helen, the birth of Achilles was an event that played a major part in the climax of the Heroic Age, and the wedding of his parents Peleus and Thetis was granted elaborate coverage in the Catalogue.[63] The wedding would have come among the descendents of Peleus' father Aeacus (fr. 205), who was a son of Zeus and the nymph Aegina. She was a daughter of the river Asopus, and West (1985a, pp. 100–1) posits a group ehoiai Asopids, which he speculatively assigns to book 4. Peleus' biography in the poem was paralleled in two of Pindar's "Aeginitan Odes", Nemean 4 and 5.[64] He caught the eye of Hippolyte, the wife of Acastus, king of Iolcus.

"τρὶς μά⌋καρ Αἰακίδη καὶ τετράκις ὄλβιε Πηλεῦ,[c]
. . . . .] . ο[.] μέ[γα] δῶρον Ὀλύμπιος εὐρύοπα Ζεύς
. . . . .  . . . .].[. . . . μ]άκαρες θεοὶ ἐξετέλεσσαν·
ὃς τοῖσδ' ἐν μεγάροις ἱε⌋ρὸν λέχος εἰσαναβαίνων

"Thrice blessed son of Aeacus, four-times fortunate Peleus,
[to whom ... ] wide-ruling Olympian Zeus [granted] a great gift,
[for whom ... ] the blessed gods brought about [a marriage.]
He who in these halls entering a holy marriage-bed ...

[edit] Cyrene

The place of Cyrene within the poem has implications beyond the level of content, for if her narrative is to be connected to the city of Cyrene in Libya, the terminus post quem for the composition of the Catalogue would be 631 BCE, the approximate year of that city's foundation.[65] Pindar, Pythian 9 tells how Apollo saw Cyrene hunting in her native Thessaly and was immediately enamoured of the tomboy. The god goes to the cave of the wise centaur Chiron and asks who she is and whether it would be wise to consort with her. Chiron then prophesies that it is fated for Cyrene and Apollo to mate, and that he will bring her across the sea to Libya, where she will be queen of the a portion of the land and bear to him a son, Aristaeus. A scholium on the ode states that "Pindar took the story from an Ehoie of Hesiod's" (ἀπὸ δὲ Ἠοίας Ἡσιόδου τὴν ἱστορίαν ἔλαβεν ὁ Πίνδαρος) and relates the opening lines of the section (Cat. fr. 215):

ἠ' οἵη Φθίηι Χαρίτων ἄπο κάλλος ἔχουσα
Πηνειοῦ παρ' ὕδωρ καλὴ ναίεσκε Κυρήνη

Or such as she in Phthia, with beauty from the Charites,
she who dwelt by the water of Peneus, Cyrene

Richard Janko, who believes that the Catalogue was composed c. 690, argues that the extent to which Pindar relied upon the Hesiodic text is unknown and that, even if Apollo did carry Cyrene to Libya, this does not presuppose an aetiology of the city.[66] Others have argued that the citation is also vague regarding just which Hesiodic poem included the Cyrene-Ehoie, the Catalogue or the Megalai Ehoiai: the latter might have included a narrative similar to Pindar's, with the former presenting a different version of the myth, if indeed the Catalogue treated Cyrene at all.[67] The complete removal of Cyrene would not, however, be easily accommodated by related evidence—it would presumably also involve transferring two fragments concerning Aristaeus which have traditionally been attributed to the Catalogue, and his son Actaeon certainly appeared in the poem.[68]

[edit] Actaeon

Actaeon is torn apart by his hounds as Artemis looks on from her chariot and a messenger reports the event to Aristaeus. (Attic red-figure volute crater, c. 450–440 BCE)

The myth of Actaeon is known to have been narrated in the Catalogue by virtue of a paraphrase found in a fragmentary dictionary of metamorphoses.[69] According to the dictionary, the Catalogue included a variant of the myth in which Actaeon was changed into a stag by Artemis and then killed by his own hounds because he attempted to take Semele as his wife, thus angering Zeus, who had designs upon the woman.[70] Before this testimonium appeared, another papyrus containing 21 hexameters related to the Actaeon myth was published by Edgar Lobel, who tentatively attributed the text to the Catalogue.[71] As the fragment opens, Actaeon has already been torn apart by his dogs, and a goddess—Athena or, less likely, Artemis[e]—arrives at Chiron's cave. She prophesies to the centaur that Dionysus will be born to Semele and that Actaeon's dogs will roam the hills with him until his apotheosis, after which they will return to stay with Chiron. At this point the papyrus is damaged, but it is clear that the dogs are delivered from a "madness" (λύσσα, lussa, line 15) and begin to mourn their master as the goddess returns to Olympus. Merkelbach and West did not include this papyrus in their edition of the fragment, with the latter calling it an "incoherent epic pastiche" which would cause author of the Catalogue to "turn in his grave if he knew that it had been attributed to him."[72] According to Glenn Most, some scholars believe that the text is Hellenistic,[73] but it is demonstrably archaic, and at least a few classicists today consider it to be part of the Catalogue.[74][f]

[edit] Date, composition and authorship

Ladies' man: a Roman-era sculpture that might have been intended to represent Hesiod, whom ancient readers believed to be the author of the Catalogue of Women

During antiquity the Catalogue was almost universally considered the work of Hesiod.[75] Pausanias reports, however, that the Boeotians living around Mount Helicon during his day believed that the only genuine Hesiodic poem was the Works and Days and that even the first 10 lines of that poem (the Hymn to Zeus) were spurious.[76] The only other expression of doubt that has survived is found in Aelian, who cites "Hesiod" for the number of Niobe's children, but qualifies his citation with "unless these verses are not by Hesiod, but have been passed off falsely as his, like many other passages."[77] Aelian's skepticism, however, could have stemmed from the still common belief that Hesiodic poetry suffered from interpolation,[78] and it is impossible to tell whether he regarded the entire Catalogue as spurious or not.[g] These two passages are, in any event, isolated, and more discerning critics like Apollonius of Rhodes, Aristophanes of Byzantium and Crates of Mallus apparently found no reason to doubt the attribution to Hesiod, going so far as to cite the Catalogue in arguments concerning the content and authenticity of other Hesiodic poems.[79]

Modern scholars have not shared the confidence of their Hellenistic counterparts, and today the Catalogue is generally considered to be a post-Hesiodic composition. Since Hesiod is supposed to have lived around the turn of the 7th century, the Cyrene-Ehoie alone could guarantee that the poem was not his.[80] Richard Janko's survey of epic language suggests that the Catalogue is very early, perhaps contemporary with Hesiod's Theogony.[81]

Martin West argues on poetic, linguistic,[h] cultural and political grounds that an Athenian poet "compiled the Catalogue of Women and attached it to Hesiod's Theogony, as if it were all Hesiodic," sometime between 580 and 520, and thinks it possible that this range might be narrowed to the period following 540.[82] He sees, for example, the marriage of Xuthus to a daughter of Erechtheus as a means of subordinating all of Ionia to Athens, since their union produced the eponym Ion.[83] Similarly, Sicyon is made a son of Erechtheus (fr. 224), which West takes as a reflection of the tyrant Cleisthenes of Sicyon's attempts to promote Ionian–Athenian interests in the polis, which had traditionally been more closely connected to Dorian Argos.[84] This and other considerations would, in West's view, establish a terminus post quem of c. 575, but he prefers a later dating on the assumption that Theogony 965–1020, which he assigns to the latter portion of the 6th century,[85] was contemporaneous with the composition of the Catalogue.[86]

West's arguments have been highly influential,[87] but other scholars have arrived at different conclusions using the same evidence. Fowler thinks that the Sicyon's genealogy would more likely reflect a composition before Cleisthenes' death (c. 575) and dates the poem to the period closely following the First Sacred War, connecting its content to the growing influence of the Amphictyonic League and placing its author in Aeolian Thessaly because of the Aeolid family-trees centered around that region which dominate the earlier portions of the poem.[88] Hirschberger, on the other hand, takes this focus upon the Aeolids and the Catalogue poet's perceived interest in eastern peoples to be indicative of a poet from Aeolis in Asia Minor, and proposes that the Catalogue was composed there between 630 and 590, viewing an apparent allusion to the poem by Stesichorus (died c. 555) as the ultimate terminus ante quem.[89] Other dates have been proposed: Jacques Schwartz thought that the poem reached its final form between 506 and 476.

[edit] The Catalogue and archaic epic

It has been observed that the Catalogue poet betrays a style that is "studiously imitative" of the Theogony and Works and Days.[90]

[edit] The Women

The view of women expressed in the canonical poems of Hesiod, the Theogony and Works and Days, displays a "raw misogyny" that may seem out of keeping with a tradition that would allow the Catalogue of Women to be attributed to the poet.[91]

[edit] Reception

[edit] Hellenistic period

The Catalogue was extremely influential in the Hellenistic period.[92]

The most famous Hellenistic allusion to the Catalogue is found in Hermesianax's Leontion, which included a catalogue of great literary figures and their loves, beginning with Orpheus and Agriope and proceeding down to the poet's contemporaries, including his teacher Philitas of Cos. Many of the entries engage playfully with their subjects' work: Homer, for example, is portrayed as pining for Penelope. Directly preceding that lovestruck bard comes Hesiod's blurb:[93]

φημὶ δὲ καὶ Βοιωτὸν ἀποπρολιπόντα μέλαθρον
     Ἡσίοδον πάσης ἤρανον ἱστορίης
Ἀσκραίων ἐσικέσθαι ἐρῶνθ' Ἑλικωνίδα κώμην·
     ἔνθεν ὅ γ' Ἠοίην μνώμενος Ἀσκραϊκὴν
πόλλ' ἔπαθεν, πάσας δὲ λόγων ἀνεγράψατο βίβλους
     ὑμνῶν, ἐκ πρώτης παιδὸς ἀνερχόμενος.

And I also say that, leaving behind his Boeotian home,
     Hesiod, the keeper of all inquiry,
went smitten to the Heliconian town of the Ascraeans.
     There he, wooing Ascraean Ehoie,
suffered much, writing all his books of knowledge
     in homage, beginning from his first girlfriend.

Here the ē' hoiē-formula is styled as the name of a woman, cleverly rendered "Anne Other" by Helen Asquith, and the grumpy Hesiod who reviled his home in Ascra at Works and Days 639–40 becomes a discomfited lover-boy in the village.[94] Phanocles, a near contemporary of Hermesianax, composed an elegiac catalogue of mythological pederastic relationships entitled the Loves or Beautiful Boys in which each story was introduced by the formula ē' hōs (ἠ' ὡς), "or like".[95] Among the subsequent generations of Hellenistic poets, Nicaenetus of Samos wrote his own Catalogue of Women, and the otherwise unknown Sosicrates (or Sostratus) of Phanagoria was said to have written an Ehoioi (Ἠοῖοι), the masculine equivalent of "Ehoiai".[96]

Interaction with the Catalogue in Hellenistic poetry was not limited to plays upon the ē' hoie-formula or to a predilection for poetry in catalogue-form.[97]

[edit] Rome

Catullus, a poet who made plain his Callimachean affiliations, is the earliest Roman author who can be seen to engage with the Catalogue.[98]

[edit] Transmission and reconstruction

It is impossible to tell exactly when the last complete copy of the Catalogue was lost. Fragments of over fifty ancient copies have been found, dating from the Hellenistic period through early Byzantine times.[99] An ancient book label from the century or so after the latest Catalogue papyrus lists the contents of a 5th or 6th century Hesiodic codex as "Hesiod's Theogony, Works and Days and Shield", and it appears that by about this time the Byzantine triad of Hesiod's works had become the notional corpus, to the detriment of the other poems which had traveled under the poet's name.[100] Knowledge of the Catalogue did not cease altogether with the loss of the final complete copy, however, and well into medieval times authors such as Eustathius and Tzetzes could cite the poem via fragments contained in other ancient authors. Other vestiges of the poem's influence are less clear: the Pseudo-Apollodoran Bibliotheca, an early Roman-era handbook of Greek mythology, for example, is widely believed to have taken the Catalogue as its primary structural model, although this is not stated explicitly within that text.[101]

The collection and interpretation of the Hesiodic fragments in the modern era began during the 16th and 17th centuries, primarily with the editions of Heinsius (1603) and Graevius (1667). The earliest collections simply presented ancient quotations organized by the quoting author, and it was not until the work of Lehmann (1828), Goettling (1831) and Marckscheffel (1840) that attempts at a proper reconstruction began.[102] Marckscheffel was the first to recognize that the early portions of the poem treated the descendants of Deucalion in a systematic fashion, but he regarded the "Catalogue of Women" and "Ehoiai" as two initially separate works that had been joined: the former was genealogically structured, while the latter, in Marckscheffel's view, simply recounted myths involving notable Thessalian and Boeotian heroines, with each introduced by the ē' hoiē-formula.[103] Since the Ehoie of Alcmene was attested for book 4, Marckscheffel proposed that books 1–3 were the "Catalogue", and books 4 and 5 were the "Ehoiai".[103] As the 19th century progressed, there were several other important observations about the genealogical structure of the Catalogue. In 1860 Adolf Kirchhoff noted the mass of information connected to the family of Io, a stemma which could be assigned to the third book because of an ancient citation placing Phineus, one of her descendents, there.[104] The picture of the Catalogue that was emerging began to resemble the Bibliotheca in structure, but Theodor Bergk was the first to suggest explicitly (though in passing) that the poem might be reconstructed with the help of the mythographic work.[105] Bergk and his contemporaries still largely followed Marckscheffel's conclusion that the Catalogue and Ehoiai were semi-distinct texts, and it was not until 1894 that Friedrich Leo finally demonstrated that these were in fact alternate titles for a single poem.[106]

A few years before Leo's paper, the first small papyrus fragment was found, and the first half of the 20th century would see the publication of several other pieces which added significantly to the modern text of the Catalogue.[107] Among these finds were important passages—the Catalogue of Suitors and Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis, for example—, but few advanced the modern understanding of the work's overall structure.[108] The appearance of the proem in 1956 actually led to a major misapprehension, for the list of gods found therein, beginning with Zeus and proceeding through the divine Heracles, led some to believe that the Catalogue was not organized in a strictly genealogical manner, but presented the unions of gods and heroines organized to some extent by amorous deity.[109] Six years later, with the publication of the 28th part of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, the corpus of papyrus witnesses to the fragmentary Hesiodic poems was nearly doubled, with the lion's share of these new texts belonging to the Catalogue.[110] The new papyri not only proved once and for all that the poem was organized by genealogies of the great families in a way similar to the Bibliotheca, it also showed that the poet's use of the ē' hoiē-formula was not a random method of introduction, but an organizing tool within an overall structure.

[edit] Editions and translations

[edit] Critical editions

[edit] Translations

  • Evelyn-White, H.G. (1936), Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, Loeb Classical Library, no. 57 (3rd rev. ed.), Cambridge, MA, ISBN 978-0-674-99063-0 . (The link is to the 1st edition of 1914.) English translation with facing Greek text; now obsolete except for its translations of the ancient quotations.
  • Marg, W. (1970), Hesiod: Sämtliche Gedichte, Stuttgart . German translation.
  • Arrighetti, G. (1998), Esiodo. Opere, Torino, ISBN 9788844600532 . Italian translation with facing Greek text; faithfully based upon the editions of Merkelbach and West.
  • Most, G.W. (2006), Hesiod: Theogony, Works and Days, Testimonia, Loeb Classical Library, no. 57, Cambridge, MA, ISBN 978-0-674-99622-9 . Includes ancient assessments of the Catalogue.
  • Most, G.W. (2007), Hesiod: The Shield, Catalogue, Other Fragments, Loeb Classical Library, no. 503, Cambridge, MA, ISBN 978-0-674-99623-2 . English translation with facing Greek text; takes much recent scholarship into consideration.

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ The Latin transliterations Eoeae and Ehoeae are also used (e.g. Cantilena (1979), Solmsen (1981)); see Title and the ē' hoiē-formula, below.
  2. ^ Unless noted otherwise, this article cites the Catalogue according to the text and numeration of the edition of record, that of Merkelbach (de) and West (M–W). Several fragments have appeared since the publication of their primary edition (Merkelbach & West (1967)) and must be consulted in M–W's selection of fragments in the second and third editions of Solmsen's Oxford Classical Text Hesiod (Merkelbach & West (1990)); such fragments are distinguished by appending "OCT" to the fragment number. Martina Hirschberger's text and commentary (Hirschberger (2004)) follows a different numeration and includes several fragments which M–W did not believe to belong to the Catalogue. In the case of fragments found in Hirschberger but not M–W, or where her commentary contributes to the discussion at hand, her fragment numbers are specified. Almost all of the fragments printed by both M–W and Hirschberger can be found, with translation, in Most (2007) in which a table outlining these different numbering systems can also be found.
  3. ^ a b c d In editions of texts transmitted by papyri, which are often damaged, a system of editorial markers is used to clarify the basis for the printed text (see Leiden Conventions). The markers used in this article are:
    • Full brackets ( [ ] ) mark places where the papyrus is damaged beyond legibility; letters enclosed within these brackets are editorial conjectures, some of which will be more-or-less certain, while others will be strictly exempli gratia supplements meant to give the required sense of the passage.
    • Dots ( . ) take the place of illegible letters; dots within full brackets give the approximate number of letters lost in a lacuna. The primary use of the sub-dot is to mark doubtfully read letters (α̣β̣γ̣), but this convention is employed sparingly in the present article.
    • Half brackets ( ⌊ ⌋ ) enclose text that is supplied by another source, such as an ancient quotation.
  4. ^ This passage illustrates well the differing attitudes toward the editing of fragmentary texts like the Catalogue. In his review of Merkelbach & West (1967), Giangrande (1970, p. 152) complained: "In fr. 23a, lines 4-5 are practically Merkelbach-West's poetry, not Hesiod's". To this and other similar criticisms, West (1970) replied: "In citing places where we have filled out half a word into a complete hexameter, [Giangrande] speaks as if that half-word were the only indication of the contents of the line. He seems not to appreciate that the sense of such supplements is derived from the structure and reference of the whole context, and their phrasing guided by the fairly predictable style of the poet." In this case, fr. 26.5–6 (above) provides the parallel which allows for fr. 23(a)4-5 to be supplemented to the extent they have been. Line 6 is of a type and will, like fr. 26.9, include the names of the three daughters; for its structure, see Behaghel's Law of Increasing Terms
  5. ^ The general consensus is that this is Athena because she occasionally acts as Zeus's courier and because the goddess is referred to as the "daughter of great aegis-bearing Zeus" (αἰγιόχοιο Διὸς κούρη μεγάλοιο, aigiokhoio Dios kourē megaloio), one of Athena's common appellations; cf. Lobel (1964, p. 6), Janko (1984, p. 302), DePew (1994, pp. 413–15). Casanova (1969a, pp. 33–4), argues that similar epithets are also applied to Artemis, and that her central role in the myth and status as the goddess of both the hunt and the taming of animals would make her a deity more likely to cure the hunting dogs of their madness in line 15.
  6. ^ More doubtful is the attribution of ten corrupt verses found in the manuscripts of Apld. Bibl. 3.4.4 which concern the Actaeon myth. After relating the motivation for Actaeon's death which was found in the Catalogue (but attributing it to Acusilaus), Apld. reports the more well-known version in which the transformation and death are punishment for Actaeon's having seen Artemis bathing. He continues to say that Artemis transformed him into a stag and drove the dogs into a "madness" (λύσσα, cf. P.Oxy. 2509.15) so that they wouldn't recognize their master as they devoured him. Distraught, they then went in search of Actaeon, before coming back to the cave of Chiron, who made an image of the dead man so as to cease their grief. Following this paraphrase, come the ten verses interpolated into the text of the Bibliotheca (Janko (1984, p. 305)) which name some of the hounds and describe their rending of Actaeon. Malten (1911, pp. 20–3) and Casanova (1969a) believe that these lines also derive from the Catalogue, but many consider them Hellenistic (e.g. Powell (1925)), and none of the recent editions include them; cf. Janko (1984, pp. 305–7).
  7. ^ The situation is complicated by the fact that the word translated as "verses" above, ἔπη, can also mean "poem" (cf. LSJ s.v. ἔπος). Hirschberger (2004, p. 42), appears to follow the latter interpretation; cf., already, Marckscheffel (1840, p. 140) on this passage and Merkelbach & West (1965, p. 300) on a similar issue regarding the Wedding of Ceyx.
  8. ^ The two linguistic features which West cites are: 1.) the Attic participial form οὖσαν (oũsan, "being") which is metrically guaranteed at fr. 204.91 instead of the properly epic ἐοῦσαν (West (1985a, p. 170)); and, 2.) the curious form γλωθρῶν (glōthrōn) for βλωθρῶν (blōthrōn, "tall") at line 124 of the same fragment, which he takes to be a "hyperepicism that only an Attic poet could have arrived at" (West (1985a, pp. 170–1); in more detail in West (1963b)).

[edit] References

  1. ^ Cf. West (1985a, p. 5): "Such [genealogical] poetry differs from the Homeric type in that it is not primarily concerned with particular heroic exploits (though these are mentioned) and that its subject matter extends over generations instead of being the events of a few days of weeks."
  2. ^ West (1985a, p. 3); cf. Hunter (2005b).
  3. ^ West (1985a, p. 3), Most (2007, p. liii–liv).
  4. ^ Cf. West (1985a, pp. 127–37) and Hirschberger (2004, pp. 42–51); one notable exception is Dräger (1997, pp. 1–7). See Date, composition and authorship, below.
  5. ^ Cf. Hunter (2005b, pp. 2–3).
  6. ^ Arrighetti (1998, p. 383), Clay (2005); cf. Clay (2003).
  7. ^ Doherty (2006), Ormand (2004), Osborne (2005), Irwin (2005).
  8. ^ The Catalogue as "map" is from Hunter (2005b, p. 1); for constructions of inter-Hellenic identities, see West (1985a, pp. 7–11), Fowler (1998), Hunter (2005b, p. 3).
  9. ^ Most (2007, pp. lxv–lxvi), D'Alessio (2005b), Asquith (2005), Hunter (2005c).
  10. ^ Cingano (2009, p. 107), states that "it surely was one of the most widely read poems in the libraries of Graeco-Roman Egypt."
  11. ^ West (2008, p. 29): "There is no other work of ancient literature, with the possible exception of Callimachus' Aitia, for which papyri have made such a contribution to the resurrection in outline of a lost composition in several books."
  12. ^ Osborne (2005, p. 6).
  13. ^ Davies (1988, p. 7), West (1985a, pp. 31–50).
  14. ^ West (1985a), which Hunter (2005b, p. 2), refers to as "the single most important modern contribution to [the Catalogue's] elucidation".
  15. ^ Hirschberger (2004). Although Hirschberger's commentary, a lightly revised version of her dissertation, contains much helpful information about the Catalogue, it must be used with caution when it comes to matters of textual criticism and the reconstruction of the poem; cf. D'Alessio (2005c) and West (2006a).
  16. ^ For the ancient naming conventions, see West (1985a, p. 1) and Hirschberger (2004, pp. 26–30). The plural Catalogues of Women also appears in Menander Rhetor; see Merkelbach & West (1967, p. 2), while the corresponding shorthand Catalogues is slightly more common (e.g. Schol. A.R. 3.1086 = Wikisource-logo.svg Cat. fr. 2.); cf. West (1985a, p. 1 n. 1), and Hirschberger (2004, p. 26 n. 35).
  17. ^ Suda s.v. Ἡσίοδος (η 583); Tzetzes, Exegesis of the Iliad p. 63.14. Cardin (2009) argues that Tzetzes understood Heroic Genealogy to be the title of a work distinct from the Catalogue. Servius (on Vergil, Aeneid 7.268) calls the poem Περὶ γυναικῶν, Concerning Women.
  18. ^ The title Ehoiai compounds the plural of the formula, ἠ' οἷαι (ē' hoiai); cf. Hesychius η 650, Ἠοῖαι· ὁ Κατάλογος Ἡσιόδου, "Ehoiai: Hesiod's Catalogue".
  19. ^ Cohen (1986) has argued that the Catalogue and Megalai Ehoiai were the same poem or that the latter was the title of an expanded edition of the former, but the vast majority of scholars view these as two distinct works; see, most recently, D'Alessio (2005a).
  20. ^ Rutherford (2000, pp. 92–3).
  21. ^ West (1985a, p. 35), Hirschberger (2004, pp. 30–1).
  22. ^ Cat. fr. 43(a); cf. West (1985a, p. 64).
  23. ^ Suda s.v. Ἡσίοδος (η 583).
  24. ^ Osborne (2005, p. 6).
  25. ^ West (1985a, p. 44).
  26. ^ West (1985a, pp. 72–6) provides an inductive survey of the evidence.
  27. ^ Cat. fr. 1.6–7: "For common then were the tables, common the thrones, among immortal gods and humans liable to death." (ξυναὶ γὰρ τότε δα⌊ῖτες ἔσαν, ξυνοὶ δὲ θόωκοι | ἀθανάτοις τε θε⌊οῖσι καταθνητοῖς τ' ἀνθρώποις.); cf. Clauss (1990) on Thecoritus' and Apollonius' engagement with this couplet, Pontani (2000) on Catllus 64. In Rzach (1913) this couplet (his fr. 82) is tentatively assigned to the wedding of Peleus and Thetis.
  28. ^ After West (1985a, p. 173). Hellen is a son of Pyrrha and Zeus (Wikisource-logo.svg fr. 2.; cf. West (1985a, pp. 52, 56)); Graecus, a son of Pandora II, Deucalion's daughter, and Zeus (Wikisource-logo.svg fr. 5).; Magnes and Macedon, sons of Thyia, Deucalion's daughter, and Zeus (Wikisource-logo.svg fr. 7).; Dorus and Aeolus are sons of Hellen by the nymph Othreis (Wikisource-logo.svg fr. 9)., as is Xuthus, who, marrying Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus, sired Achaeus and Ion (fr. 10(a)23 OCT).
  29. ^ West (1985a, pp. 72–6).
  30. ^ Cat. fr. 10(a)25–8 OCT.
  31. ^ At Bibliotheca 1.7.3 the seventh son is named as Magnes and made father of Dictys and Polydectes at 1.9.6; this latter detail matches a verse quotation of the Catalogue: Μάγνης δ' αὖ Δίκτυν τε καὶ ἀντίθεον Πολυέκτεα, "Now, Magnes (sired) Dictys and godlike Polydectes" (fr. 8). Merkelbach & West (1967) follow previous editors in identifying this Magnes with the eponym of the Magnetes.
  32. ^ Cat. fr. 10(a)33–4 OCT.
  33. ^ Ceyx and Alcyone: frr. 10(a)83–98, 10(d) OCT, 15; the Aloadae: Cat. frr. 19–21
  34. ^ Fr. 10(a)35–57.
  35. ^ The birth of their mother, their birth and characteristics are reported in frr. 17(a)–18.
  36. ^ Cat. fr. 23(a)7–12.
  37. ^ Cat. fr. 23(a)14–16.
  38. ^ Fr. 23(a)17–26.
  39. ^ Cat. fr. 23(a)27–30. Odyssey 1.35–43 only mentions the killing of Aegisthus.
  40. ^ Cat. fr. 25.1–13.
  41. ^ Cat. fr. 25.20–33.
  42. ^ Cat. fr. 27–8.
  43. ^ Fr. 30
  44. ^ Fr. 30.1–14.
  45. ^ Fr. 30.15–30.
  46. ^ Frr. 30.31–42, 31, 32.
  47. ^ Frr. 33(a)1–5, 37.17–18.
  48. ^ Frr. 33(a), 34, 35.1–9.
  49. ^ Frr. 33(a)12–36, 33(b).
  50. ^ Frr. 35–7.
  51. ^ Fr. 37.
  52. ^ West (1985a, pp. 75–6), frr. 38–40; but see below on the problem of the Atalanta-Ehoie.
  53. ^ West (1985a, pp. 75–6).
  54. ^ West (1985a, p. 76); the order Perieres-Deion-Sisyphus is guaranteed by transitions between their families preserved in P.Oxy. XXVIII 2495. Note that this means that the fragment numbers in M–W's edition do not reflect the order of the poem. This group runs: frr. 49–58, 62–67, then 43(a).
  55. ^ West (1985a, p. 140).
  56. ^ West (1985a, pp. 67–8).
  57. ^ Cat. frr. 50–8.
  58. ^ The transition is found in fr. 58; cf. West (1985a, p. 68).
  59. ^ Polymele is likely born at fr. 43(a)1, with the Ehoie of Mestra beginning in the next line; cf. West (1985a, p. 68).
  60. ^ Cf. West (2006a, p. 289).
  61. ^ Meliadò (2003); cf. West (2006a, p. 289). One should note that Most (2007, p. 109 n. 17) does not appear to have understood the implications of Meliadò's article and reports that the scholion reads ]ποδου εν τ..γ, not ἀπὸ Ἡ]σίοδου ἐν τῶ<ι> γ as reported by Meliadò. Hirschberger (2004, pp. 25, 456) argues unconvincingly that the Atalanta fragments derive from either the Megalai Ehoiai or another poem; cf. D'Alessio (2005c), West (2006a, p. 289).
  62. ^ These are Cat. frr. 205–245. In West (1985a), Hirschberger (2004) and Most (2007) are offered tentative assignments for many fragments unplaced in Merkelbach & West (1967). There are also a handful of papyrus fragments which derive from the same rolls as securely interpreted fragments, but are so miniscule that their interpretation will be all but impossible until other papyri are found to overlap them. Cat. frr. 79–86 and 88–120 all appear to belong to rolls which preserve the first two books, but many are so small that even the identification of their sources is obscure; cf. Merkelbach & West (1967, p. v).
  63. ^ Cf. Cingano (2005, pp. 128–9).
  64. ^ Reitzenstein (1900, p. 82).
  65. ^ West (1985a, p. 132).
  66. ^ Janko (1982, p. 248 n. 38); the table outlining his dating is found on page 200. For the position that Thessalian Cyrene does not presuppose the city of the same name, cf. Dräger (1993, pp. 221–9).
  67. ^ D'Alessio (2005a, pp. 206–7); cf. Cohen (1986, p. 34).
  68. ^ The Aristaeus fragments are 215 and 216, neither of which are explicitly assigned to the Catalogue by the testimonia; cf. D'Alessio (2005a, p. 207) who notes that Cyrene is the only known mother of Aristaeus.
  69. ^ Cat. fr. 217A OCT, first edited by Renner (1978). Before the publication of the dictionary, some version of the myth appeared to be attributed to the Cat. (called the Ehoiai) by Philodemus (On Piety B 6552–55), but, because of great damage to that text, Merkelbach and West printed it as a doubtful fragment (fr. 346); the Philodemus fragment contains very little more than the name Actaeon and the citation.
  70. ^ The role of Zeus in the myth is not made explicit (or, at least, does not survive) in the papyri, but has been assumed by scholars; cf. Renner (1978, p. 283), Hirschbeger (2004, p. 394).
  71. ^ Lobel (1964, pp. 4–7). This is P.Oxy. XXX 2509, printed as Cat. fr. 103 in Hirschberger (2004) and fr. 162 in Most (2007).
  72. ^ West (1965, p. 22). Twenty years later, West was "still loth to believe" the fragment was Hesiodic (West (1985a, p. 88)). (À propos of Cat. fr. 42, which reports that Chiron married a Naiad, M–W do, however, cite a parallel at P.Oxy. 2509, line 3.)
  73. ^ Most (2007, p. 245 n. 66), without naming names—none of the scholarship cited in the present article mentions this opinion, and Most might here be confusing this papyrus with the passages found in the Bibliotheca discussed below.
  74. ^ On the age of the fragment, see Janko (1984) and Führer (1989); the case is made for its inclusion in the Catalogue by Casanova (1969a), Janko (1984) and Hirschberger (2004).
  75. ^ West (1985a, p. 127), Hirschberger (2004, p. 42), Cingano (2009, p. 105).
  76. ^ Paus. 9.31.4.
  77. ^ Ael. VA 12.36 = Cat. fr. 183; the translation given above is that of Most (2007, p. 195, his fr. 127).
  78. ^ Cf. Solmsen (1982), Wilamowitz (1905, pp. 123–4). Compare Pausanias 2.26.7=Cat. fr. 50, who says that someone might have inserted into the Catalogue an account of Asclepius' birth which made the healing god a son of Messenian Arsinoe in order to please the Messenians.
  79. ^ West (1985a, p. 127); Apollonius: apud Arg. in Hes. Sc. = Cat. fr. 230; Aristophanes: apud Arg. in Hes. Sc. = cited app. crit. Cat. fr. 195; Crates: schol. Hes. Th. 142 = Cat. fr. 52.
  80. ^ For Hesiod's floruit as c. 730–690, see West (1966a, pp. 43–6).
  81. ^ Janko (1982, pp. 85–7). Janko's findings in fact suggest that the language of the Catalogue is more archaic than that of the Theogony, but the nature of his study does not provide an exact chronology, especially in the case of closely related compositions.
  82. ^ West (1999, p. 380); cf. West (1985a, pp. 136–7).
  83. ^ Cat. fr. 10(a)20–4 OCT, West (1985a, pp. 57–8, 106); cf the table above.
  84. ^ West (1985a, p. 133). Schwartz (1960, pp. 488–9), even posits a connection between the Catalogue of Helen's Suitors and the competition for the hand of Cleisthenes' daughter Agariste.
  85. ^ West (1985a, p. 130), citing himself: West (1966a, pp. 417, 430, 436)
  86. ^ Proposed at West (1985a, p. 136), West (1999, p. 380).
  87. ^ It is considered persuasive, if not certain, by (e.g.) Davies (1988) and Rutherford (2005).
  88. ^ Fowler (1999).
  89. ^ Hirschberger (2004, pp. 48–51). West (1985a, pp. 133–4), does not believe that Stesichorus actually alluded to the Catalogue, but that he alluded to another epic (or epic tradition) which paralleled the content of the Hesiodic poem; the authors who report that Stesichorus engaged with "Hesiod" on these point engaged in inference, according to West. Viewing the Catalogue as a product of a period when writing had already become a widely employed medium, Nasta (2006) also considers the late 7th or early 6th c. to be the likeliest period of composition.
  90. ^ West (1985a, p. 130).
  91. ^ The "raw misogyny" appraisal is that of Lyons (2003, p. 115); on the relation between the Catalogue and the topos of Hesiodic misogyny, see Arrighetti (1998, pp. 452–8).
  92. ^ See, for example, Hunter (2005c), Asquith (2005) and the allusions to the poem collected in West (1969) and West (1986).
  93. ^ Leontion fr. 7.21–26 Powell=3 Lightfoot. The rendering of ὑμνῶν, whence English "to hymn", in line 26 as "in homage" is Lightfoot's.
  94. ^ Asquith (2005, pp. 280–1), who notes the allusion to the Works and Days passage: νάσσατο δ' ἄγχ' Ἑλικῶνος ὀιζυρῆι ἐνὶ κώμηι | Ἄσκρηι, χεῖμα κακῆι, θέρει ἀργαλέηι, οὐδέ ποτ' ἐσθλῆι, "He [Hesiod's father] settled in a miserable village near Helicon, Ascra, vile in winter, painful in summer, never good."
  95. ^ Phanocles frr. 1–6 Powell.
  96. ^ Nicaenetus fr. 2 Powell. Sosicrates SH 732.
  97. ^ See Asquith (2005) for reconsideration of the relation between the Catalogue and Hellenistic Kollektivgedichte.
  98. ^ In addition to Catullus' translating a section the Aetia (Carm. 66, the "Coma Berenices"), in Carm. 116 he mentions a desire to send an erstwhile friend the poems of Callimachus in order to soften his attitude toward Catullus (Saepe tibi studioso animo verba ante requirens | carmina uti possem vertere Battiadae, | qui te lenirem nobis, neu conarere | tela infesta meum mittere in usque caput, 116.1–4). On Catullus and Alexandrianism, see, conveniently, Clausen (1982).
  99. ^ West (1985a, p. 1). The earliest papyrus is P.Lit.Lond. 32 (Cat. fr. 73), which is dated to the early 3rd c. BCE; the latest is P.Berol. inv. 9777 (frr. 25 & 26), which is assigned to the 4th c. CE.
  100. ^ West (1966a, pp. 51–2); the syllabos belongs to P.Achmîn 3.
  101. ^ Cf. West (1985a, pp. 32, 35, 43–6). The validity of this view has occasionally been questioned (e.g. Heilinger (1983)).
  102. ^ The following survey owes much to West (1985a, pp. 31–50).
  103. ^ a b West (1985a, p. 31).
  104. ^ Kirchhoff (1860).
  105. ^ Bergk (1872, p. 1002 n. 83).
  106. ^ Leo (1894).
  107. ^ West (1985a, p. 33), where a list of the papyri published before 1962 can be found in n. 10. The first papyrus published was the Atalanta fragment pictured above.
  108. ^ West (1985a, p. 33).
  109. ^ E.g. Treu (1957); cf. West (1985a, pp. 34–5).
  110. ^ West (1963b, p. 752); the publication is Lobel (1962).

[edit] Bibliography

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