Palestinian genocide accusation: Difference between revisions

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→‎Conceptions of genocide: Prof Hasian is not an professor of genocide, Israel, the Arab world, or Palestine, but communications. There is not reason to give him this much space on the page especially when compared to some of other names regardless of their view on the subject.
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Bashir Bashir and [[Amos Goldberg]] in 2018 described the Nakba as part of "the same modern and global history of genocide and ethnic cleansing" as the Holocaust; although the events differed in "degree of murderousness", they shared a "common global framework of violence created by strong nationalism combined with imperial and colonial ideology and policies", with the Nakba involving the attempt to "de-Arabize and ethnic-cleanse Palestine, which was predominantly Arab in character and makeup for hundreds of years."<ref name=Trauma>{{cite book |last1=Bashir |first1=Bashir |last2=Goldberg |first2=Amos |title=The Holocaust and the Nakba - A New Grammar of Trauma and History |date=2018 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=9780231182973 |pages=20–21, 138 |chapter=The Historical Global Register: The Holocaust and the Colonial Framework}}</ref> Meanwhile, [[Alon Confino]] in 2018 contrasted the "genocide" of the Holocaust with the "ethnic cleansing" of the Nakba, describing the latter as aimed at "removing, not annihilating, an ethnic group".<ref name=Trauma/>
Bashir Bashir and [[Amos Goldberg]] in 2018 described the Nakba as part of "the same modern and global history of genocide and ethnic cleansing" as the Holocaust; although the events differed in "degree of murderousness", they shared a "common global framework of violence created by strong nationalism combined with imperial and colonial ideology and policies", with the Nakba involving the attempt to "de-Arabize and ethnic-cleanse Palestine, which was predominantly Arab in character and makeup for hundreds of years."<ref name=Trauma>{{cite book |last1=Bashir |first1=Bashir |last2=Goldberg |first2=Amos |title=The Holocaust and the Nakba - A New Grammar of Trauma and History |date=2018 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=9780231182973 |pages=20–21, 138 |chapter=The Historical Global Register: The Holocaust and the Colonial Framework}}</ref> Meanwhile, [[Alon Confino]] in 2018 contrasted the "genocide" of the Holocaust with the "ethnic cleansing" of the Nakba, describing the latter as aimed at "removing, not annihilating, an ethnic group".<ref name=Trauma/>
⚫
Marouf Hasian, Jr. in 2020 stated the Nakba exemplified a situation where "empowered decisions-makers are reluctant to call some historical incidents colonial genocides", while "many Palestinian and other Arab writers" have compared the Nakba to "colonial genocides".<ref name=Debates>{{cite book |last1=Hasian |first1=Marouf |title=Debates on Colonial Genocide in the 21st Century |date=2020 |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |isbn=9783030212773|pages=8,10,78,80,103}}</ref>

⚫
Marouf Hasian, Jr. in 2020 stated the Nakba exemplified a situation where "empowered decisions-makers are reluctant to call some historical incidents colonial genocides", while "many Palestinian and other Arab writers" have compared the Nakba to "colonial genocides".<ref name=Debates>{{cite book |last1=Hasian |first1=Marouf |title=Debates on Colonial Genocide in the 21st Century |date=2020 |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |isbn=9783030212773|pages=8,10,78,80,103}}</ref> Hasian describes that some "Israelis worry that al-Nakba consciousness-raising threatens state legitimacy", while "many Israeli supporters" do not consider the Nakba as any form of genocide, instead arguing that there was "spontaneous Arab Palestinian fleeing that was based on calls from neighboring Arab nations."<ref name=Debates/> Hasian concludes that "public deliberation, and political events" caused "so many" people to attempt to separate the 1948 Nakba from "the 'real' genocides".<ref name=Debates/> Hasian further highlighted how restrictive "Auschwitz-centered, or Lemkin-like ways" of defining genocide was preventing consideration of the Nakba as genocide.<ref name=Debates/>


Both Israel and Palestine frequently accuse the other of planning a scheme of genocide.{{sfn|Short|2016|p=70}}
Both Israel and Palestine frequently accuse the other of planning a scheme of genocide.{{sfn|Short|2016|p=70}}

Revision as of 03:52, 16 November 2023

The Palestinian genocide accusation is the accusation that Israel has incited or carried out genocide against the Palestinians. This accusation has been made throughout the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and is often linked by supporters of the claim to the conceptualization of Israel as a settler colonial state.[1][2][3]

The accusation often concerns the events of Nakba, the Sabra and Shatila massacre, as well as other conflicts, including, more recently, the blockade of the Gaza Strip, the 2014 Gaza War and the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. In the latter conflict in particular, international law and genocide scholars have raised concerns about incitement to commit genocide and use of dehumanizing language by Israeli officials.[4]

Several scholars[a] wrote that Palestinians suffered ethnic cleansing during the 1948 Nakba, but did not consider the event to be genocide.

History

Nakba

Main article: Nakba

In 2010, historians Martin Shaw and Omer Bartov carried out a debate regarding whether the 1948 Nakba should be regarded as a genocide, with Shaw arguing that it could and with Bartov disagreeing.[5][6][7] The former Deputy Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Britain, Daud Abdullah, has stated that "Given the declared intent of the Zionist leaders, this wholesale destruction and depopulation of Palestinian villages fit[s] easily with the definition of genocide as cited in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide."[8]

Complicity in the Sabra and Shatila massacre

Main article: Sabra and Shatila massacre
Memorial for the dead killed in the massacre in Sabra, South Beirut

In September 1982, as many as 3,500 civilians—mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shia Muslim civilians were killed in Beirut's Sabra neighbourhood and in the adjacent Shatila refugee camp during the Lebanese Civil War. The killings were carried out by the Lebanese Forces, one of the main Christian militias in Lebanon at the time. Between the evening of 16 September and the morning of 18 September, the Lebanese militia carried out the killings while the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) had the Palestinian camp surrounded.[9][10][11][12] The IDF had ordered the militia to clear out the fighters of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from Sabra and Shatila as part of a larger Israeli maneuver into western Beirut. As the massacre unfolded, the IDF received reports of atrocities being committed, but did not take any action to stop it.[13]

On 16 December 1982, the United Nations General Assembly condemned the Sabra and Shatila massacre and declared it to be an act of genocide.[14] The voting record[15][16][17] on section D of Resolution 37/123 was: yes: 123; no: 0; abstentions: 22; non-voting: 12. The delegate for Canada stated: "The term genocide cannot, in our view, be applied to this particular inhuman act".[17] The delegate of Singapore – voting 'yes' – added: "My delegation regrets the use of the term 'an act of genocide' ... [as] the term 'genocide' is used to mean acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group." Canada and Singapore questioned whether the General Assembly was competent to determine whether such an event would constitute genocide.[17] The Soviet Union, by contrast, asserted that: "The word for what Israel is doing on Lebanese soil is genocide. Its purpose is to destroy the Palestinians as a nation."[18] The Nicaragua delegate asserted: "It is difficult to believe that a people that suffered so much from the Nazi policy of extermination in the middle of the twentieth century would use the same fascist, genocidal arguments and methods against other peoples."[18] The United States commented that "While the criminality of the massacre was beyond question, it was a serious and reckless misuse of language to label this tragedy genocide as defined in the 1948 Convention".[17] William Schabas, director of the Irish Centre for Human Rights at the National University of Ireland,[19] stated: "the term genocide ... had obviously been chosen to embarrass Israel rather than out of any concern with legal precision".[17]

That same year an independent commission headed by Seán MacBride investigated reported violations of International Law by Israel and four of its six members concluded that "the deliberate destruction of the national and cultural rights and identity of the Palestinian people amount[ed] to genocide".[20] In its conclusion, the commission recommended "that a competent international body be designed or established to clarify the conception of genocide in relation to Israeli policies and practices toward the Palestinian people".[21] David Hirst believes that while the decision of the U.N. General Assembly could still be called biased, it was harder to say the same about the McBride Commission, as well as about individuals around the world, especially Jews, who shared the opinion of its four members.[22]

The massacre was also investigated by the Israeli Kahan Commission. The commission concluded that although no Israelis were directly involved in the killings, a number of Israeli government ministers and military were indirectly responsible. They should have taken into account the sentiments of their Lebanese allies after their leader Bachir Gemayel had been assassinated along with 26 other Phalangists in a bomb attack 2 days earlier,[23] and also have taken decisive action to stop the killings when the first information was received.[24] The commission's findings were reluctantly accepted by the Israeli government, amid violent, rival, pro- and anti-government protests.[25]

Blockade of Gaza

Main article: Blockade of the Gaza Strip

In 2007, Israel imposed a blockade with the support of the Egyptian government on the movement of goods and people in and out of the Gaza Strip. Israeli New Historian Ilan Pappé has argued that genocide "is the only appropriate way to describe what the Israeli army is doing in the Gaza Strip".[26][27] In an article written in 2023 in the International Journal of Human Rights, Mohammed Nijim voiced his belief “that Israeli policies that were enacted after the introduction of the Blockade of the Gaza Strip amount[ed] to slow-motion genocide".[28]

2014 Gaza War

Main article: 2014 Gaza War

The 2014 Gaza War, also referred to as Operation Protective Edge, was a military operation launched by Israel on 8 July 2014 in the Gaza Strip. Al-Haq, a Palestinian Human Rights organization, concluded in a report that serious violations of international law were committed in the course of the 2014 Israeli offensive against Gaza. The organization, along with other Palestinian human rights organizations the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Al Mezan Center for Human Rights and Addameer, submitted a legal file to the International Criminal Court encouraging it to begin an investigation and prosecution into the crimes against humanity and war crimes committed during the course of Israel’s 2014 Gaza offensive. The crime of genocide was referenced as an Israeli crime by these groups.[29] Additionally, dozens of Holocaust survivors, along with hundreds of descendants of Holocaust survivors and victims, accused Israel of "genocide" for the deaths of more than 2,000 Palestinians in Gaza during the 2014 Gaza War.[29]

2021 Israel–Palestine crisis

Main article: 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis

During the 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis, a video circulated on social media showing Israelis celebrating at the Western Wall, whilst a tree near the Al-Aqsa Mosque burns in the background. A large crowd of Israeli Jews gathered around a fire near the mosque on 10 May, chanting yimakh shemam, a Hebrew curse meaning "may their names be erased". IfNotNow co-founder and B'Tselem USA director Simone Zimmerman criticized them as exhibiting "genocidal animus towards Palestinians — emboldened and unfiltered".[30][31] The Intercept described the video as "unsettling" and an example of "ultranationalist frenzy". Ayman Odeh, a member of the Knesset for the Joint List, said the video was "shocking".[31]

In an opinion survey of American Jews, commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute following the 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis, 22% agreed that "Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinians."[32]

2023 Israel–Hamas war

Main article: 2023 Israel–Hamas war
See also: Israeli war crimes § 2023 Israel–Hamas war
A photograph from above of many buildings leveled and others severely damaged. Rubble from the buildings is everywhere.
Extensive damage in Gaza following an Israeli airstrike

The 2023 Israel–Hamas war began after Hamas attacked Israel on 7 October 2023, killing around 1,200 people, most of whom were civilians; this led to an Israeli counteroffensive.[33][34][35] Israel formally declared war on Hamas a day later. Some Palestinians immediately expressed concern that this violence would be used to justify genocide against Palestinians by Israel.[36][37][38] On 15 October, TWAILR published a statement signed by over 800 legal scholars expressing "alarm about the possibility of the crime of genocide being perpetrated by Israeli forces against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip" and calling on UN bodies, including the UN Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect, as well as the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to "immediately intervene, to carry out the necessary investigations, and invoke the necessary warning procedures to protect the Palestinian population from genocide."[39][40][41]

On 19 October 2023, 100 civil society organizations and six genocide scholars sent a letter to Karim Khan, Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, calling on him to issue arrest warrants to Israeli officials for cases already before the prosecutor; to investigate the new crimes committed in the Palestinian territories, including incitement to genocide, since 7 October; to issue a preventative statement against war crimes; and to remind all states of their obligations under international law. The letter noted that Israeli officials, in their statements, had indicated "clear intent to commit war crimes, crimes against humanity and incitement to commit genocide, using dehumanizing language to describe Palestinians." The six specialist genocide scholars that signed the document were Raz Segal, Barry Trachtenberg, Robert McNeil, Damien Short, Taner Akçam and Victoria Sanford.[42] The same day, lawyers at the Center for Constitutional Rights stated that Israel's tactics were "calculated to destroy the Palestinian population in Gaza", and warned the Biden administration that “U.S. officials can be held responsible for their failure to prevent Israel’s unfolding genocide, as well as for their complicity, by encouraging it and materially supporting it."[43] On 1 November, the Defence for Children International accused the United States of complicity with Israel's "crime of genocide."[44]

On 2 November, a group of UN special rapporteurs stated, "We remain convinced that the Palestinian people are at grave risk of genocide."[45][40] On 4 November, Pedro Arrojo, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights to Safe Drinking Water and Sanitation, said that based on article 7 of the Rome Statute, which counts “deprivation of access to food or medicine, among others” as a form of extermination, “even if there is no clear intention, the data show that the war is heading towards genocide”.[46] Three Palestinian rights groups Al-Haq, Al Mezan, and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights have filed a lawsuit with the International Criminal Court (ICC), urging the body to investigate Israel for “apartheid” as well as “genocide” and issue arrest warrants for Israeli leaders.[47]

Forcible population transfer

Further information: 2023 evacuation of northern Gaza
See also: October 2023 Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip

Israel's evacuation order was characterized as a forcible population transfer by Jan Egeland, the Norwegian former diplomat involved with the Oslo Accord.[48] A "forcible transfer" is the forced relocation of a civilian population as part of an organized offense against it and is considered a crime against humanity by the International Criminal Court.[49] In an interview with the BBC, Egeland stated, "There are hundreds of thousands of people fleeing for their life — [that is] not something that should be called an evacuation. It is a forcible transfer of people from all of northern Gaza, which according to the Geneva convention is a war crime."[48] UN Special rapporteur Francesca Albanese warned of a mass ethnic cleansing in Gaza.[50] Raz Segal, an Israeli historian and director of the Holocaust and Genocide Studies program at Stockton University, termed it a "textbook case of genocide."[51] A leaked policy paper from the Israeli Ministry of Intelligence, a junior ministry that conducts research but does not set policy, suggested a permanent expulsion of the population of Gaza into Egypt, which has been described as an endorsement of ethnic cleansing; the Israeli government downplayed the report as a hypothetical "concept paper".[52][53] Transfer is a topic of discussion and disagreement within Israel’s government with some expressly calling for permanent expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza.[54]

Discourse

Conceptions of genocide

The term genocide was coined in 1944 by a Jewish Polish legal scholar, Raphael Lemkin, who explained that for him “the term does not necessarily signify mass killings”.[29]

More often [genocide] refers to a coordinated plan aimed at destruction of the essential foundations of the life of national groups so that these groups wither and die like plants that have suffered a blight. The end may be accomplished by the forced disintegration of political and social institutions, of the culture of the people, of their language, their national feelings and their religion. It may be accomplished by wiping out all basis of personal security, liberty, health and dignity. When these means fail the machine gun can always be utilized as a last resort. Genocide is directed against a national group as an entity and the attack on individuals is only secondary to the annihilation of the national group to which they belong.[29]

According to Yair Auron, from 1948 to 2008, "researchers" did not analyze the Israel-Palestine conflict in terms of the concept of genocide.[55] In 2010, political science professor Martin Shaw argued that the elimination of the majority of Palestinian Arab society in Israel in 1948 constituted genocide.[55] In 2017, Auron wrote that he expected increasing discourse with over time regarding the concept of a Palestinian genocide.[55] According to Time, there is no agreement among scholars as to whether current events can be called a genocide.[56]

Haifa Rashed and Damien Short have voiced their belief that Lemkin's original concept of genocide can be used to analyze "the historical and continuing, cultural and physical, destructive social and political relations involved in the Israel/Palestine conflict".[57] In a separate publication, Rashed, Short, and John Docker argued that the conflict did not receive enough attention in the field of genocide studies, as the academic "field fears Zionist intimidation and ad hominem attack".[58] The trio raised the possible argument of the ongoing "Zionist project as a structural settler-colonial genocide against the Palestinian people".[58] The trio stated: "Discriminatory land and planning policies" could be viewed using the lens of a government repressing "minority rights" of Palestinian Israelis, but this "does not preclude individual victims experiencing this as genocidal".[58] Historian Lawrence Davidson, in his book about cultural genocide, included a chapter about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[59]

In the context of the 2023 Hamas attack on Israel, the Israeli counterattacks, and the imposed complete blockade, which included the denial of water and food to the civilian population, Israeli historian Raz Segal described it as a "textbook case of genocide" and connected it to the Nakba, the expulsion of Palestinians during the establishment of Israel in 1948.[60]

Michael Sfard, an Israeli human rights lawyer who argued on behalf of Yesh Din that Israel is committing the crime of apartheid, wrote in 2020 that Israel's policy against the Palestinians "doesn’t even begin to meet the threshold of what genocide is" and that the accusation "cheapens the very important and grave concept of genocide".[61][62]

British historian Simon Sebag Montefiore, arguing that the Israeli occupation of the West Bank was "harsh, unjust, and oppressive", and that over 100 Palestinians were killed by Israeli settlers in both 2022 and 2023, stated that he did not consider it to be a genocide.[63]

Ronit Lentin wrote in 2010 that the 1948 Nakba was not "genocide", but ethnic cleansing or "spaciocide".[64] Derek Penslar, a professor of Israel Studies at the University of Oxford, opined in 2013 that Palestinians suffered "ethnic cleansing" during the Nakba, but "not a genocide", as Penslar said that the latter "means that you wipe out a people".[58][65] Earlier, historian Ilan Pappé in 2006 and genocide scholar Mark Levene in 2007 both stated that the Nakba in 1948 was "ethnic cleansing", without stating that it was "genocide", with Levene stating that Pappé's research on the Nakba "demands the attention of readers and researchers engaged with the subject of genocide and its suboptimal variants", with the Nakba being "of ongoing relevance – just as much as the Armenian genocide".[58] Pappé, however, would in 2006 and 2007 describe the killings of Palestinians by Israel in Gaza during 2006 as "genocide".[27][66] Pappé in 2009 described the 2009 Gaza War as "genocide", decrying that the "genocidal operations" are being treated as "unconnected to anything that happened in the past and not associated with any ideology or system".[64] Pappé in 2013 cited a speech by Israel's Prime Minister Shimon Peres that year as having failed to recognize the existence of Palestinians in the history of Israel, which to Pappé "is the point where ethnic cleansing becomes genocidal. When you are eliminated from the history book and the discourse of the top politicians".[58][67]

Ian Lustick in 2006 described the Nakba as "the expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and refusal to allow them to return. It was a tragic and unjust and opportunistically accelerated unfolding of the logic of circumstances, not a genocidal campaign."[68]

Yair Auron in 2017 analyzed the 1948 Nakba using the definition of genocide from the 1948 United Nations Genocide Convention (as any other definition would result in "complete chaos" according to Auron), concluding that "Israel committed ethnic cleansing but not a genocide", thus arguing that the underlying aim of the Nakba was not to kill Palestinians, but to "get rid of them, and in doing so, [the Israelis] commit massacres", noting the expulsion of people from over 400 villages.[55] According to Auron, ethnic cleansing is one of the "elements of genocide", though "not an act of genocide".[55] Auron differentiates massacres in genocides as being "part of the comprehensive plan", while massacres in ethnic cleansing are "localized and usually stem from hatred or vengeance".[55] Auron noted that the claim that the 1948 Nakba was genocide has been increasingly advanced by Palestinians, and is also promoted by some European and North American scholars.[55]

Auron argues that there are four main factors why he did not consider 1948 as a genocide against Palestinians: (1) the Arabs initiated the war, resulting in Israel experiencing "critical existential combat" for several weeks; (2) Israel had no "intention of annihilating" a social group; (3) generally, perpetrators of genocide have at least near-absolute force superiority, which Israel did not have; (4) despite "slurs", there was no "racist ideology" towards Palestinians, exemplified by Israeli groups like Hashomer living similarly to Bedouins.[55]

Bashir Bashir and Amos Goldberg in 2018 described the Nakba as part of "the same modern and global history of genocide and ethnic cleansing" as the Holocaust; although the events differed in "degree of murderousness", they shared a "common global framework of violence created by strong nationalism combined with imperial and colonial ideology and policies", with the Nakba involving the attempt to "de-Arabize and ethnic-cleanse Palestine, which was predominantly Arab in character and makeup for hundreds of years."[69] Meanwhile, Alon Confino in 2018 contrasted the "genocide" of the Holocaust with the "ethnic cleansing" of the Nakba, describing the latter as aimed at "removing, not annihilating, an ethnic group".[69] Marouf Hasian, Jr. in 2020 stated the Nakba exemplified a situation where "empowered decisions-makers are reluctant to call some historical incidents colonial genocides", while "many Palestinian and other Arab writers" have compared the Nakba to "colonial genocides".[70]

Both Israel and Palestine frequently accuse the other of planning a scheme of genocide.[71]

Israeli response to accusation

The characterization has been largely rejected by Israelis,[27][72] and contested by other scholars. Some defenders of Israel say that characterising the conflict as a genocide against the Palestinians is antisemitic[73][74][better source needed] and a blood libel.[75]

Israeli rhetoric

Protest in Berlin on November 4, 2023 with protestors calling for an end to the "genocide" in Gaza.

Benjamin Netanyahu, said that Israelis were "committed to completely eliminating this evil [of Hamas] from the world", he then added: "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember", referencing 1 Samuel 15:3 in the Hebrew Bible.[b] Noah Lanard of Mother Jones describes these verses as among the most violent in the Bible and that they have a long history of being used by Jews on the far-right to justify killing Palestinians.[76] Amalek was "the foe that God ordered the ancient Israelites to genocide",[40] and scholars have described the verse as an instance of 'divinely mandated genocide'.[77]

In the 2023 conflict, the call by Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for a "complete siege" and the sentiment that: "We are fighting human animals and we will act accordingly", has been called out as expressing genocidal intent.[40][78] Likewise with Ariel Kallner, a Knesset member for Likud, who said of the 2023 war: "Right now, one goal: Nakba. A Nakba that will overshadow the Nakba of 1948",[78] and Daniel Hagari, who said forces would turn Gaza into a “city of tents” and said Israel's “emphasis is on damage and not on accuracy” in the bombardment of Gaza.[40] Amichay Eliyahu, a cabinet minister, and Tally Gotliv, a Likud parliament member, have both called for Israel to use nuclear weapons on Gaza, with Gotliv stating: “It’s time for a doomsday weapon. Not flattening a neighborhood. Crushing and flattening Gaza.” Galit Distel-Atbaryan posted on X that Israelis should focus on: “Erasing all of Gaza from the face of the earth” and forcing the Gazans either into Egypt or to the death.[40] It was such statements that led to Raz Segal's characterization of event in Gaza as a "textbook case of genocide", and he noted to Vox: "If this is not special intent to destroy, I don’t know what is.”[40]

On 23 October 2023, Ramzy Baroud of Arab News compared the rhetoric from Israeli officials with the language used in Rwanda ahead of the Rwandan genocide. He referenced the similarity between the refrain by the Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in Rwanda that Tutsis "are cockroaches. We will kill you" and a 1983 quote from former Israeli army chief of staff Rafael Eitan that Arabs are like "drugged cockroaches in a bottle".[78] Chris McGreal, of The Guardian who won an Amnesty International Media Award for his reporting of the Rwandan genocide,[79] also described the rhetoric against Palestinians as being "eerily familiar" to the rhetoric used against Tutsis.[80]

On 14 November 2023, Israel's finance minister Bezalel Smotrich stated that he welcomed "the initiative of the voluntary emigration of Gaza Arabs to countries around the world," adding that "the State of Israel will no longer be able to accept the existence of an independent entity in Gaza."[81] Critics, such as Palestinian National Initiative President Mustafa Barghou, have likened the statement to a call for ethnic cleansing.[82] The Palestinian Authority's Ministry of Foreign affairs accused Israel of engaging in a “genocide” supported by Smotrich.[82]

Legal

There has been longstanding legal discourse on whether a case can be made that Israel has violated the Genocide Convention, with American human rights lawyer Francis Boyle, the professor of international law at the University of Illinois College of Law, first suggesting that such a case should be brought to bear in 1998.[26][83][84] Boyle's argument is that Israel has "ruthlessly implemented a systematic and comprehensive military, political, and economic campaign with the intent to destroy in substantial part the national, ethnic, racial and different religious (Muslim & Christian) group" of Palestinians.[58]

The Kuala Lumpur War Crimes Tribunal, a 'citizens' tribunal', in 2013 found Israel guilty of genocide for actions taken over the previous 67 years, agreeing with the prosecution that the "harsh conditions of life were deliberately inflicted to destroy" Palestinians.[58]

Stuart N. Brotman, American government policymaker; tenured university professor; and lawyer, suggested that when genocide is mentioned, the qualification should follow. “There is no current basis under international law to validate the claim that Israel’s response to the October 7 attack is ‘genocide.’ Rather, if genocide has occurred here, international law indicates that it should be attributed instead to Hamas.”[85]

On November 13, Defence for Children International, Al-Haq, and Palestinians living in Gaza and the United States, represented by the Center for Constitutional Rights, filed a lawsuit against Joe Biden, Antony Blinken, and Lloyd Austin for failure to prevent genocide, citing Israel's "mass killings," targeting of schools and hospitals, collective punishment, use of chemical weapons, forced expulsion, and blockage of food, water, electricity and other basic needs.[77][86][87] The lawsuit seeks to enact an emergency order to end diplomatic and military aid to Israel for their international crimes.[88][77]

Political

"Stop the genocide, free Palestine" rally in Helsinki, Finland 21 October 2023.
Pro-Palestine demonstator at a subway station in Toronto, Canada, 12 November 2023

Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian on 13 October 2023 labelled the siege and the cutting off of essentials as "seeking a genocide of all people in Gaza".[89] On 15 October, Pakistani foreign minister Jalil Abbas Jilani directly called Israel's airstrikes and blockade on Gaza a genocide.[90] On 28 October, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas described the Gazan conflict as a "war of genocide and massacres committed by the Israeli occupation forces",[33] and on 5 November, following a meeting with Antony Blinken repeated: “I have no words to describe the genocide and destruction suffered by our Palestinian people in Gaza at the hands of Israel’s war machine, with no regard for the principles of international law.”[91] Nicolás Maduro, the President of Venezuela since 2013, said in October 2023 that he interpreted a statement from the United Nations as a warning "about the genocide that has begun against the Palestinian people in Gaza," adding that “We have witnessed in the past massacres and brutal atrocities against the Palestinian people”.[92]

Palestinian-American US congresswoman Rashida Tlaib pleaded for a cease-fire at a rally on 18 October, saying: "We are literally still watching people commit genocide and killing a vast majority just like this, and we still stand by and say nothing."[93] Her remarks at the rally led the Republican caucus within congress to draw up a resolution, sponsored by Marjorie Taylor Greene, to censure Tlaib.[93] On 4 November, Tlaib released a video in which she directly accused President Biden of supporting "the genocide of the Palestinian people".[94][40]

Craig Mokhiber, a director in the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, resigned over what he called the "text-book case of genocide" in the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. He criticized the OHCHR, the US and Western media for their positions on the conflict and noted: "Once again, we are seeing a genocide unfolding before our eyes, and the Organization that we serve appears powerless to stop it."[95][40] A day after Colombia withdrew its ambassador from Israel, President Gustavo Petro posted on X in Spanish: “It's called genocide, they do it to remove the Palestinian people from Gaza and take it over. The head of the state who carries out this genocide is a criminal against humanity. Their allies cannot talk about democracy."[96] On 20 October, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan called for a ceasefire in the context of the 2023 Israel-Hamas war, stating that Israel's attack on Gaza amounted to a genocide.[97]

It was reported on 23 October 2023 that Israel's Ambassador to the Philippines, Ilan Fluss, denied that there was a genocide against Palestinians and said that all of Israel's attacks were aimed at Hamas members, further opining that Israel was "taking all measures to avoid having civilians affected", including "informing civilians even before attacks: keep away from Hamas' infrastructure".[34] South Africa, alongside its recall of its diplomatic mission to Israel, criticized Israel's ambassador for disparaging those "opposing the atrocities and genocide of the Israeli government".[98]

In a Washington Post analysis in November 2023, journalist Ishaan Tharoor noted that: "In protests around the world, in the corridors of the United Nations and in the angry chambers of social media, one word is getting louder and louder: genocide."[99] The analysis noted how the invocation of the language of genocide had been made by the governments of Brazil, Colombia and South Africa, by UN special rapporteurs, and by genocide scholars, and that, while "Israeli and U.S. officials may scoff at the suggestion", the specter of the terms looms over the war in Gaza.[99] The same month, Jeremy Corbyn, former leader of the UK Labour Party called for the International Criminal Court to investigate the crime of genocide in Gaza.[100]

On 6 November, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Al Sudani labelled the month-long Israel-Gaza war a “genocide” against the Palestinian people, noting: "Anyone who wants to contain this conflict and to prevent its spillover in the region should exert pressure on the authorities of the occupation to stop this aggression and the devastating and systematic killing". The same day, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi stated: “These horrible crimes against humanity are a genocide, which is carried out by the Zionist regime with the support of the United States and certain European countries.”[101]

Cultural

Writer Jazmine Hughes resigned from The New York Times Magazine after signing an open letter that said "Israel’s war against Gaza is an attempt to conduct genocide against the Palestinian people"[102][103] Musician Macklemore at a 4 November rally in Washington said "In the last three weeks, I've gone back and I've done some research and I'm teachable, I don't know enough, but I know enough that this is a genocide."[104]

Authors and feminist scholars Angela Davis and Zillah Eisenstein are among nearly 150 signatories of an open letter which reads "We will not be silent when the bells of genocide ring. Silence is complicity."[105]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Ilan Pappé (2006), Mark Levene (2007), Ronit Lentin (2010), Derek Penslar (2013), Yair Auron (2017), Alon Confino (2018)
  2. ^ "Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass." (1 Samuel 15:3, King James Version)

References

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Works cited

Further reading

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