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The relationship between '''men and feminism''' has been complex and intricate. Male discourse on women in society dates back to [[Classical Greece]]. Well-known examples include [[Aristophanes]]' ''[[Lysistrata]]'' and [[Euripides]]' ''[[Medea (play)|Medea]]'', and the position of women is addressed by [[Plato]] in the ''[[Republic (Plato)|Republic]]''. Since the 19th century, men have taken part in significant cultural and political responses to [[feminism]] within each "[[History of feminism|wave]]" of the movement. For example, feminists and [[Abolitionism|abolitionists]], the latter working to end the slave trade, found common ground as they worked to promote the rights of women and slaves respectively.
The relationship between '''men and feminism''' has been complex and intricate. Male discourse on women in society dates back to [[Classical Greece]]. Well-known examples include [[Aristophanes]]' ''[[Lysistrata]]'' and [[Euripides]]' ''[[Medea (play)|Medea]]'', and the position of women is addressed by [[Plato]] in the ''[[Republic (Plato)|Republic]]''. Since the 19th century, men have taken part in significant cultural and political responses to [[feminism]] within each "[[History of feminism|wave]]" of the movement.


One taxonomy has been offered by the American sociologist [[Michael Kimmel]], who in the 1990s classified men's responses as falling into [[antifeminist]], [[masculist]]/[[masculinist]], or [[pro-feminist]] categories, each largely differing in their view of masculinity. Kimmel himself belongs to his profeminist category.<ref name="Kimmel1">Michael S. Kimmel, “Who's Afraid of Men Doing Feminism?," in Digby, Tom (ed). ''Men Doing Feminism''. New York: Routledge, 1998, pp. 57–68.</ref>
One taxonomy has been offered by the American sociologist [[Michael Kimmel]], who in the 1990s classified men's responses as falling into [[antifeminist]], [[masculist]]/[[masculinist]], or [[pro-feminist]] categories, each largely differing in their view of masculinity. Kimmel himself belongs to his profeminist category.<ref name="Kimmel1">Michael S. Kimmel, “Who's Afraid of Men Doing Feminism?," in Digby, Tom (ed). ''Men Doing Feminism''. New York: Routledge, 1998, pp. 57–68.</ref>

Revision as of 01:51, 15 December 2012

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The relationship between men and feminism has been complex and intricate. Male discourse on women in society dates back to Classical Greece. Well-known examples include Aristophanes' Lysistrata and Euripides' Medea, and the position of women is addressed by Plato in the Republic. Since the 19th century, men have taken part in significant cultural and political responses to feminism within each "wave" of the movement.

One taxonomy has been offered by the American sociologist Michael Kimmel, who in the 1990s classified men's responses as falling into antifeminist, masculist/masculinist, or pro-feminist categories, each largely differing in their view of masculinity. Kimmel himself belongs to his profeminist category.[1]

The masculist position advocates men's rights, and is controversially claimed to be the male counterpart to feminism, seeking to redress social issues facing men and boys. It also refers to antifeminism and advocacy of male superiority and dominance.[2] One masculinist position, associated with the Mythopoetic movement and author Robert Bly, criticizes "emasculation of men by feminism," and argues that there are intrinsic differences between the sexes.[3]

History

Pre-modern

In the Athenian comic poet Aristophanes’ play Lysistrata, women engage in a sex strike to bring about the end of the Peloponnesian war. Similarly, in The Republic, Plato suggests an ‘ideal’ state in which women would receive equal education and opportunities to participate in activities of the state, at least within the guardian class. During the Renaissance Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa wrote La Supériorité du sexe feminin (Superiority of the female sex). Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the majority of pro-feminist authors emerged from France, including Denis Diderot, Paul Henri d’Holbach, and Charles Louis de Montesquieu.[4] Montesquieu introduced female characters, like Roxana in Persian Letters, who subverted patriarchal systems, and represented his arguments against despotism.

18th-century

The 18th century saw male philosophers attracted to issues of human rights, and men such as the Marquis de Condorcet championed women's education. Liberals, such as the utilitarian Jeremy Bentham, demanded equal rights for women in every sense, as people increasingly came to believe that women were treated unfairly under the law.[5]

19th-century

In the 19th century, there was also an awareness of women's struggle. The British legal historian, Sir Henry Maine, criticized the inevitability of patriarchy in his Ancient Law (1861).[6] In 1866, John Stuart Mill, author of The Subjection of Women, presented a women's petition to the British parliament, and supported an amendment to the 1867 Reform Bill. Although his efforts focused on the problems of married women, it was an acknowledgment that marriage for Victorian women was predicated upon a sacrifice of liberty, rights, and property. His involvement in the women's movement stemmed from his long-standing friendship with Harriet Taylor, whom he eventually married.

In 1849, women were refused the right to participate at the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London. Supporters of the women attending argued that it was hypocritical to forbid women and men from sitting together at this convention to end slavery; they cited similar segregationist arguments in the United States that were used to separate whites and blacks. When women were still denied to join in the proceedings, abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison, Charles Lenox Remond, Nathanial P. Rodgers, and Henry Stanton, all elected to sit silently with the women.[7]

One argument against female participation, both at the World Anti-Slavery Convention, and commonly in the nineteenth century, was the suggestion that women were ill-constituted to assume male responsibilities. Abolitionist Thomas Wentworth Higginson argued against this, stating:

I do not see how any woman can avoid a thrill of indignation when she first opens her eyes to the fact that it is really contempt, not reverence, that has so long kept her sex from an equal share of legal, political, and educational rights…[a woman needs equal rights] not because she is man’s better half, but because she is his other half. She needs them, not as an angel, but as a fraction of humanity.[7]

During the end of the 19th century, Greenwich Village radicals attempted to institute feminist ideals into their lives by adopting new kinds of relationships with women. They embraced believed feminist objectives, like women’s sexual autonomy and access to birth control.

Contemporary

In 2001 a Gallup poll found that only 20% of American men considered themselves feminist, with 75% saying they were not. [8] A CBS Poll in 2009 found 24% of men in the United States claim the term "feminist" is an insult. Four in five men refuse to identify themselves as feminist, but when its definition is given the number fell to two in five. An increasing amount of men said that feminism had improved their lives in comparison to polls taken in 1983 and 1999 with an unprecedented, but marginal majority of 47% agreeing. Although 60% believe that a strong women's movement is no longer needed.[9] A YouGov Poll of Britain in 2010 found that only 16% of men described themselves as feminist with 54% stating they were not and 8% specifically claiming to be antifeminist.[10]

Men's liberation movement

Further information: Men's liberation

The men's liberation movement began in the early 1970s as consciousness-raising groups to help men free themselves from the limits of sex roles. Proponents of men’s liberation argued that male bonding is a mechanism to conform men’s identities to a single sense of masculinity, which reinforces patriarchy. In lieu of such bonding, the men’s liberation movement called for open acknowledgment of the costs of masculinity: men’s entrapment in their fixed role as the breadwinner of the nuclear family and the taboo against men expressing emotions. Most significantly, this movement made it acceptable for men to be open about their emotions while maintaining their masculinity.

The distinction between gender and biological sex originated during the men's liberation movement. The previously accepted link between the biological male sex and the social construction of masculinity was seen by scholars[11] as a limitation on men’s collaboration with the feminist movement. This sharply contrasted with sex role theory which viewed gender as something determined by biological differences between the sexes. Other key elements of the men's liberation movement were the ideas that genders are relational and each cannot exist without the other, and that gender as a whole is a social construction and not a biological imperative. Thus, second-wave profeminist writers[12] were able to explore the interactions between social practices and institutions, and ideas of gender.

Antifeminist responses

The men's rights movement and, to a lesser extent, the mythopoetic men's movement are considered part of an antifeminist response.[13][14][15][16]

Mythopoetic men's movement

Further information: Mythopoetic men's movement

Other men have reacted to feminist claims by refusing to engage them at all, instead seeking to re-establish a more traditional masculine ideal. This movement is associated with the formation of fraternal organizations such as the YMCA. Their founding is seen by some as an attempt to instill traditional masculinity and male bonding in its members.[citation needed]

The mythopoets crafted a masculinist response to feminism which began in America in the 1980s.[17] The movement uses myths and fairy tales to seek refuge from the perceived "feminization" of modern society with an emphasis on "deep masculinity."[18] Mythopoets hold that all men inherently possessed a "deep masculinity" that has been repressed by over-dominant mothers.[19] In order to recover "deep masculinity", Mythopoets attend escapist retreats. During these retreats, men attempt to reconnect with nature through initiation rites and ceremonial behavior. Mythopoets often credit American Indians as prime examples of such customs,[20] although the content of the retreats bears little resemblance to any actual American Indian practices.

Mythopoets are concerned with what they see as harmful effects that the modernization of American society has had on men.[20] They argue that as America became industrialized, men were forced from the home and into factories, thereby leaving boys with only female role models. The most prominent effects of this lack of guidance were the destruction of nurturing bonds between men and the limitation of emotional expression by men. Mythopoets strove to counter this by reclaiming emotional power from women.[19] Much Mythopoetic literature takes the form of nostalgic longing for a time when deep masculinity was more accessible.

A founding mythopoet is poet Robert Bly whose work is frequently associated with the Mythopoetic movement. Bly's work includes “Iron John: A Book About Men” in which he recounts a myth of a young prince’s quest for maturity. In Iron John, Bly argues that, although there are several powerful male characters, most men identify with the weak young prince, and that this identification demonstrates that men do not possess the power and control ascribed to them by feminists. This conception of gender dynamics is representative of the mythopoetic perspective.

Men's rights

Further information: Men's rights

In the early 1980s, the men's rights campaign emerged in America in response to the men's liberation movement. Men's rights activists refer to themselves as "masculinists" or are labeled as such.[21][22][23]

Masculinists claim that feminist advances have not been balanced by elimination of traditional feminine privileges, and that they should empower themselves by revitalizing their masculinity. This argument was also echoed in religious circles with the Muscular Christianity movement.

A uniting principle was the belief that men's problems were awarded less attention than women's and that any previous oppression of women had turned, or was about to turn, into oppression of men. Men’s rights activists cite men's economic burden of the traditionally male breadwinner role, men's shorter average life expectancy, and inequalities favoring women in divorce issues, custody laws, and abortion rights[24] as evidence of men’s suffering.

The campaign has generally had the most success achieving legal reform in family law, particularly regarding child custody. Activists argue that the American judicial system discriminates against fathers in child custody hearings since mothers are typically viewed as the main caregivers. They claim that the economic burden of the breadwinner role has made it more difficult for men to take part in child rearing, and that court decisions rarely account for this obstacle.[24]

Some organizations, such as the National Coalition of Free Men, have made efforts to examine how sex discrimination affects men. For instance, this group argues that custody rights in favor of women discriminate against men because they are based on the belief that women are naturally more nurturing and better caregivers than men. Also, in the belief that women are somehow less culpable than men, women receive gentler treatment by the justice system for the same crimes that men have committed. Thus, groups such as NCFM promote awareness, resources, support, and openings for discussion for these issues.[24]

Male feminism and Pro-feminism

Further information: Pro-feminism
Further information: Feminism

As feminist writer Shira Tarrant has argued, a number of men have engaged with and contributed to feminist movements throughout history.[25] In 1866, John Stuart Mill (author of “The Subjection of Women”), presented a women’s petition to the British parliament and supported an amendment to the 1867 Reform Bill. Other men have lobbied and campaigned against feminism. Today, academics like Michael Flood, Michael Messner, and Michael Kimmel are involved with men's studies and pro-feminism.[7][24][26][27][28]

There is debate within feminism over whether or not men can be feminists. While some argue that men cannot be feminists because of the intrinsic differences between the sexes, others argue that men’s identification with the feminist movement is necessary for furthering the feminist causes. A number of feminist writers maintain that identifying as a feminist is the strongest stand men can take in the struggle against sexism against women. They have argued that men should be allowed, or even encouraged, to participate in the feminist movement.[29][30] Other female feminists argue that men cannot be feminists simply because they are not women, cannot understand women's issues, and are collectively members of the class of oppressors against. They claim that men are granted inherent privileges that prevent them from identifying with feminist struggles and thus make it impossible for them to identify with feminists.[31]

A common idea supporting men’s inclusion as ‘feminists’ is that excluding men from the feminist movement labels it as solely a female task, which is argued to be sexist in itself. They assert that until men share equal responsibility for struggling to end sexism against women, the feminist movement will reflect the very sexist contradiction it wishes to eradicate.[30] The term ‘profeminist’ occupies the middle ground in this semantic debate, because it offers a degree of closeness to feminism without using the term itself. Also, the prefix ‘pro’ characterizes the term as more proactive and positive. There has been some debate regarding the use of the hyphen (identifying as a ‘pro-feminist’ as opposed to a profeminist) claiming that it distances the term too much from feminism proper.[29]

Men’s studies

Main article: Men's studies

Masculinity scholars seek to broaden the academic discourse of gender through men's studies. While some feminists argue that most academic disciplines, except women’s studies, can be considered “men’s studies” because they claim that the content of the curriculum consists of primarily male subjects, masculinity scholars[32] assert that men’s studies specifically analyzes men’s gendered experiences. Central to men’s studies is the understanding that “gender” does not mean “female,” the same way “race” does not mean “black.” Men’s studies are typically interdisciplinary, and incorporate the feminist conception that “the personal is political.” Masculinity scholars strive to contribute to the existing dialogue about gender created through women’s studies.[citation needed]

See also

3

References

  1. ^ Michael S. Kimmel, “Who's Afraid of Men Doing Feminism?," in Digby, Tom (ed). Men Doing Feminism. New York: Routledge, 1998, pp. 57–68.
  2. ^ "masculinism, n". Oxford English Dictionary Online. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 2010-11-10.
  3. ^ Rowland, Susan (2002). Jung: A Feminist Revision. Blackwell. pp. 79–80.
  4. ^ Murphy, Peter F. (ed). Feminism & Masculinities. Oxford University Press, 2004.
  5. ^ Campos Boralevi, Lea. Bentham and the Oppressed. Walter De Gruyter Inc, 1984.
  6. ^ Maine, Henry Sumner. Ancient Law. 1861
  7. ^ a b c Michael S. Kimmel, “Introduction,” in Against the Tide: Pro-Feminist Men in the U.S., 1776-1990, A Documentary History. Boston: Beacon 1992, 1-51.
  8. ^ George Horace Gallup (2002). The Gallup poll Rowman & Littlefield, pp. 152 (or more). ISBN 0-8420-5001-9, ISBN 978-0-8420-5001-2
  9. ^ "Poll: Women's Movement Worthwhile" CBS News. February 11, 2009. Retrieved February 27, 2012.
  10. ^ "Women + equality" YouGov Survey Results. October 4, 2010. Retrieved February 27, 2012.
  11. ^ Mirsky, Seth. “Three Arguments for the Elimination of Masculinity.” Men’s Bodies, Men’s Gods: Male Identities in a (Post-) Christian Culture. (New York: NYU, 1996), 27-39.
  12. ^ Carrigan, Tim, Bob Connell, and John Lee. “Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity.” Reprinted in Feminism and Masculinities, Peter F. Murphy, ed. ([1985]); Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2004.
  13. ^ Whitehead, Stephen (2002). Men and masculinities: key themes and new directions. Cambridge; Malden, MA: Polity Press, p. 65. ISBN 978-0-7456-2466-2.
  14. ^ Clatterbaugh, Kenneth (2004). "Men's Movement". In Kimmel, Michael S.; Aronson, Amy. Men and masculinities: a social, cultural, and historical encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, pp. 529–531. ISBN 978-1-57607-774-0.
  15. ^ Dragiewicz, Molly (2011). Equality with a vengeance: men's rights groups, battered women, and antifeminist backlash. Boston, Mass.: Northeastern University Press, pp. 13–18. ISBN 978-1-55553-738-8.
  16. ^ Messner, Michael A (1997). "Politics of Masculinities: Men in Movements". Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications, p. 20. ISBN 978-0-8039-5576-9.
  17. ^ Schwalbe, Michael (2007). "Mythopoetic Movement". In Flood, Michael; et al. International encyclopedia of men and masculinities. London; New York: Routledge, p. 350–453. ISBN 978-0-415-33343-6.
  18. ^ "The Mythopoetic Movement". In Chapman, Roger (2010). Culture wars: an encyclopedia of issues, viewpoints, and voices. Armonk, N.Y. : M.E. Sharpe, p. 335, ISBN 978-1-84972-713-6.
  19. ^ a b Keen, Sam. Fire in the Belly: On Being a Man. Bantam Books: 1992.
  20. ^ a b Bly, Robert. Iron John: A Book About Men
  21. ^ Wood, Julia T. (1994). Gendered lives: communication, gender, and culture. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Pub., p. 104. ISBN 978-0-495-79416-5.
  22. ^ Flood, Michael; et al. (2007). International encyclopedia of men and masculinities. London; New York: Routledge, p. 421. ISBN 978-0-415-33343-6.
  23. ^ Kahn, Jack S. (2009). An introduction to masculinities. Chichester, U.K., Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, p. 202. ISBN 978-1-4051-8179-2.
  24. ^ a b c d Messner, Michael, Taking the Field: Women, Men, and Sports, University of Minnesota Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0-8166-3449-1
  25. ^ Tarrant, Shira, Men and Feminism, Seal Press, 2009
  26. ^ Flood, Michael. “Backlash: Angry men’s movements.” Reprinted from The Battle and Backlash Rage On: Why Feminism Cannot Be Obsolete (Stacey Ellen Rossi). Xlibris, 2004: 261-278.
  27. ^ Michael S. Kimmel, “Who’s Afraid of Men Doing Feminism?,” from Men Doing Feminism, Tom Digby, ed. New York: Routledge, 1998, 57-68
  28. ^ Messner, Michael, Power at Play: Sports and the Problem of Masculinity, Beacon Press; Reissue edition 1995, ISBN 978-0-8070-4105-5
  29. ^ a b Harry Brod, “To Be a Man, or Not to be a Man — That Is the Feminist Question,” in Men Doing Feminism, Tom Digby, ed. (NY: Routledge, 1998), 197-212.
  30. ^ a b hooks, bell. Men: Comrades in Struggle, in Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (1984).
  31. ^ Russ Ervin Funk, “The Power of Naming: Why Men Can’t Be Feminists,” in Feminista!: The Journal of Feminist Construction 1, no. 4.
  32. ^ Brod, Harry. "Studying Masculinities as Superordinate Studies," in Masculinists Studies & Feminist Theory, Judith Gardiner, ed. (2002), 177-90.

External links

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