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→‎The Carr years: added discussion of Carr's views on STVs barriers to women, added a reference to a feminist political scientist who disagreed
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Despite facing public condemnation from FVBC's Loenen, Free Your Vote recruited hundreds of volunteers for the province-wide effort, building a far larger citizen organization than either ECCO or FVBC. It also gained the support of many leftists, including the official endorsement of the BC Nurses' and other unions. The campaign also faced its share of difficulties, such as leaked internal memos from the party's organizing chair explaining that organizers knew the petition drive would fail, but were simply using it to build the party's organizational base. Although the campaign only submitted enough signatures in four of the province's 79 ridings, Free Your Vote was successful in mobilizing new support for reform. But it also appears to have hardened the party's support for a single model of proportional representation (mixed-member, closed-list) and public condemnation of others.
Despite facing public condemnation from FVBC's Loenen, Free Your Vote recruited hundreds of volunteers for the province-wide effort, building a far larger citizen organization than either ECCO or FVBC. It also gained the support of many leftists, including the official endorsement of the BC Nurses' and other unions. The campaign also faced its share of difficulties, such as leaked internal memos from the party's organizing chair explaining that organizers knew the petition drive would fail, but were simply using it to build the party's organizational base. Although the campaign only submitted enough signatures in four of the province's 79 ridings, Free Your Vote was successful in mobilizing new support for reform. But it also appears to have hardened the party's support for a single model of proportional representation (mixed-member, closed-list) and public condemnation of others.


When the Citizen's Assembly process produced its recommendation that a referendum be held on the Single Transferable Vote system <ref>[http://www.cbc.ca/bcvotes2005/features/stv.html "BC Votes 2005: Single Transferable Vote"] Retrieved July 20, 2010</ref> Carr condemned it <ref>[http://ojs.unbc.ca/index.php/cpsr/article/viewDownloadInterstitial/251/301 "The 2005 and 2009 Referenda on Voting System Change in British Columbia"] Pilon, Denis Canadian Political Science Review Retrieved July 20, 2010</ref>. She put out a press release saying she was going to ask the upcoming Green Party AGM to endorse an emergency call to the voters of BC to reject BC-STV. Support for STV and recognition that it was a proportional voting system was substantial enough among BC Greens that Carr was forced to change her position to one that had her declare that although she opposed STV personally, Greens would be free to vote however they chose. (Odd, this in a party supposedly not "top-down" like the other parties). An example of how adamantly opposed Carr was to any proportional voting system other than the one she had been promoting was shown when a former Speaker of the BC Greens from 1990, David Lewis, arrived at the AGM only to find his name had been removed from the membership list. He had written Carr saying he thought she was going to destroy Green electoral chances for a generation informing her he was going to become active in the party again to try to stop her. Carr's Provincial Council met and rescinded his party membership. "I am the party...." said Carr on Global TV<ref>[http://www.strategicthoughts.com/record2004/Oct28.html "I am the party...."] Schrek, David - StrategicThoughts.com Retrieved July 20, 2010</ref>, which illustrated to some analysts how she viewed internal party debates such as the one over BC-STV. The referendum failed. Had 1.2% of the votes been different, BC-STV would now be the electoral system in BC. Carr's opposition can be viewed as responsible for its defeat.
When the Citizen's Assembly process produced its recommendation that a referendum be held on the Single Transferable Vote system <ref>[http://www.cbc.ca/bcvotes2005/features/stv.html "BC Votes 2005: Single Transferable Vote"] Retrieved July 20, 2010</ref> Carr condemned it <ref>[http://ojs.unbc.ca/index.php/cpsr/article/viewDownloadInterstitial/251/301 "The 2005 and 2009 Referenda on Voting System Change in British Columbia"] Pilon, Denis Canadian Political Science Review Retrieved July 20, 2010</ref>. She put out a press release saying she was going to ask the upcoming Green Party AGM to endorse an emergency call to the voters of BC to reject BC-STV. Support for STV and recognition that it was a proportional voting system was substantial enough among BC Greens that Carr was forced to change her position to one that had her declare that although she opposed STV personally, Greens would be free to vote however they chose. (Odd, this in a party supposedly not "top-down" like the other parties). An example of how adamantly opposed Carr was to any proportional voting system other than the one she had been promoting was shown when a former Speaker of the BC Greens from 1990, David Lewis, arrived at the AGM only to find his name had been removed from the membership list. He had written Carr saying he thought she was going to destroy Green electoral chances for a generation informing her he was going to become active in the party again to try to stop her. Carr's Provincial Council met and rescinded his party membership. "I am the party...." said Carr on Global TV<ref>[http://www.strategicthoughts.com/record2004/Oct28.html "I am the party...."] Schrek, David - StrategicThoughts.com Retrieved July 20, 2010</ref>, which illustrated to some analysts how she viewed internal party debates such as the one over BC-STV.


The BC-STV referendum failed. Had 1.2% of the votes been different, the electoral system in British Columbia would now be BC-STV. Many Greens see Carr as responsible for its defeat.
Carr often claimed that BC-STV was a system that would create difficulties for women seeking to be elected. Canadian feminists, to the extent they participated in debate on BC-STV, were split. Dr. Lisa Young, who had appeared before the Citizen's Assembly to discuss the barriers to women in various electoral systems, did not support Carr's analysis<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=STL8BHQC4R8C&pg=PA100&lpg=PA100&dq=lisa+young+citizen's+assembly+bc&source=bl&ots=0SSTMntt3y&sig=1zDIQsnmi0F3-lGr_gOwXz9WlmQ&hl=en&ei=6pQpTpC1LeLliALH3NCvAg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=4&sqi=2&ved=0CDgQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q&f=false Designing deliberative democracy: the British Columbia Citizens' Assembly] By Mark E. Warren, Hilary Pearse, page displayed by Google Books Retrieved July 22, 2010</ref>. The idea that BC-STV would not have allowed the Greens to elect MLAs for the first time is unsupportable. Turning down a chance for the BC Greens to be part of coalition government with their first MLAs and first Cabinet posts because BC-STV was perceived by some feminists to be not as good as some other proportional systems led some to believe Carr had allowed her perception of how to advance the general interests of women to trump her environmentalism.

Carr often claimed that BC-STV was a system that would create difficulties for women seeking to be elected. Canadian feminists, to the extent they participated in debate on BC-STV, were split. Dr. Lisa Young, who had appeared before the Citizen's Assembly to discuss the barriers to women in various electoral systems, did not support Carr's analysis<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=STL8BHQC4R8C&pg=PA100&lpg=PA100&dq=lisa+young+citizen's+assembly+bc&source=bl&ots=0SSTMntt3y&sig=1zDIQsnmi0F3-lGr_gOwXz9WlmQ&hl=en&ei=6pQpTpC1LeLliALH3NCvAg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=4&sqi=2&ved=0CDgQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q&f=false Designing deliberative democracy: the British Columbia Citizens' Assembly] By Mark E. Warren, Hilary Pearse, page displayed by Google Books Retrieved July 22, 2010</ref>. The idea that BC-STV would not have allowed the Greens to elect MLAs for the first time is unsupportable. Turning down a chance for the BC Greens to elect their first MLAs, be part of coalition governments for the first time and hence secure their first Cabinet posts, because BC-STV was perceived by some feminists to be not as good as some other proportional electroal system led some to believe Carr had allowed her perception of how to advance the general interests of women to trump her environmentalism.


Four years later, as Greens came to understand what STV was, they were far more unified in supporting the second referendum held for it. But by then it had become clear to many in other parties in BC what BC-STV was and how great the potential would be under it for coalition government with Greens holding the balance of power. The second referendum on BC-STV was soundly defeated.
Four years later, as Greens came to understand what STV was, they were far more unified in supporting the second referendum held for it. But by then it had become clear to many in other parties in BC what BC-STV was and how great the potential would be under it for coalition government with Greens holding the balance of power. The second referendum on BC-STV was soundly defeated.

Revision as of 15:47, 22 July 2011

Template:Infobox Canadian political party

The Green Party of British Columbia is a political party in British Columbia, Canada. It is led by former Esquimalt municipal councillor, university professor and businessperson Jane Sterk, she was elected by the party in 2007. Penticton realtor and columnist Julius Bloomfield serves as the deputy leader of the party. The party is headquartered in Victoria.

Principles

- Participatory Democracy

- Sustainability

- Social Justice

- Respect for Diversity

- Ecological Wisdom

- Non-Violence

Founding and early years

The first Green Party in North America, was formed in British Columbia, Canada on February 4, 1983 registering as both a provincial society and a political party shortly before the 1983 provincial election in which it fielded four candidates and received 0.19% of the vote under the leadership of Adriane Carr. In a federal by-election in the riding of Mission—Port Moody the same year, Betty Nickerson was the Green Party of Canada's first federal candidate, but the party's official status was not yet recognized by Elections Canada. She appears in electoral records as an "independent" candidate.

Adriane Carr stepped back from active involvement in the party in 1985, and the party abolished the position of leader. Thereafter, it was represented in the media by three spokespersons. In the 1986 provincial election, the party won 0.23% of the vote and fielded nine candidates. In 1988, in response to a proposal to field only female candidates in the following election, Carr and her husband Paul George returned briefly to active involvement to defeat the proposal. From 1988 to 1992, the party was deeply divided between supporters of Carr and Greenpeace founder Jim Bohlen and its Ecofeminist Caucus. During this period, its internal politics were dominated by a compromise faction led by electoral reform activist Steve Kisby.

However, this period of relative stability ended with the party's failure to make a breakthrough in the 1991 provincial election, despite increasing its province-wide vote share to 0.86% and fielding a slate of 42 candidates.

The Parker years

In 1993, the party elected a new leader, then-21-year-old Stuart Parker who revitalized the party with youthful new members. He managed to take the party to running close to a full slate in the 1996 election, but was only able to garner only 2% support province-wide, despite receiving the endorsement of prominent environmentalist David Suzuki. Green hopes for a breakthrough in the Kootenay riding of Nelson-Creston with candidate Andy Shadrack yielded a result of only 11%. Parker's first term (1993–96) was characterized by near-continuous touring of rural BC which had, up to that point, negligible or highly intermittent organization outside of the Okanagan and Comox Valleys. This touring paid off in yielding on-going organization throughout the province, enabling the party to come just four candidates short of a full slate.

The direction of the party under Parker was set by many disgruntled ex-New Democratic Party of British Columbia members, and the policies of the party under Parker were notably leftist. During Parker's second term as leader, the party rose to a peak of 11% in public opinion polls between 1996 and 1999, almost exclusively at the NDP's expense. Although he was arrested in logging road blockades in 1993 and 1997, Parker's Greens actually invested more resources in opposing the BC Benefits package of welfare reforms and working on other social issues than it did on any significant environmental issue.

While remaining sharply critical of Glen Clark's NDP government, Parker spearheaded highly controversial negotiations to form municipal electoral alliances with NDP-affiliated parties in 1998 after vote-splitting all but wiped out leftist representation at the local level in Vancouver and Victoria in 1996. These negotiations, approved by Clark, yielded tripartite agreements between local labour councils, Greens and New Democrats in Vancouver and Victoria, leading to Red-Green coalitions contesting the 1999 municipal elections in both cities with the support of organized labour. Neither coalition formed government but both made substantial gains, resulting in the election in Victoria, BC, of Art Vanden Berg, the first person in Canadian history to run as a Green and be elected to City Council. In Vancouver, the coalition effort also elected Parks Commissioner Roslyn Cassells.

The Carr years

Adriane Carr, Party Founder, Leader (1983-1985, 2000-2006)

The party’s increased poll standing, new position on collaboration with its longtime rivals and impending electoral success attracted the attention of a number of prominent environmentalists, led by Adriane Carr, who began a campaign in 1999 to remove the party’s then leadership. The group conducted a bitter year-long public campaign that included an unsuccessful lawsuit against the party and later-disproven allegations against the party’s leader and board of directors including fraud, vote-rigging and even theft. Although the group was defeated at the party’s 1999 convention, it triumphed in 2000. Shortly thereafter, the party elected Carr as its new leader; since 2001, the party leader has ceased to be subject to annual review votes, the process by which Parker was removed. Following the 2000 convention, all of the party’s elected municipal representatives and some other members resigned.

With the high-profile changes at the top, the party was able to improve on its 9% poll standing at the beginning of 2000 and reached 12% of the popular vote in the May 2001 provincial election. In spite of that significant support, it won no seats in the provincial legislature - a fact which has been cited as an argument against the first-past-the-post system used in BC elections.

Although she had sponsored a series of resolutions at the party's 2000 convention condemning what many saw as the party's distraction with social and governance policy at the expense of work on environmental issues, electoral reform moved to the top of Carr's agenda as leader. Disagreeing with Fair Voting BC's decision to devote the movement's energies to backing the new BC Liberal government's plan to move forward with the Citizens' Assembly process it had developed in 1997, Carr founded a rival electoral reform organization called Free Your Vote to utilize the province's citizen initiative legislation (which technically allows citizens to force referendums on legislation if they gather a sufficient number of signatures).

Despite facing public condemnation from FVBC's Loenen, Free Your Vote recruited hundreds of volunteers for the province-wide effort, building a far larger citizen organization than either ECCO or FVBC. It also gained the support of many leftists, including the official endorsement of the BC Nurses' and other unions. The campaign also faced its share of difficulties, such as leaked internal memos from the party's organizing chair explaining that organizers knew the petition drive would fail, but were simply using it to build the party's organizational base. Although the campaign only submitted enough signatures in four of the province's 79 ridings, Free Your Vote was successful in mobilizing new support for reform. But it also appears to have hardened the party's support for a single model of proportional representation (mixed-member, closed-list) and public condemnation of others.

When the Citizen's Assembly process produced its recommendation that a referendum be held on the Single Transferable Vote system [1] Carr condemned it [2]. She put out a press release saying she was going to ask the upcoming Green Party AGM to endorse an emergency call to the voters of BC to reject BC-STV. Support for STV and recognition that it was a proportional voting system was substantial enough among BC Greens that Carr was forced to change her position to one that had her declare that although she opposed STV personally, Greens would be free to vote however they chose. (Odd, this in a party supposedly not "top-down" like the other parties). An example of how adamantly opposed Carr was to any proportional voting system other than the one she had been promoting was shown when a former Speaker of the BC Greens from 1990, David Lewis, arrived at the AGM only to find his name had been removed from the membership list. He had written Carr saying he thought she was going to destroy Green electoral chances for a generation informing her he was going to become active in the party again to try to stop her. Carr's Provincial Council met and rescinded his party membership. "I am the party...." said Carr on Global TV[3], which illustrated to some analysts how she viewed internal party debates such as the one over BC-STV.

The BC-STV referendum failed. Had 1.2% of the votes been different, the electoral system in British Columbia would now be BC-STV. Many Greens see Carr as responsible for its defeat.

Carr often claimed that BC-STV was a system that would create difficulties for women seeking to be elected. Canadian feminists, to the extent they participated in debate on BC-STV, were split. Dr. Lisa Young, who had appeared before the Citizen's Assembly to discuss the barriers to women in various electoral systems, did not support Carr's analysis[4]. The idea that BC-STV would not have allowed the Greens to elect MLAs for the first time is unsupportable. Turning down a chance for the BC Greens to elect their first MLAs, be part of coalition governments for the first time and hence secure their first Cabinet posts, because BC-STV was perceived by some feminists to be not as good as some other proportional electroal system led some to believe Carr had allowed her perception of how to advance the general interests of women to trump her environmentalism.

Four years later, as Greens came to understand what STV was, they were far more unified in supporting the second referendum held for it. But by then it had become clear to many in other parties in BC what BC-STV was and how great the potential would be under it for coalition government with Greens holding the balance of power. The second referendum on BC-STV was soundly defeated.

Following the failure of her preferred Free Your Vote, and her "success" in defeating BC STV, Carr focused her energy on a lively province-wide campaign opposing the 2010 Winter Olympic Games bid. But once the games were awarded to BC, the party was unable to find province-wide issues that resonated strongly with voters. Between 2003 and 2005, the party's presence was notably low key as Carr returned to the constant touring mode that had characterized Parker's first term.

In the 2005 provincial election, the GPBC's vote declined to 9% province-wide from 12% four years previously. Despite being rated highly for her debate performance by media commentators, Carr's performance was poorly rated by the public and her own vote share declined to 25% in her home constituency of Powell River-Sunshine Coast, 17% behind the victorious NDP candidate. Only in the constituencies of Vancouver-Burrard, West Vancouver-Garibaldi and Kelowna-Mission did the party's popularity increase.

These measures, it seems, were insufficient to quiet increasing internal dissatisfaction with her leadership. Prior to the first annual convention following the reinstitution of the practice requiring that leaders step down and run to succeed themselves each electoral cycle (this, along with annual confidence votes had been repealed in 2001), Carr announced her resignation on September 24, 2006. As predicted by those familiar with Carr's long-standing relationship with the newly-elected Green Party of Canada leader Elizabeth May, Carr accepted the paid position of Deputy Leader of the Green Party of Canada and is a federal candidate in the riding of Vancouver Centre.

Today's Greens

Jane Sterk, a municipal councilor, university professor and small business owner, was elected leader of the BC Greens at their 2007 Convention at Royal Roads University in Victoria. She assumed the role from Interim Leader Christopher Ian Bennett.

The Greens maintain they receive support from all over the political spectrum. In the federal election of 2004, former Social Credit Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) and media personality Rafe Mair confounded many by openly supporting the Green Party. The Greens have often been labelled as openly right wing at the same time as being labelled openly left wing by opponents.

The Greens' strength is concentrated on Southern Vancouver Island and the Gulf Islands, The Okanagan, Sea-to-Sky region and in high density areas of Vancouver. In 1991, the party's strongest showing was 4.4% in Rossland-Trail; in 1996, 11% in Nelson-Creston, in 2001 and 2005, in Adriane Carr's riding of Powell River-Sunshine Coast where she received 27% and 25% respectively, and in 2009 in West Vancouver-Sea-to-Sky with 22%.

Leaders

  • Adriane Carr (1983–1985)
  • position abolished by 1985 convention

(Three Speakers were elected instead of one Leader during these years)

Election results

Election Candidates fielded Total votes % of popular vote Place
1983 4 3,078 0.19% 7th
1986 9 4,660 0.24% 5th
1991 42 12,650 0.86% 4th
1996 71 31,511 1.99% 5th
2001 72 197,231 12.39% 3rd
2005 79 161,842 9.17% 3rd
2009 85 125,265 8.09% 3rd

See also

References

  1. ^ "BC Votes 2005: Single Transferable Vote" Retrieved July 20, 2010
  2. ^ "The 2005 and 2009 Referenda on Voting System Change in British Columbia" Pilon, Denis Canadian Political Science Review Retrieved July 20, 2010
  3. ^ "I am the party...." Schrek, David - StrategicThoughts.com Retrieved July 20, 2010
  4. ^ Designing deliberative democracy: the British Columbia Citizens' Assembly By Mark E. Warren, Hilary Pearse, page displayed by Google Books Retrieved July 22, 2010