Franco-Mongol alliance: Difference between revisions

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[[Image:LittleArmeniaPrincipality_of_AntiochTripoli.jpg|thumb|Among the Christian states in the Levant, the [[Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia]] (in blue) and the northern Frank realms of the [[Principality of Antioch]] and the [[County of Tripoli]] (green) were the most regular allies/subjects of the Mongols, and supplied troops to participate in Mongol campaigns.]]
[[Image:LittleArmeniaPrincipality_of_AntiochTripoli.jpg|thumb|Among the Christian states in the Levant, the [[Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia]] (in blue) and the northern Frank realms of the [[Principality of Antioch]] and the [[County of Tripoli]] (green) were the most regular allies/subjects of the Mongols, and supplied troops to participate in Mongol campaigns.]]
Many attempts were made towards forming a '''Franco-Mongol alliance''' between the mid-1200s and the early 1300s, starting around the time of the Seventh Crusade.<ref name=atwood-583>"Despite numerous envoys and the obvious logic of an alliance against mutual enemies, the papacy and the Crusaders never achieved the often-proposed alliance against Islam". Atwood, ''Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire'', p. 583, "Western Europe and the Mongol Empire"</ref> Historians note that in hindsight, an alliance between the Mongols and the Franks often appears a logical choice.<ref name=atwood-583/><ref>"In later years Christian chroniclers would bemoan a lost opportunity in which Crusaders and Mongols might have joined forces to defeat the Muslims. But they were writing from the benefit of hindsight, after the Crusader States had been destroyed by the Muslim Mamluks." Nicolle, David, ''The Mongol Warlords'', p. 114</ref><ref name=jackson-4>""The failure of Ilkhanid-Western negotiations, and the reasons for it, are of particular importance in view of the widespread belief in the past that they might well have succeeded." Jackson, Peter ''Mongols and the West'', p. 4</ref> The Mongols were already very sympathetic to Christianity as many Mongols were [[Nestorianism|Nestorian Christians]]. The Europeans were open to the idea of assistance coming from the East, due to the longrunning legend of a mythical [[Prester John]], an Eastern king in a magical kingdom who many believed would arrive someday to help with the fight in the Holy Land. The Mongols and the Franks also shared a common enemy in the [[Muslim]]s. There were numerous exchanges of letters, gifts and emissaries between the Mongols and the Europeans as well as offers for varying types of cooperation.<ref name=atwood-583/> However, despite many attempts, there was never any successful military collaboration.<ref name=jackson-170>"Arghun had persisted in the quest for a Western alliance right down to his death without ever taking the field against the mutual enemy." Jackson, ''Mongols and the West'', p. 170</ref> Modern historians also debate whether or not such an alliance, if it had been successful, would have been effective in shifting the balance of power in the region, and/or whether or not it would have been a wise choice on the part of the Europeans.<ref>See ''History in Dispute: The Crusades, 1095-1291'' where the question that is debated is, "Would a Latin-Ilkhan Mongol alliance have strengthened and preserved the Crusader States?'"[http://www.ecampus.com/book/1558624546]</ref> Traditionally, the Mongols tended to see outside parties as either subjects, or enemies, with little room in the middle for something such as an ally.
Many attempts were made towards forming a '''Franco-Mongol alliance''' between the mid-1200s and the early 1300s, starting around the time of the Seventh Crusade.<ref name=atwood-583>"Despite numerous envoys and the obvious logic of an alliance against mutual enemies, the papacy and the Crusaders never achieved the often-proposed alliance against Islam". Atwood, ''Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire'', p. 583, "Western Europe and the Mongol Empire"</ref> Historians note that in hindsight, an alliance between the Mongols and the Franks often appears a logical choice.<ref name=atwood-583/><ref>"In later years Christian chroniclers would bemoan a lost opportunity in which Crusaders and Mongols might have joined forces to defeat the Muslims. But they were writing from the benefit of hindsight, after the Crusader States had been destroyed by the Muslim Mamluks." Nicolle, David, ''The Mongol Warlords'', p. 114</ref><ref name=jackson-4>""The failure of Ilkhanid-Western negotiations, and the reasons for it, are of particular importance in view of the widespread belief in the past that they might well have succeeded." Jackson, Peter ''Mongols and the West'', p. 4</ref> The Mongols were already very sympathetic to Christianity as many Mongols were [[Nestorianism|Nestorian Christians]]. The Europeans were open to the idea of assistance coming from the East, due to the longrunning legend of a mythical [[Prester John]], an Eastern king in a magical kingdom who many believed would arrive someday to help with the fight in the Holy Land. The Mongols and the Franks also shared a common enemy in the [[Muslim]]s. There were numerous exchanges of letters, gifts and emissaries between the Mongols and the Europeans as well as offers for varying types of cooperation.<ref name=atwood-583/> However, despite many attempts, there was never any successful military collaboration.<ref name=jackson-170>"Arghun had persisted in the quest for a Western alliance right down to his death without ever taking the field against the mutual enemy." Jackson, ''Mongols and the West'', p. 170</ref> Modern historians also debate whether or not such an alliance, if it had been successful, would have been effective in shifting the balance of power in the region, and/or whether or not it would have been a wise choice on the part of the Europeans.<ref>See ''History in Dispute: The Crusades, 1095-1291'' where the question that is debated is, "Would a Latin-Ilkhan Mongol alliance have strengthened and preserved the Crusader States?'"[http://www.ecampus.com/book/1558624546]</ref> Traditionally, the Mongols tended to see outside parties as either subjects, or enemies, with little room in the middle for something such as an ally.
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This pattern was to be repeated over and over during the coming decades. In 1245 Innocent sent another mission, through another route, led by the [[Dominican Order|Dominican]] [[Ascelin|Ascelin of Lombardia]], also bearing letters. The mission met with the Mongol commander [[Baichu]] near the [[Caspian Sea]] in 1247. Baichu, who had plans to capture Baghdad, welcomed the possibility of an alliance and had envoys, Aïbeg and Serkis, accompany the embassy back to Rome, where they stayed for about a year.<ref>Runciman, p.259</ref> They met with Innocent IV in 1248, who again appealed to the Mongols to stop their killing of Christians.<ref>David Wilkinson, Studying the History of Intercivilizational Dialogues [http://64.233.183.104/search?q=cache:j2zJq7QI4goJ:www.unu.edu/HQ/japanese/dialogue/wilkinson-presen-s1e.doc]</ref><ref>Runciman, p.259</ref>
This pattern was to be repeated over and over during the coming decades. In 1245 Innocent sent another mission, through another route, led by the [[Dominican Order|Dominican]] [[Ascelin|Ascelin of Lombardia]], also bearing letters. The mission met with the Mongol commander [[Baichu]] near the [[Caspian Sea]] in 1247. Baichu, who had plans to capture Baghdad, welcomed the possibility of an alliance and had envoys, Aïbeg and Serkis, accompany the embassy back to Rome, where they stayed for about a year.<ref>Runciman, p.259</ref> They met with Innocent IV in 1248, who again appealed to the Mongols to stop their killing of Christians.<ref>David Wilkinson, Studying the History of Intercivilizational Dialogues [http://64.233.183.104/search?q=cache:j2zJq7QI4goJ:www.unu.edu/HQ/japanese/dialogue/wilkinson-presen-s1e.doc]</ref><ref>Runciman, p.259</ref>


==Christian vassals==
===Mongol relations with Cilician Armenia===
{{main|Armeno-Mongol alliance}}
{{seealso|Mongol invasions of Georgia and Armenia}}
In the meantime, the Christian king [[Hetoum I]] of [[Cilician Armenia]], seeing that the Mongols were approaching rapidly and he had to choose between submission or annihilation,<ref name=bournotian-109>Bournotian, p. 109. "It was at this juncture that the main Mongol armies appeared [in Armenia] in 1236. The Mongols swiftly conquered the cities. Those who resisted were cruelly punished, while submitting were rewarded. News of this spread quickly and resulted in the submission of all of historic Armenia and parts of Georgia by 1245.... Armenian and Georgian military leaders had to serve in the Mongol army, where many of them perished in battle. In 1258 the Ilkhanid Mongols, under the leadership of Hulagu, sacked Baghdad, ended the Abbasis Caliphate and killed many Muslims."</ref> sent his brother [[Sempad]] to the Mongol court in Karakorum. Sempad met Kublai Khan's brother Mongke Khan, and made a formal agreement in 1247 between Cilicia and the Mongols, against their common enemy the Muslims.<ref name=bournotian-100>Bournotian, p. 100. "Smbat met Kubali's brother, Mongke Khan and in 1247, made an alliance against the Muslims"</ref> The nature of this relationship is disputed by various historians, some of whom call it an alliance,<ref>Mutafian describes it as "The Armeno-Mongol Alliance", p.56</ref> and others who say that the Armenians had submitted to Mongol overlordship, and had become a vassal state similar to any other conquered region.<ref name=weatherford-181/><ref>Stewart, "Logic of Conquest", p. 8. "The Armenian king saw alliance with the Mongols -- or, more accurately, swift and peaceful subjection to them -- as the best course of action."</ref> Armenian and Georgian military leaders were required to serve in the Mongol army, and many of them perished in Mongol battles.<ref name=bournotian-109/>
As the Ilkhanid empire continued to move towards the Holy Land, city after city fell to the Mongols. The typical Mongol pattern was to give a region one chance to surrender. If the target acquiesced, the Mongols absorbed the populace and warriors into their own Mongol army, which they would then use to further expand the empire.<ref name=bournotian-109/> If a community did not surrender, the Mongols moved in and simply slaughtered everyone, thousands at a time. Accordingly, many communities simply surrendered immediately, including some Christian realms in the path of the Mongols.<ref name=bournotian-109>Bournotian, p. 109. "It was at this juncture that the main Mongol armies appeared [in Armenia] in 1236. The Mongols swiftly conquered the cities. Those who resisted were cruelly punished, while submitting were rewarded. News of this spread quickly and resulted in the submission of all of historic Armenia and parts of Georgia by 1245.... Armenian and Georgian military leaders had to serve in the Mongol army, where many of them perished in battle. In 1258 the Ilkhanid Mongols, under the leadership of Hulagu, sacked Baghdad, ended the Abbasis Caliphate and killed many Muslims."</ref> Christian [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]] was repeatedly attacked starting in 1220,<ref>Runciman, p.246-247</ref> and in 1243 Queen [[Rusudan of Georgia|Rusudan]] formally submitted to the Mongols, turning Georgia into a vassal state which then became a regular ally in the Mongol military conquests.<ref>Runciman, p.250</ref><ref name=weatherford-181>Weatherford, p. 181. "To supplement his own army, Hulegu summoned the armies of the vassal states of Armenia and Georgia"</ref> King [[Hethoum I of Armenia]] submitted in 1247,<ref name=stewart-8>Stewart, "Logic of Conquest", p. 8. "The Armenian king saw alliance with the Mongols -- or, more accurately, swift and peaceful subjection to them -- as the best course of action."</ref> and became the main conduit of diplomacy between the Mongols and the Europeans, as he strongly encouraged other European monarchs to follow his own example. He sent his brother [[Sempad]] to the Mongol court in Karakorum, and Sempad's positive letters (some call them propaganda) about the Mongols were influential in European circles.<ref name=bournotian-100>Bournotian, p. 100. "Smbat met Kubali's brother, Mongke Khan and in 1247, made an alliance against the Muslims"</ref> However, the only monarch who followed Hethoum's advice was his son-in-law, Prince [[Bohemond VI of Antioch]].

===Antioch===
[[Image:Armoiries Bohémond VI d'Antioche.png|Coat of arms of Bohemond VI of Antioch|right|thumb]]
{{main|Principality of Antioch}}
When the Principality of Antioch joined with the Mongols around 1259, a Mongol representative and a Mongol garrison were stationed in the capital city, where they remained until the Principality was destroyed by the Mamluks in 1268.<ref name=tyerman-806>"Bohemond VI, briefly one of Outremer's most important power brokers, had already accepted Mongol overlordship, with a Mongol resident and battalion stationed in Antioch itself, where they stayed until the fall of the city to the Mamluks in 1268". Tyerman, p. 806</ref> Bohemond was also required by the Mongols to accept the restoration of a Greek patriarch, [[Euthymius]], to the patriarchate of Antioch, as a way of strengthening ties between the Mongols and the Byzantines. In return for this loyalty, Hulagu awarded to Bohemond all the Antiochene territories which had been lost to the Muslims in 1243. But for his relations with the Mongols, Bohemond was also temporarily excommunicated by [[Jacques Pantaléon]], the [[Patriarch of Jerusalem]],<ref>[http://www.the-orb.net/textbooks/crusade/antioch.html Online Reference Book for Medieval studies]</ref><ref>Runciman, p.307, "Bohemond was excommunicated by the Pope for this alliance (Urban IV, ''Registres'', 26 May 1263</ref><ref>Saunders, p. 115</ref> though this was lifted in 1263.

In 1262, the Mamluk leader [[Baibars]] threatened Antioch for its association with the Mongols. Baibars attempted an attack, but Antioch was saved by Mongol intervention. In later years however the Mongols were not able to offer as much support.<ref>Grousset, p. 609</ref><ref>”In the meantime, [Baibars] conducted his troops to Antioch, and started to besiege the city, which was saved by a Mongol intervention” Jean Richard, p.429</ref> In 1264-1265 the Mongols were only able to attack the frontier fort of [[Al-Bira]],<ref>Jean Richard, p.428</ref> and in 1268 Baibars completely overran the area, and the hundred-year-old principality was no more. After this defeat, Bohemond obtained a truce with Baibars,<ref> Amin Maalouf, p.268 (French)</ref> but was left with no estates except [[Tripoli]].<ref>Runciman, 325-327</ref>

In 1271, Baibars then sent a letter to Bohemond threatening him with total annihilation and taunting him for his alliance with the Mongols:

{{quote|"Our yellow flags have repelled your red flags, and the sound of the bells has been replaced by the call: "Allâh Akbar!" (...) Warn your walls and your churches that soon our siege machinery will deal with them, your knights that soon our swords will invite themselves in their homes (...) We will see then what use will be your alliance with [[Abaqa Khan|Abagha]]"|Letter from Baibars to Bohemond VI, 1271<ref>Quoted in Grousset, p.650</ref>}} <!-- good quote, let's keep it :) -->


==Seventh Crusade: Saint Louis and the Mongols (1248-1254)==
==Saint Louis and the Mongols==
{{main|Seventh Crusade|Louis IX of France}}
{{main|Seventh Crusade|Louis IX of France}}
[[Louis IX of France]] had engaged in communications with the Mongols since his first Crusade, when he was met on December 20, 1248 in [[Cyprus]] by two Mongol envoys, [[Nestorians]] from [[Mossul]] named David and Marc, who brought a letter from the Mongol commander in Persia, [[Eljigidei]].<ref>{{cite journal|title=The Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260 |author=Peter Jackson|journal=The English Historical Review|volume=95|issue=376|date=July 1980|pages=481-513|url=http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0013-8266(198007)95%3A376%3C481%3ATCITHL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F}}</ref> The letter communicated a proposal to form an alliance against the Muslim [[Ayyubids]], whose Caliphate was based in [[Baghdad]].<ref>Grousset, p.523</ref> Eljigidei suggested that King Louis should land in Egypt, while Eljigidei attacked Baghdad, as a way of preventing the Saracens of Egypt and those of Syria from joining forces. Louis responded by sending an emissary to the Great Khan [[Güyük]] in [[Mongolia]]. However, Güyük died, from drink, before the emissary arrived at his court, and his widow [[Oghul Ghaimish]] simply gave the emissary a gift and a condescending letter to take back to King Louis,<ref>Runciman, p.260</ref> demanding that the king pay tribute to the Mongols.<ref>Tyerman, p. 798. "Louis's embassy under Andrew of Longjumeau had returned in 1251 carrying a demand from the Mongol regent, Oghul Qaimush, for annual tribute, not at all what the king had anticipated.</ref>
[[Louis IX of France]] had engaged in communications with the Mongols since his first Crusade, when he was met on December 20, 1248 in [[Cyprus]] by two Mongol envoys, [[Nestorians]] from [[Mossul]] named David and Marc, who brought a letter from the Mongol commander in Persia, [[Eljigidei]].<ref>{{cite journal|title=The Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260 |author=Peter Jackson|journal=The English Historical Review|volume=95|issue=376|date=July 1980|pages=481-513|url=http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0013-8266(198007)95%3A376%3C481%3ATCITHL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F}}</ref> The letter communicated a proposal to form an alliance against the Muslim [[Ayyubids]], whose Caliphate was based in [[Baghdad]].<ref>Grousset, p.523</ref> Eljigidei suggested that King Louis should land in Egypt, while Eljigidei attacked Baghdad, as a way of preventing the Saracens of Egypt and those of Syria from joining forces. Louis responded by sending an emissary to the Great Khan [[Güyük]] in [[Mongolia]]. However, Güyük died, from drink, before the emissary arrived at his court, and his widow [[Oghul Ghaimish]] simply gave the emissary a gift and a condescending letter to take back to King Louis,<ref>Runciman, p.260</ref> demanding that the king pay tribute to the Mongols.<ref>Tyerman, p. 798. "Louis's embassy under Andrew of Longjumeau had returned in 1251 carrying a demand from the Mongol regent, Oghul Qaimush, for annual tribute, not at all what the king had anticipated.</ref>
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Envoys from the Byzantine emperor, the Armenians and the Mongols of Abaqa were present at Tunis, but events put a stop to plans for a continued Crusade,<ref>Jean Richard, p.445</ref> as Louis died there of illness. According to legend, his last words were "Jerusalem".<ref>Grousset, p.647</ref>
Envoys from the Byzantine emperor, the Armenians and the Mongols of Abaqa were present at Tunis, but events put a stop to plans for a continued Crusade,<ref>Jean Richard, p.445</ref> as Louis died there of illness. According to legend, his last words were "Jerusalem".<ref>Grousset, p.647</ref>


==Relations with the Ilkhanate==
==Collaboration in the Middle East (1258-1265)==
===Hulagu (1256-1265)===
{{main|Franco-Mongol alliance (1258-1265)}}
{{main|Hulagu Khan}}
[[Image:HulaguAndDokuzKathun.JPG|thumb|[[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]] with his Christian queen [[Dokuz Khatun]]. Hulagu conquered Muslim Syria, in collaboration with Christian forces from Cilician Armenia, Georgia, and Antioch.]]
A certain amount of military collaboration between the Christians and the Mongols did not really take place until 1258-1260, when [[Bohemond VI of Antioch|Bohemond VI]] of [[Principality of Antioch|Antioch]] and [[County of Tripoli|Tripoli]], the Christian [[Cilician Armenia|Armenians]] under his father-in-law [[Hetoum I of Armenia|Hetoum I]], and the Christian [[History of Georgia (country)|Georgians]] combined forces with the Mongols under [[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]]. Hetoum I had also himself visited the court of [[Mangu Khan]] at [[Karakorum]] in 1254 to renew the Cilician-Mongol alliance.<ref name=bournotian-101>Bournotian, p. 101</ref><ref>[http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/GuillaumeTyr4.html Guillaume de Tyr, Chap. II]. The event is mentioned and quoted in Runciman.</ref>
A certain amount of military collaboration between the Christians and the Mongols did not really take place until 1258-1260, when the forces of [[Bohemond VI of Antioch]], [[Hetoum I of Armenia]], and the Christian [[History of Georgia (country)|Georgians]] combined forces with the Mongols under the leader of the Mongol Ilkhanate, [[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]], a grandson of [[Genghis Khan]]. Though an avowed [[shamanist]], Hulagu was nevertheless very tolerant of Christianity. His mother [[Sorghaghtani Beki]], his favorite wife, and several of his closest collaborators were Nestorian Christians. One of his most important generals, [[Kitbuqa]], was a [[Naiman]] Christian.


Hulagu's army, with the forces of his Christian subjects, effectively destroyed two of the most powerful Muslim dynasties of the era. Both that of the [[Abbasids]] in Baghdad, and the [[Ayyubids]] in Syria.
The leader of the Ilkhanid section of the Mongol Empire, Hulagu, was generally favourable to Christianity. He was the son of a Christian woman, [[Sorghaghtani Beki]], and one of his most important generals, [[Kitbuqa]], was a [[Naiman]] [[Christian]]. He also apparently had a high regards for the military skills of the Chrsitians.<ref>"A Chinese source dating from 1263, and apparently based on a report sent from Hulegu to Mongke in 1258, describes the Franks as very fine warriors." Jackson, ''The Mongols and the West'' p.136</ref>


====Fall of Baghdad====
The years from 1258 to 1260 brought both some of the greatest Mongol victories in the region, and their first major defeat. On the one hand, the combined forces of the Mongols with their Christian allies (or vassals) successfully conquered Syria, and in Iraq they conquered the center of the most powerful Islamic dynasty in existence at that time, that of the [[Abbasids]] in Baghdad. On the other hand, because of the neutrality of the Franks in Acre, and the passive alliance which was struck between the Franks and the Egyptian Mamluks, in late 1260 the Mamluks achieved a decisive victory against the Mongols at the pivotal [[Battle of Ain Jalut]]. This action effectively stopped the Mongol expansion into the area, and set the western border for the Mongol Empire.
[[Image:Hulagu Baghdad 1258.jpg|thumb|Mongol attack of Baghdad (1258)]]
{{main|Battle of Baghdad (1258)}}
Baghdad, the seat of the [[Abbasid dynasty]], the jewel of Islam and one of the largest and most powerful cities in the world for 500 years, fell on February 15, 1258, an event often considered as the single most catastrophic event in the history of Islam. The Christian Georgians had been the first to breach the walls, and were among the fiercest in their destruction.<ref>"The Georgian troops, who had been the first to break through the walls, were particularly fiercest in their destruction" Runciman, p.303</ref> When Hulagu conquered the city, the Mongols demolished buildings, burned entire neighborhoods, and massacred nearly 80,000 men, women, and children. But at the intervention of Hulagu's Nestorian Christian wife, the Christian inhabitants were spared.<ref name=maalouf-242>Maalouf, p. 242-243</ref><ref>"A history of the Crusades", Steven Runciman, p.306</ref>


After Baghdad, in 1260 the Mongols with their Christian subjects conquered Muslim [[Syria]], domain of the [[Ayyubid dynasty]]. They took together the city of [[Aleppo]], and on March 1, 1260, the Mongols with the Armenians and the Franks of Antioch took [[Damascus]],<ref>[http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/200704/history.s.hinge.ain.jalut.htm Saudi Aramco World "The Battle of Ain Jalut"]</ref><ref name=grousset-581/> under the Christian Mongol general [[Kitbuqa]]. The three Christian rulers entered the city of Damascus together in triumph.<ref>Grousset, p.588</ref><ref>Runciman, p.307</ref> Mass was celebrated in the [[Umayyad Mosque|Grand Mosque of the Umayyads]] (the former cathedral of Saint [[John the Baptist]]),<ref>Jean Richard, p.423</ref> and numerous mosques were profaned.
===Bohemond VI and the Mongols===
Sometime in the 1250s, [[Bohemond VI of Antioch|Bohemond VI]], Frank ruler of the [[Principality of Antioch]] and the [[County of Tripoli]], and one of the Outremer's most important power-brokers,<ref>"Bohemond VI, briefly one of Outremer's most important power broker", Tyerman, p.806</ref> allied (or submitted) to the Mongols.<ref>"Bohemond of Antioch-Tripoli became their [the Mongol's] ally” John Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, p.136</ref><ref>"Hethoum's attempts to build a great Christian alliance to aid the Mongols was well received by the local Christian; and Bohemond of Antioch, who was under his father-in-law's influence, gave his adhesion. But the Franks of Asia held aloof.", Runciman, p.299</ref><ref>"The Armenians, in the person of king Hethoum, sided with the Mongols, as did Bohemond of Antioch". Amin Maalouf, p.261 (Les Croisades vues par les Arabes). Also: "Bohemond of Antioch and Hethoum of Armenia, principal allies of the Mongols". Amin Maalouf, p.265 (Les Croisades vues par les Arabes)</ref> The Principality of Antioch was the most ancient of the Frankish realms, and its capital [[Antioch]] was the largest Frank city in the Levant.<ref>Amin Maalouf, "Les Croisades..", p267</ref> Some historians also describe that Bohemond submitted to Mongol and accepted their overlordship to become their vassal.<ref>"Customary marks of submission to which Bohemond VI ... had had to conform." (Jean Richard, p. 422).</ref> According to the historian Reuven Amitai-Preiss however, Bohemond showed "unreserved support for the Mongols".<ref>"Bohemond VI's unreserved support for the Mongols was probably looked upon with disfavor by the leaders of Acre. The Papal legate was certainly displeased: he excommunicated Bohemond early in 1260.", in ''Mongols and Mamluks'', p.39</ref>


With both the Abbasid and Ayyubid dynasties destroyed, the Near East was never again to dominate civilization.<ref>"The Near East was never again to dominate civilization", Runciman, p.304</ref> The last Ayyubid king [[An-Nasir Yusuf]] died in 1260,<ref>Atlas des Croisades, p.108</ref> and with the Islamic power centers of Baghdad and Damascus gone, the center of Islamic power transferred to the Egyptian Mamluks in Cairo.
When the Principality of Antioch joined with the Mongols, a Mongol representative and a Mongol garrison were stationed in the capital city of Antioch, where they remained until the capture of the city by the Mamluks in 1268.<ref>"Bohemond VI, briefly one of Outremer's most important power broker, had already accepted Mongol overlordship, with a Mongol resident and battalion stationed in Antioch itself, where they stayed until the fall of the city to the Mamluks in 1268". Tyerman, p. 806</ref> In return for Bohemond's submission, and Bohemond's acceptance of the restoration of a [[List of Greek Orthodox Patriarchs of Antioch|Greek patriarch]], [[Euthymius the Great|Euthymius]], to the patriarchate of Antioch, Hulagu returned to Bohemond all the Antiochene territories which had been lost to the Muslims in 1243. These included [[Darkush]], [[Kafar-dubbin]], [[Laodicea]], and [[Jableh|Jabala]], which Bohemond re-claimed with Templar help.<ref>Jean Richard, p.425</ref><ref name=tyerman-806>Tyerman, p. 806. The Frankish Antiochenes assisted in the Mongols' capture of Aleppo, thus in part achieving a very traditional Frankish target, and had received lands in reward."</ref>


However, before the Mongols could continue their advance towards Egypt, they needed to withdraw because of a new internal conflict in [[Turkestan]]. Hulagu departed with the bulk of his forces, leaving only about 10,000 Mongol horsemen in Syria under Kitbuqa to occupy the conquered territory.<ref>Runciman, p.310</ref> Some Mongol raiding parties were sent southwards into Palestine towards Egypt, with small Mongol garrisons of about 1,000 established in Gaza<ref>Jean Richard, p.428</ref><ref>Amin Maalouf, p.264</ref><ref>Tyerman, p.806</ref> and [[Naplouse]].<ref>Amin Maalouf, p.262</ref>
===Participation of the Franks to the Mongol invasion of the Levant (1260)===
[[Image:1260MongolConquestsLevant.jpg|thumb|1260 Mongol offensive in the Levant.]]
After Baghdad, in 1260 the Mongol forces, along with their Christian allies, conquered Muslim [[Syria]], domain of the [[Ayyubid dynasty]]. They took the city of [[Aleppo]] with the help of the Franks of Antioch,<ref>Tyerman, p.806 "The Frankish Antiochenes assisted the Mongols' capture of Aleppo".</ref> and on [[March 1]], [[1260]] proceeded to capture [[Damascus]],<ref>[http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/200704/history.s.hinge.ain.jalut.htm Saudi Aramco World "The Battle of Ain Jalut"]</ref><ref name=grousset-581/> under the Christian Mongol general [[Kitbuqa]]. Numerous historians, some of them quoting [[Le Templier de Tyr]], explain that Kitbuqa entered the city of Damascus in triumph together with Hethoum and Bohemond VI, and that great Christian celebrations were made.<ref>Grousset, p.586: "We known from Le Templier de Tyr that the king of Armenia Hetoum I and the Prince of Antioch Bohemond VI accompanied Kitbuqa in this offensive: "The king of Armenia and the Prince of Antioch went to the army of the Tartars and went to take Damas"."</ref><ref>"On 1 March Kitbuqa entered Damascus at the head of a Mongol army. With him were the King of Armenia and the Prince of Antioch. The citizens of the ancient capital of the Caliphate saw for the first time for six centuries three Christian potentates ride in triumph through their streets", Runciman, p.307</ref><ref>Jean Richard, p.423: "Bohemond... supported Hulegu with his troops in the siege of Aleppo; he also occupied [[Baalbek]], and entering into Damascus with the Mongols, had the satisfaction of celebrating mass in the great Mosque"</ref><ref>"On March 1st 1260, Damascus had to let general Kitbuqa inside its walls. He was accompanied by king Hetoum and Prince Bohemond" [[Jean-Paul Roux]], ''Histoire de l'Empire Mongol'', p.346</ref><ref>"The Mongols then attacked Muslim Syria, and they were accompanied by Hetoum and his son-in-law Bohemond when they took Aleppo and Damascus", [[Claude Mutafian]], p.58</ref> According to [[Peter Jackson]], writing in 1980, Bohemond VI of Antioch was said to be present in some later accounts but not in contemporary sources, and it is likely a later legend.<ref>Peter Jackson, "Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260," ''English Historical Review 376 (1980) 486</ref> In 2005 however, Peter Jackson wrote that Bohemond is recorded to have participated to the Mongol conquest of [[Baalbek]], not far from Damascus, and that he may have ridden into Damascus with the Mongols.<ref>Jackson, "The Mongols and the West", p.117. Jackson also references Al-Yunani as recording Bohemond in Ba'labakk (Baalbek), and later asking to receive the land from the Mongols.</ref> The historian De Reuven Amitai-Preiss concludes that the accounts may be exaggerated, but have some truth to them, and says of Bohemond VI that after his passage at Baalbek "it is most probable that he also passed through Damascus".<ref>"While this report cannot be taken literally, it may contain a grain of truth. Armenian troops were part of Ketbuqa's force, while some time during the Mongol occupation Bohemond visited [[Baalbek]] and even intended to ask Hulegu for possession of the town. (...) If this prince reached as far as Baalbek, it is most probable that he also passed through Damascus." De Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.31</ref>


====Incidents====
According to the contemporary account of Le Templier de Tyr, mass was celebrated in the [[Umayyad Mosque|Grand Mosque of the Umayyads]] (the former cathedral of Saint [[John the Baptist]]),<ref>Jean Richard, p.423</ref>, and numerous mosques were profaned:
{{seealso|Mongol raids into Palestine}}
With Mongol territory now bordering the Franks, a few incidents occurred, one of them leading to an incident in [[Sidon]]. [[Julian de Grenier]], [[Lordship of Sidon|Lord of Sidon]] and [[Beaufort Castle, Lebanon|Beaufort]], described by his contemporaries as irresponsible and light-headed, took the opportunity to raid and plunder the area of the Bekaa in Mongol territory. When the Mongol general Kitbuqa sent his nephew with a small force to obtain redress, they were ambushed and killed by Julian. Kitbuqa responded forcefully by raiding the city of Sidon, although the Castle of the city was left unattained.<ref name=runciman-308>Runciman, p. 308</ref> Another similar incident occurred when [[John II of Beirut]] and some Templars led a raid into [[Galilee]].<ref>Runciman, p.309</ref> These events generated a significant level of distrust between the Mongols and the Crusader forces, whose own center of power was now in the coastal city of Acre.


The incidents also raised the ire of the Mamluk leader [[Baibars]]. He declared that the treaty that had been signed between the Crusaders and the Mamluks in 1240 had been invalidated when Christian forces assisted the Mongols to capture Damascus. He demanded the evacuation of Saphet and Beaufort, and when the Christians balked, Baibars used that as his excuse to violate the pre-existing truce, and start launching new attacks on such settlements as [[Nazareth]], [[Mount Tabor]], and [[Bethlehem]].<ref>Richard, p. 416 (english)</ref>
{{quote|"The king of Armenia and the Prince of Antioch went to the army of the Tatars, and they all went off to take Damascus. When Damascus was taken, the Prince, to the shame of the Sarasins, established a beautiful church, which at the time of the Greeks used to belong to the Christians, and where since then the Sarasins had prayed Mahomet. The Prince had mass held for the Franks and the bells rung. In the other mosques of Mahomet, where the Sarazins were, shrubs were placed, wine was sprayed on the walls, and fresh pork grease was smeared. And if he commanded his people to do some dirt, they would do tenfold."|''Gestes des Chiprois'', Le Templier de Tyr, quoted in "Histoire des Croisades III", René Grousset<ref>"Le roy d'Arménie et le Prince d'Antioche alèrent en l'ost des Tatars et furent à prendre Damas...". Quoted in "Histoire des Croisades III", Rene Grousset, p586</ref>}}


====Battle of Ain Jalut====
The Mongol invasion effectively destroyed the [[Ayyubid Dynasty]], who had been overthrown in Egypt ten years before but had held on in Syria. The last Ayyubid king [[An-Nasir Yusuf]] died in 1260.<ref>Atlas des Croisades, p.108</ref> With the Islamic power centers of Baghdad and Damascus gone, the center of Islamic power transferred to the Egyptian Mamluks in Cairo.
{{main|Battle of Ain Jalut}}
The Franks of the Principality of Antioch and the County of Tripoli and the Armenians aside, other Christians worked against the Mongols. The [[Patriarch of Jerusalem]] saw the Mongols as a clear threat, and had written to the Pope to warn him about them in 1256.


In 1260, the Franks of [[Acre, Israel|Acre]] maintained a position of cautious neutrality between the Mongols and the Mamluks. The powerful Venetian commercial interests in the city regarded with concern the expansion of the northern trade routes opened by the Mongols and serviced by the [[Genoese]], and they favoured an appeasement policy with the Mamluks, that would support their traditional trade routes to the south. In May 1260 they sent a letter to [[Charles of Anjou]], complaining about Mongol expansion and Bohemond's subservience to them, and asking for his support.<ref>Runciman, p.307</ref>
After the victory, Hulagu gave numerous gifts to Bohemond VI, including some of the conquered cities, including [[Lattakieh]].<ref>"Subsequently, Hulegu sent presents to [sent for, oe41] the duke of Antioch [Bohemond VI] who was a relative of the King of Armenia [son-in-law of the King of Armenia, oe41], and ordered that all the districts [g50] of his kingdom which the Saracens had held be returned to him. He also bestowed many other favors on him." [http://rbedrosian.com/hetum3.htm Fleur des Histoires d'Orient, Chap.29]</ref> But then because of a new internal conflict in [[Turkestan]], Hulagu had to stop the Mongol invasion before it reached Egypt, and departed with the bulk of his forces, leaving only about 10,000 Mongol horsemen in Syria under Kitbuqa to occupy the conquered territory,<ref>Runciman, p.310</ref> including [[Nablus]] and [[Gaza]] in the south, as well as the fortress of [[Ajlun]], east of [[River Jordan]].<ref>Grousset, p.586</ref> The Mongols engaged in raids southward towards Egypt, reaching as far as [[Ascalon]] and [[Jerusalem]], and a Mongol garrison of about 1,000 was placed in Gaza,<ref>Jean Richard, p.428</ref><ref>Amin Maalouf, p.264</ref><ref>Tyerman, p.806</ref> with another garrison located in [[Naplouse]].<ref>Amin Maalouf, p.262</ref> Runciman considers that Nablus and Gaza were occupied, but that Jerusalem itself was not reached by the Mongols.<ref name=runciman-308/> The Mongols however claimed repeatedly that they had remitted Jerusalem to the Christians on this occasion.<ref>"Hulegu informed Louis IX that he had handed over the Holy City to the Franks already, during the brief Mongol occupation in 1260 (although, as we have seen, this is nowhere indicated in any of the Muslim sources, still less in the Frankish appeals for help to the West), and the claim was reiterated in 1274 by Abaqa's envoys.", Jackson, p.174</ref>


The Franks did send the Dominican [[David of Ashby]] to the court of Hulagu in 1260,<ref>Encyclopedia Iranica article</ref> but also entered into a passive truce with the Egyptian Mamluks. The Barons of Acre allowed the Mamluk forces to move through Christian territory unhampered in order to engage the Mongols,<ref>Runciman, p.312</ref> in exchange for an agreement to purchase captured Mongol horses at a low price in the event of a Mamluk victory (a promise which was not honoured by the Mamluks).<ref>"They allowed the Mamluks to cross their territory, in exchange for a promesse to be able to purchase at a low price the horses captured from the Mongols", Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.425</ref>
===Battle of Ain Jalut (1260)===
The Franks of the Principality of Antioch and the County of Tripoli and the Armenians aside, in 1260, the Franks of [[Acre, Israel|Acre]] maintained a position of cautious neutrality between the Mongols and the Mamluks. The powerful Venetian commercial interests in the city regarded with concern the expansion of the northern trade routes opened by the Mongols and serviced by the [[Genoese]], and they favoured an appeasement policy with the Mamluks, that would support their traditional trade routes to the south. In May 1260 they sent a letter to [[Charles of Anjou]], complaining about Mongol expansion and Bohemond's subservience to them, and asking for his support.<ref>Runciman, p.307</ref>


The truce allowed the Mamluks to proceed north with their army and engage the Mongols at the pivotal [[Battle of Ain Jalut]] on September 3, 1260, where they achieved a decisive and historic victory. It was the first major battle that the Mongols lost, and set the western border for what had seemed an unstoppable expansion of the Mongol Empire.
They did send the Dominican [[David of Ashby]] to the court of Hulagu in 1260,<ref>Encyclopedia Iranica article</ref> but also entered into a passive alliance with the Egyptian Mamluks, which allowed the Mamluk forces to move through Christian territory unhampered,<ref>Runciman, p.312</ref> in exchange for an agreement to purchase captured Mongol horses at a low price in the event of a Mamluk victory (a promisse which was not honoured by the Mamluks).<ref>"They allowed the Mamluks to cross their territory, in exchange for a promesse to be able to purchase at a low price the horses captured from the Mongols", Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.425</ref> This allowed the Mamluks to counter-attack the Mongols, at the pivotal [[Battle of Ain Jalut]] on September 3, 1260. It was the first major battle that the Mongols lost, and effectively set the western border for what had seemed an unstoppable Mongol expansion. According to the 13th century historian [[Kirakos]], many Armenians and Georgians were also fighting in the ranks of Kitbuqa.<ref>"Among Ket-Bugha's warriors were many Armenians and Georgians who were killed with him" [http://rbedrosian.com/kg12.htm Kirikos, Chap. 62]</ref> The Armenian historian Smpad writes that about 500 troops from Armenia accompanied the Mongols.<ref>"These, however, were not all Mongol horsemen, but included contingents from Georgia and Lesser Armenia; Smpad writes that the latter numbered 500 men." ''Mongols and Mamluks'', p.40</ref>


Following Ain Jalut, the remainder of the Mongol army retreated to Cilician Armenia under the commander Ilka, where it was received and re-equipped by Hetoum I. Hulagu sent a counter-attack which briefly occupied Aleppo, but it was repelled by the princes of [[Hama]] and [[Homs]], subjects to the Sultan.<ref>Jean Richard, p.428</ref>
Following Ain Jalut, the remainder of the Mongol army retreated to Cilician Armenia under the commander Ilka, where the Mongols were received and re-equipped by Hetoum I.<ref>Jean Richard, p.428</ref>


====Papal communications====
====Continued pro-Mongol alliance (1260-1268)====
[[Image:PopeUrbanIV.JPG|thumb|[[Pope Urban IV]] communicated with the Mongols in 1263]]
Even after Ain Jalut though, the Northern Franks of Antioch under Bohemond VI would remain steadfast allies of the Mongols,<ref>Reuven Amitai-Preiss in ''Mongols and Mamluks'': "Under Bohemond VI, the northern Franks maintained their unequivocal pro-Mongol alliance after 'Ayn Jālūt" (p.54).</ref> but they would be subject to continuous attacks from [[Baibars]] for their cooperation with the Mongols.<ref>"The purpose of these raids, which continued with regularity until the city was taken in 1268, would have been to weaken Antioch's capabilities, to punish it for having cooperated with the Mongols in the recent past and to dissuade its ruler from such cooperation in the future", Amitai, Mongols and Mamluks, p.54.</ref> The Mamluks would attack on several occasions and the Mongols, usually warned by the Armenians, would send troops to the rescue of the city.<ref>In 1262, "During the second raid, the attackers withdrew under the advance of a Mongol force which had been called in by the Armenians to the North", Amitai, Mongols and Mamluks, p.54</ref> The attacks would continue regularly until the [[Fall of Antioch]] in 1268.
A change occurred in the European perception of the Mongols around 1260. As recently as 1259, [[Pope Alexander IV]] had been encouraging a new Crusade against the Mongols, and had been extremely disappointed in hearing that the monarchs of Antioch and Armenia had submitted to Mongol overlordship. Alexander had put their cases on the agenda of his upcoming council,<ref>Jean Richard, p.423</ref> but died in 1261 just months before the Council could be convened, and before the new Crusade could be launched.


For a new Pope, the choice fell to Pantaléon, the same Patriarch of Jerusalem who had earlier been warning of the Mongol threat. He took the name [[Pope Urban IV]], and tried to raise money for a new crusade, but could not succeed, since the French clergy pointed out that there was a truce with the Muslims.
===Papal-Mongol agreement (1263)===
====Letter to Louis IX of France====
On April 10, 1262, the Mongol leader Hulagu sent through [[John the Hungarian]] a new letter to the French king [[Louis IX]] from the city of [[Maragheh]], offering again an alliance.<ref>Richard, p. 436 (French), p. 422 (English). "What Hulegu was offering was an alliance. And, contrary to what has long been written by the best authorities, this offer was not in response to appeals from the Franks."</ref> The letter explained that two years before, in 1260, Hulagu had to withdraw the bulk of his army from Syria due to the hot weather and the lack of provisions and grass for the horses.<ref>Jackson, p.178</ref> The letter mentioned Hulagu's intention to capture Jerusalem for the benefit of the Pope, and asked for Louis to send a fleet against Egypt:
{{quote|"From the head of the Mongol army, avid to devastate the perfid nation of the Sarasins, goodwilling support of the Christian faith (...) so that you, who are the rulers of the coasts on the other side of the sea, endeavour to deny a refuge for the Infidels, your enemies and ours, by having your subjects diligently patrol the seas."|Letter from [[Hulagu]] to [[Louis IX of France|Saint Louis]].<ref>Letter from Hulagu to Saint Louis, quoted in ''Les Croisades'', Thierry Delcourt, p.151</ref>}}


On April 10, 1262, the Mongol leader Hulagu sent through John the Hungarian a new letter to the French king [[Louis IX]], offering again an alliance.<ref>Richard, p. 436 (french), p. 422 (english). "What Hulegu was offering was an alliance. And, contrary to what has long been written by the best authorities, this offer was not in response to appeals from the Franks."</ref> The letter mentioned Hulagu's intention to capture Jerusalem for the benefit of the Pope, and asked for Louis to send a fleet against Egypt. Though Hulagu promised the restoration of Jerusalem to the Christians, he also still insisted on Mongol sovereignty, in the Mongols' quest for conquering the world.
====Papal agreement (1263)====
[[Image:PopeUrbanIV.JPG|thumb|[[Pope Urban IV]] tentatively agreed to an alliance with the Mongols in 1263.]]
King Louis sent the embassy with the letter to [[Pope Urban IV]]. John the Hungarian transmitted to the Pope Hulagu's request for help as well as his interest in baptism.<ref>Reuven-Amitai, "Mongols and Mamluks" p.95</ref> In response, the Pope issued a short letter, known as the bull ''Exultavit cor nostru'', which congratulated Hulegu on his expression of goodwill towards the Christian faith. The historian Knobler described it as saying that the Pope tentatively agreed to Hulagu's plans, but only cautiously.<ref name=knobler/> According to Reuven-Amitai the Pope wrote that he rejoyced at Hulegu's interest in Christianity, and that "with his baptism effected, Christendom would help Hulegu in his struggle against the Saracens, including the dispatch of soldiers".<ref>Reuven-Amitai, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.95</ref>


King Louis transmitted the letter to Pope Urban, who answered in the same way as his predecessors, by asking for Hulagu's conversion to Christianity.<ref>Encyclopedia Iranica article</ref> However, the timing of Hulagu's communication was good, as the Muslim Sultan [[Baibars]] was engaging in new offensives against the Crusaders. This made Westerners more open to the idea of an alliance,<ref>"The sustained attacks of Baibar (...) rallied the Occidentals to this alliance, to which the Mongols also convinced the Byzantines to adhere", in "Histoire des Croisades", p.453.</ref> and the Pope issued the [[papal bull]] ''[[Exultavit cor nostrum]]'', which congratulated Hulagu on his expression of goodwill towards the Christian faith. This was a turning point in the relations with the Mongols, after which the Mongols were considered more as potential allies, than as enemies.<ref>"On the side of the Franks of Syria, things had taken a different orientation. The point was not anymore to lead a Crusade against the Mongols. From that time on, the point was to engage in a Crusade together with them." Jean Richard, p.427</ref> The French historian Jean Richard argues that it was in response to this forming coalition between the Franks, [[Ilkhanid]] Mongols and [[Byzantines]], that the Mongols of the [[Golden Horde]] allied with the Muslim Mamluks in return.<ref>"In 1264, to the coalition between the Franks, Mongols and Byzantines, responded the coalition between the Golden Horde and the Mamluks.” In Jean Richard, p.436</ref>
====Combined operations in the Levant (1262-1265)====
Meanwhile, the Mamluk leader [[Baibars]] began to threaten Antioch, which (as a vassal of the Armenians) had earlier supported the Mongols.<ref>Runciman, p.313</ref> In the summer of 1262, the king of Armenia went to the Mongols and again obtained their intervention to deliver the city.<ref>"Antioch was only saved (...) by the intervention of Hethoum who called the Mongols to intervene in favour of Bohemond. Les ''Gestes des Chiprois'' even seems to say that the Armenia monarch went in person to fetch the nearest Mongol troops". Grousset, p.609</ref><ref>Mentioned in Grousset, p.609. In 1262, the king of Armenia went to the Mongols and again obtained their intervention to deliver the city. - "In the year 1262, the sultan Bendocdar of Babiloine, who had taken the name of Melec el Vaher, put the city of Antioch under siege, but the king of Armenia went to see the Tatars and had them come, so that the Sarazins had to leave the siege and return to Babiloine.". Original French:"Et en lan de lincarnasion .mcc. et .lxii. le soudan de Babiloine Bendocdar quy se fist nomer Melec el Vaher ala aseger Antioche mais le roy dermenie si estoit ale a Tatars et les fist ehmeuer de venir et les Sarazins laiserent le siege dantioche et sen tornerent en Babiloine."[http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/GuillaumeTyr5.html Guillame de Tyr "Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum" #316]</ref> The city was saved through Mongol intervention.<ref>”In the meantime, [Baibars] condicted his troops to Antioch, and started to besiege the city, which was saved by a Mongol intervention” Jean Richard, p.429</ref>


===Abaqa (1265-1282)===
Bohemond VI was again present at the court of Hulagu in 1264, trying to obtain as much support as possible from Mongol rulers against the Mamluk progression. His presence is described by the Armenian saint [[Vartan]]:<ref>"Grousset, p565</ref>
[[Image:DisasterOfMari1266.JPG|thumb|The Mamluks defeated the Armenians at the [[Battle of Mari]] in 1266, killing one of [[Hetoum I]]'s sons and capturing another (the future king [[Levon II of Armenia (King)|Leon II]]). They then ravaged the land of Little Armenia.<ref>Mutafian, p.58</ref>]]
{{main|Abaqa Khan}}
Hulagu died in 1265, and was succeeded by [[Abaqa Khan|Abaqa]] (1234-1282), who further pursued Western cooperation. Though a devout [[Buddhism|Buddhist]], upon his succession, he received the hand of the Christian [[Maria Despina Palaiologina]], the illegitimate daughter of the Byzantine Emperor [[Michael VIII Palaeologus]], in marriage.<ref>Runciman, p.320</ref>


Abaqa corresponded with Pope [[Clement IV]] through 1267-1268, and reportedly sent a Mongol ambassador in 1268. He proposed a joint alliance between his forces, those of the West, and the [[Byzantine emperor]], [[Michael VIII Palaeologos]] (Abaqa's father-in-law). Abaqa received responses from Rome and from [[Jaume I of Aragon]], who sent an ambassador to Abaqa in the person of [[Jayme Alaric de Perpignan]].<ref>Runciman, p330-331</ref> It is unclear if this was what led to Jaume's unsuccessful expedition to Acre in 1269.<ref name=knobler/> Jaume initiated the small [[Aragonese Crusade]], but it was ultimately handled by his two sons Fernando Sanchez and Pedro Fernandez after a storm forced most of the fleet to return. The ships arrived in Acre in December 1269. Abaqa, despite his earlier promises of an alliance, was in the process of facing another threat, an invasion in [[Khorasan]] by fellow Mongols from [[Turkestan]], and so could only commit a small force for the Holy Land, which did little but brandish the threat of an invasion along the Syrian frontier in October 1269.<ref name=runciman-332>Runciman, p.332</ref>
{{quote|"In 1264, l'Il-Khan had me called, as well as the vartabeds Sarkis (Serge) and Krikor (Gregory), and Avak, priest of Tiflis. We arrived at the place of this powerful monarch at the beginning of the Tartar year, in July, period of the solemn assembly of the kuriltai. Here were all the Princes, Kings and Sultans submitted by the Tartars, with wonderful presents. Among them, I saw [[Hetoum I]], king of [[Armenia]], [[David VII Ulu|David]], king of [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]], the Prince of Antioch (Bohemond VI), and a quantity of Sultans from Persia.|Vartan, trad. Dulaurier.<ref>Quoted in Grousset, p.565</ref>}} <!-- Recommend moving this to Wikiquote -->


Jaume's ambassador Jayme Alaric returned to Europe in 1269 with a Mongol embassy, again proposing an alliance. Pope Clement welcomed Abaqa's proposal in a non-committal manner, but did inform him of an upcoming Crusade.
However, in response to Hetoum I and Bohemond VI's request for help, Hulagu was only capable of attacking the frontier fort of [[Al-Bira]] (1264-1265).<ref>Jean Richard, p.428</ref> The Mamluks were deeptly aware of the Franco-Mongol threat however. After the battle of Al-Bira, Baibars complained in a letter to a Frank prince (the Castellan of [[Jaffa]], apparently [[Jean d'Ibelin]]) of the collaboration between the Franks of Syria and the Mongols:


====Edward I's Crusade (1269-1274)====
{{quote|"This people have committed many offenses against me, such as writing to the Mongols to attack my territories"|Letter from [[Baybars]] to the Castellan of Jaffa. 1265.<ref>Quoted in Reuven-Amitai, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.102</ref>}}
[[Image:EdwardI-Cassell.jpg|thumb|[[Edward I of England|Edward I]] requested assistance of the Mongols, against the Mamluks]]

In 1269, the English Prince Edward (the future [[Edward I of England|Edward I]]), inspired by tales of his uncle, [[Richard the Lionheart]], and the second crusade of the French King Louis, started on a Crusade of his own, the [[Ninth Crusade]].<ref>Hindley, pp. 205-206</ref> The number of knights and retainers that accompanied Edward on the crusade was quite small,<ref>Nicolle, p. 47</ref> possibly around 230 knights, with a total complement of approximately 1,000 people, transported in a flotilla of 13 ships.<ref>Tyerman, p. 818</ref><ref>Grousset, p.656</ref> Edward understood the value of an alliance with the Mongols, and upon his arrival in Acre on May 9, 1271, he immediately sent an embassy to the Mongol ruler Abaqa, requesting assistance.<ref>"When he disembarked in Acre, Edward immediately sent envoys to Abagha (…) As he (Abagha) could not commit himself to the offensive, he ordered the Mongol forces stationned in Turkey under Samaghar to attack Syria in order to relieve the Crusaders” Jean Richard, p.446</ref> <ref name=runciman-335>"Edward was horrified at the state of affairs in Outremer. He knew that his own army was small, but he hoped to unite the Christians of the East into a formidable body and then to use the help of the Mongols in making an effective attack on Baibars", Runciman, p.335</ref> Abaqa answered positively to Edward's request, but was also still busy with other conflicts in [[Turkestan]]. He did send 10,000 Mongol horsemen under general [[Samagar]] from the occupation army in [[Seljuk]] [[Anatolia]], plus auxiliary Seljukid troops,<ref name=runciman-336>Runciman, p. 336</ref> and though the force was small, it triggered an exodus of Muslim populations (who remembered the previous campaigns of [[Kitbuqa]]) as far south as Cairo.<ref name=grousset-653>Grousset, p. 653</ref> Edward, for his part, was never able to actually directly combine his activities with those of the Mongols. He primarily engaged in some fairly ineffectual raids that did not actually achieve success in gaining any new territory.<ref name=hindley-207>Hindley, p. 207</ref> For example, when he engaged in a raid into the [[Plain of Sharon]], he proved unable to even take the small Mamluk fortress of [[Qaqun]].<ref name=runciman-337>Runciman, p.337</ref> The Muslim leader Baibars later taunted Edward for not even being able to take a small fortified house.<ref>"The Sultan said to the messengers of the king of Charles d'Anjou that, since so many men had failed to take a house, it was not likely they should conquer the kingdom of Jerusalem!" Grousset, p.655</ref> However, Edward's military operations, limited though they were, were still of assistance in persuading the Mamluk leader Baibars to agree to a 10-year truce between the city of Acre and the Mamluks, signed in 1272.<ref name=runciman-337/>
====Death of Hulagu====
[[Image:DisasterOfMari1266.JPG|thumb|The Mamluks defeated the Armenians at the [[Battle of Mari]] in 1266, killing one of [[Hetoum I]]'s sons and capturing another (the future king [[Levon II of Armenia (King)|Leon II]]). They then ravaged the land of Armenia.<ref>Mutafian, p.58</ref>]]
Following the death of Hulagu in 1265, the Muslim leader Baibars attacked the Franks, and brought terrible devastation to the kingdom of Little Armenia.

In 1265, the new Khan [[Abaqa Khan|Abaqa]] further pursued Western cooperation. He corresponded with Pope [[Clement IV]] through 1267-1268, and reportedly sent a Mongol ambassador in 1268. Abaqa proposed a joint alliance between his forces, those of the West, and the father of Abaqa's wife, the [[Byzantine emperor]] [[Michael VIII Palaeologos]]. Abaqa received responses from Rome and from [[Jaume I of Aragon]], though it is unclear if this was what led to Jaume's unsuccessful expedition to Acre in 1269.<ref name=knobler/>

In 1268, the Mamluk leader Baibars raided the area of Acre, taking the castle of [[Beaufort Castle, Lebanon|Beaufort]], and attacked Tripoli, where Bohemond VI was entrenched with his subjects. Baibars then arrived in front of Antioch, the largest of the Frankish cities, on May 14, 1268, and took the city after a siege of only 4 days, in the [[Siege of Antioch (1268)|Siege of Antioch]].<ref>Amin Maalouf, p.267</ref> After this defeat, Bohemond obtained a truce with Baibars<ref> Amin Maalouf, p.268 (French)</ref> but this left Bohemond with no estates except [[Tripoli]].<ref>Runciman, 325-327</ref>

==Cooperation during the Eighth and Ninth Crusades==
{{main|Franco-Mongol alliance (1265-1282)}}
[[Abaqa Khan|Abaqa]] (1234-1282) was the second Mongol emperor in [[Persian Empire|Persia]], controlling that quarter of the Mongol empire known as the Ilhanate. A devout [[Buddhism|Buddhist]], he reigned from 1265-1282. Upon his succession, he received the hand of the Christian [[Maria Despina Palaiologina]], the illegitimate daughter of Emperor [[Michael VIII Palaeologus]], in marriage.<ref>Runciman, p.320</ref> During his reign, he attempted to convert the Muslims and harassed them mercilessly by promoting [[Nestorianism|Nestorian]] and Buddhist interests ahead of the Muslims, many of whom attempted to assassinate him.

===Letters and embassies (1266-1268)===
[[Image:Papst Clemens IV.jpg|thumb|The French [[Pope Clement IV]] sent an ambassador to the Mongols in 1267.]]
In the 1260s, the Mamluks were extending their conquests in Syria, putting the Syrian Franks in a difficult situation. In 1266 [[Pope Clement IV]] was considering an alliance with the Mongols, although he famously explained that, in spite of the fact that the Mongols were allies against the Sarazins, they could not benefit from the "Crusade indulgence", as they were not Christians.<ref>Jean Richard, p. 435</ref> His October 1, 1266, bull famously mentions the help of the Mongols against the Muslims:
{{quote|"''Contra Saracenos adjuvantibus Tartaris''"<br>("With the help of the Mongols, against the [[Saracens]]")|Reg. Clem.IV, No. 1131, 1 Oct. 1266.<ref>Quoted in Jackson, Note 14, p.187</ref>}}

In preparation for the [[Eighth Crusade]] (the second of [[Louis IX]]), letters about coordinated operations were again exchanged between [[Pope Clement IV]] and the Mongols. Abaqa sent an embassy in late 1266 or early 1267 to Pope Clement IV and [[Jaime I of Aragon]], who had already taken the cross for the Eighth Crusade against Egypt. In 1267, Pope Clement IV and James I of Aragon responded by sending an ambassador to the Mongol ruler Abaqa in the person of [[Jayme Alaric de Perpignan]].<ref>Runciman, p330-331</ref> In his 1267 letter from [[Viterbo]], the Pope wrote:

{{quote|"The kings of France and [[Navarre]], taking to heart the situation in the [[Holy Land]], and decorated with the [[Christian cross|Holy Cross]], are readying themselves to attack the enemies of the Cross. You wrote to us that you wished to join your father-in-law (the Greek emperor [[Michael VIII Palaiologos]]) to assist the Latins. We abundantly praise you for this, but we cannot tell you yet, before having asked to the rulers, what road they are planning to follow. We will transmit to them your advice, so as to enlighten their deliberations, and will inform your Magnificence, through a secure message, of what will have been decided."|1267 letter from Pope Clement IV to Abaqa<ref>Quoted in Grousset, p.644</ref>}}

Abaqa again sent a letter and an embassy accompanied by Jayme Alaric and an envoy of the Byzantine Emperor [[Michael VIII Palaeologus]] in the summer of 1268, explaining that he had sent troops under his brother Ejei to assist the Christians, possibly in response to the recent [[Siege of Antioch (1268)|Loss of Antioch]] in May, with the mission of joining with the army promissed by the Pope as well as [[James of Aragon]] and the Byzantine Emperor to defeat the Mamluks.<ref>Reuven-Amitai, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.97</ref>

Pope Clement welcomed Abaqa's proposal in a non-committal manner, but did inform him of an upcoming Crusade. The embassy then met with James of Aragon, who wrote down in a note that the Mongols would give him supplies and provide assistance should he disembark in the Levant. These contacts gave a new impetus to James' plans for a Crusade, and in September 1269 he sailed with a large fleet in what would become the Aragonese Crusade.<ref>Reuven-Amitai, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.97</ref>

The embassy further endeavoured to meet with [[Louis IX of France|Louis IX]], who had just taken the cross, but while in [[Genoa]] encountered an embassy from [[Baibars]] in the city's main square, leading to a full-blown skirmish.<ref>All information in this paragraph from Jackson, p.167</ref>

====Cooperation during the Aragonese Crusade (1269)====
The crusade initiated by James I of Aragon met with a huge storm. Most of the fleet had to return, except for a small force under the King's two bastards Fernando Sanchez and Pedro Fernandez, which arrived in Acre in December 1269. At that time, Abaqa had to face an invasion in [[Khorasan]] by fellow Mongols from [[Turkestan]], and could only commit a small force on the Syrian frontier from October 1269, only capable of brandishing the threat of an invasion.<ref name=runciman-332>Runciman, p.332</ref> Although these actions were limited in scale, on this occasion "the Franks of the coast made common cause with the Mongols to attack Muslim territory".<ref>Reuven-Amintai, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.102</ref>

When Abaqa finally defeated his eastern enemies near [[Herat]] in 1270, he wrote to Louis IX offering military support as soon as the Crusaders landed in Palestine.<ref name=runciman-332/>

===Cooperation during the Ninth Crusade (1269-1274)===
[[Image:EdwardICrusadeMap.jpg|thumb|Combined operations during the [[Ninth Crusade]].]]
In 1269, the English Prince Edward (the future [[Edward I of England|Edward I]]), inspired by tales of his uncle, [[Richard the Lionheart]], and the second crusade of the French King Louis, started on a Crusade of his own, the [[Ninth Crusade]].<ref>Hindley, pp. 205-206</ref> The number of knights and retainers that accompanied Edward on the crusade was quite small,<ref>Nicolle, p. 47</ref> possibly around 230 knights, with a total complement of approximately 1,000 people, transported in a flotilla of 13 ships.<ref>Tyerman, p. 818</ref><ref>Grousset, p.656</ref> Many of the members of Edward's expedition were close friends and family including his wife [[Eleanor of Castile]], his brother Edmund, and his first cousin [[Henry of Almain]].

When Edward finally arrived in Acre on May 9, 1271, the situation in the Holy Land was particularly critical. [[Baibars]] was besieging [[Bohemond VI]] in the city of [[Tripoli]]. Baibars sent a letter to Bohemond threatening him with total annihilation and taunting him for his alliance with the Mongols:

{{quote|"Our yellow flags have repelled your red flags, and the sound of the bells has been replaced by the call: "Allâh Akbar!" (...) Warn your walls and your churches that soon our siege machinery will deal with them, your knights that soon our swords will invite themselves in their homes (...) We will see then what use will be your alliance with [[Abaqa Khan|Abagha]]"|Letter from Baibars to Bohemond VI, 1271<ref>Quoted in Grousset, p.650</ref>}}

At the same time, in 1271, one of the vassals of [[Bohemond VI]], named [[Barthélémy de Maraclée]], lord of Khrab Marqiya, a small coastal town between Baniyas and Tortosa, is recorded as having fled from the Mamluk offensive, taking refuge in Persia at the Mongol Court of Abaqa, where he exhorted the Mongols to intervene in the Holy Land.<ref>Grousset, p.650</ref><ref>Runciman, p334</ref>

As soon as Edward arrived in Acre he renewed the Mongol alliance,<ref>"Edward I renewed the precious Mongol Alliance", Grousset "L'épopée des Croisades", p.301</ref> and immediately sent an embassy to the Mongol ruler Abaqa.<ref>"When he disembarked in Acre, Edward immediately sent envoys to Abagha (…) As he (Abagha) could not commit himself to the offensive, he ordered the Mongol forces stationned in Turkey under Samaghar to attack Syria in order to relieve the Crusaders” Jean Richard, p.446</ref> Edward's plan was to use the help of the Mongols to attack the Muslim leader Baibars.<ref name=runciman-335>"Edward was horrified at the state of affairs in Outremer. He knew that his own army was small, but he hoped to unite the Christians of the East into a formidable body and then to use the help of the Mongols in making an effective attack on Baibars", Runciman, p.335</ref> The embassy from Edward to Abaqa was led by Reginald Russel, Godefrey Welles and John Parker.<ref name=grousset-653>Grousset, p.653.</ref> <ref>Runciman, p.336</ref> Abaqa answered positively to Edward's request in a letter dated September 4, 1271:
{{quote|"After talking over the matter, we have on our account resolved to send to your aid Cemakar (Samaghar) at the head of a mighty force; thus, when you discuss among yourselves the other plans involving the afore-mentioned Cemakar be sure to make explicit arrangements as to the exact month and day on which you will engage the enemy."|Letter from Abaqa to Edward I, 1271.<ref>Quoted in Reuven-Amitai, "Mongols and Mamluks", p.98</ref>}}

In mid-October 1271, the Mongol troops requested by Edward arrived in Syria and ravaged the land from [[Aleppo]] southward. Abaqa, occupied by other conflicts in [[Turkestan]], could only send 10,000 Mongol horsemen under general [[Samagar]] from the occupation army in [[Seljuk]] [[Anatolia]], plus auxiliary Seljukid troops,<ref name=runciman-336/> but they triggered an exodus of Muslim populations (who remembered the previous campaigns of [[Kithuqa]]) as far south as [[Cairo]].<ref name=grousset-653/> The Mongols defeated the Turcoman troops that protected Aleppo, putting to flight the Mamluk garrison in that city, and continued their advance to [[Maarat an-Numan]] and [[Apamea (Syria)|Apamea]].<ref name=runciman-336/> The historians Runciman and Grousset quote the medieval historian [[William of Tyre]]:

{{quote|"The messengers that Sir Edward and the Christians had sent to the Tartars to ask for help came back to Acre, and they did so well that they brought the Tartars with them, and raided all the land of Antioch, Aleppo, Haman and [[La Chamele]], as far as [[Caesarea|Caesarea the Great]]. And they killed all the Sarazins they found."|[[Guillaume de Tyr]], Estoire d'Eracles, p. 461|<ref>"Et revindrent en Acre li message que mi sire Odouart et la Crestiente avoient envoies as Tartars por querre secors; et firent si bien la besoigne quil amenerent les Tartars et corurent toute la terre dantioche et de Halape de Haman et de La Chamele jusques a Cesaire la Grant. Et tuerent ce quil trouverent de Sarrazins", [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/GuillaumeTyr4.html Estoire d'Eracles, Chap XIV]</ref><ref>Quoted in Grousset, p.653</ref><ref name=runciman-336>Runciman, p.336</ref>}}

When Baibars mounted a counter-offensive from Egypt on November 12, 1271, the Mongols had already retreated beyond the [[Euphrates]], unable to face the full Mamluk army.

===Promulgation of a new Crusade in liaison with the Mongols (1274)===
[[Image:NoccoloAndMaffeoPoloWithGregoryX.JPG|thumb|Niccolo and Maffeo [[Marco Polo|Polo]] remitting a letter from [[Kubilai]] to [[Pope Gregory X]] in 1271.]]
As soon as he was elected in 1271, [[Pope Gregory X]] received a letter from the Mongol Khan [[Kubilai]], remitted by Niccolo and Maffeo [[Marco Polo|Polo]] following their travels to his court in Mongolia. Kubilai was asking for the dispatch of a hundred missionaries, and some oil from the lamp of the [[Holy Sepulcher]]. The two Polos (this time accompanied by the young [[Marco Polo]]) returned to Mongolia, accompanied by two Dominican monks, Niccolo de Vicence and Guillaume de Tripoli, and remitted the presents from the Pope to Kubilai in 1275.<ref>"Le Livre des Merveilles", p.5-17</ref>

The [[Second Council of Lyon]] was convened by Pope Gregory X in 1274. The Mongol leader Abaqa sent a delegation of 16 Mongols to the Council, which created a great stir, particularly when their leader underwent a public [[baptism]]. Among the embassy were [[David of Ashby]], and the clerk Rychaldus.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.452</ref> According to one chronicler, "The Mongols came, not because of the Faith, but to conclude an alliance with the Christians".<ref>Quoted in Jean Richard, p.452</ref>


====Council of Lyon (1274)====
[[Image:PopeGregoryX.JPG|thumb|left|[[Pope Gregory X]] promulgated a new Crusade in liaison with the Mongols, in 1274.<ref>"1274: Promulgation of a Crusade, in liaison with the Mongols", Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.502</ref>]]
[[Image:PopeGregoryX.JPG|thumb|left|[[Pope Gregory X]] promulgated a new Crusade in liaison with the Mongols, in 1274.<ref>"1274: Promulgation of a Crusade, in liaison with the Mongols", Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.502</ref>]]
Abaqa's Latin secretary Rychaldus delivered a report to the Council, which outlined previous European-Ilkhanid relations under Abaqa's father, [[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]], where after welcoming the Christian ambassadors to his court, Hulagu had agreed to exempt Latin Christians from taxes and charges, in exchange for their prayers for the [[Qaghan]]. According to Richardus, Hulagu had also prohibited the molestation of Frank establishments, and had committed to return [[Jerusalem]] to the Franks.<ref>Jean Richard, p.435</ref> Richardus told the assembly that even after Hulagu's death, Abaqa was still determined to drive the Mamluks from Syria.<ref>Jackson, pp. 167-168</ref>
In 1274, Pope Gregory convened the [[Second Council of Lyon]]. Abaqa sent a delegation of 13-16 Mongols to the Council, which created a great stir, particularly when their leader underwent a public [[baptism]]. Abaqa's Latin secretary Richardus (Rychaldus) delivered a report to the Council which outlined previous European-Ilkhanid relations under Abaqa's father, [[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]], affirming that after Hulagu had welcomed Christian ambassadors to his court, he had agreed to exempt Latin Christians from taxes and charges, in exchange for their prayers for the [[Qaghan]]. According to Richardus, Hulagu had also prohibited the molestation of Frank establishments, and had committed to return [[Jerusalem]] to the Franks.<ref>Jean Richard, p.422/English</ref> Richardus told the assembly that even after Hulagu's death, Abaqa was still determined to drive the Mamluks from Syria.<ref>Jackson, pp. 167-168</ref>


At the Council, Pope Gregory promulgated a Crusade, to start in 1278 in liaison with the Mongols.<ref>"1274: Promulgation of a Crusade, in liaison with the Mongols", Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.502</ref> The Pope put in place a vast program to launch the Crusade, which was written down in his “Constitutions for the zeal of the faith”. This text puts forward four main decisions to accomplish the Crusade: the imposition of a new tax during three years, the interdiction of any kind of trade with the Sarazins, the supply of ships by the Italian maritime Republics, and the alliance of the West with Byzantium and the Il-Khan Abagha.<ref>”Le Pape Grégoire X s’efforce alors de mettre sur pied un vaste programme d’aide à la Terre Sainte, les “Constitutions pour le zèle de la foi”, qui sont acceptées au Concile de Lyon de 1274. Ce texte prévoit la levée d’une dime pendant trois ans pour la croisade, l’interdiction de tout commerce avec les Sarasins, la fourniture de bateaux par les républiques maritimes italiennes, et une alliance de l’Occident avec Byzance et l’Il-Khan Abagha » Michel Balard, Les Latins en Orient (XIe-XVe siècle), p.210</ref>
At the Council, Pope Gregory promulgated a new Crusade, to start in 1278 in liaison with the Mongols.<ref>"1274: Promulgation of a Crusade, in liaison with the Mongols", Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.502</ref> The Pope put in place a vast program to launch the Crusade, which was written down in his “Constitutions for the zeal of the faith”. The text put forward four main decisions to accomplish the Crusade: the imposition of a new tax during three years, the interdiction of any kind of trade with the Sarazins, the supply of ships by the Italian maritime Republics, and the alliance of the West with Byzantium and the Il-Khan Abagha.<ref>”Le Pape Grégoire X s’efforce alors de mettre sur pied un vaste programme d’aide à la Terre Sainte, les “Constitutions pour le zèle de la foi”, qui sont acceptées au Concile de Lyon de 1274. Ce texte prévoit la levée d’une dime pendant trois ans pour la croisade, l’interdiction de tout commerce avec les Sarasins, la fourniture de bateaux par les républiques maritimes italiennes, et une alliance de l’Occident avec Byzance et l’Il-Khan Abagha » Michel Balard, Les Latins en Orient (XIe-XVe siècle), p.210</ref>


Following these exchanges, Abagha sent another embassy, led by the Georgian Vassali brothers, to further notify Western leaders of military preparations. Gregory answered that his [[legate]]s would accompany the Crusade, and that they would be in charge of coordinating military operations with the Il-Khan.<ref name=richard-465>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.465</ref>
[[Image:PoloBrotherAndKubilai.JPG|thumb|The Polos returned to Kubilai (seated, right) in 1275 with a letter and presents from Pope Gregory X.<ref>"Le Livre des Merveilles", p.18</ref>]]
After the Council, the Mongol embassy visited Edward I of England on January 28th, 1275. A letter from Edward is known, in which he acknowledges Abagha's promise to fight together with the Crusaders.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.452</ref> David of Ashby, another member of the embassy wrote a treatise on the Mongols, entitled ''"Les faits des Tartares"'' ("The facts about the Tartars").<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.452</ref>


However, the papal plans were not supported by the other European monarchs, who had lost enthusiasm for the Crusades. Only one western monarch attended the Council, the elderly [[James I of Aragon]], who could only offer a small force. There was some fundraising for a new Crusade, and plans were made but never followed through. The projects essentially came to a halt with the death of Gregory X on January 10, 1276, and the money which had been raised to finance the expedition was instead distributed in Italy.<ref>Riley-Smith, "Atlas des Croisades", p.69</ref><ref>Tyerman, pp. 815-816</ref>
Following these exchanges, Abagha sent another embassy in 1276-1277, led by the Georgian Vassali brothers, to further notify Western leaders of military preparations. Gregory answered that his [[Papal legate|legate]]s would accompany the Crusade, and that they would be in charge of coordinating military operations with the Il-Khan.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.465</ref> The envoys also conveyed to Edward I Abagha's apologies for not having been able to send sufficient troops to his help in 1270.<ref>Amitai, ''Mamluks and Mongols'', p.101</ref>


====Invasion of Syria (1280-1281)====
These projects of a major new Crusade essentially came to a halt with the death of Gregory X on January 10, 1276. The money which had been saved to finance the expedition was distributed in Italy.<ref>Riley-Smith, "Atlas des Croisades", p.69</ref> His successors however continued to pursue projects of cooperation with the Mongols and Byzantines for future Crusades.<ref>"They continued the cooperation projects between the Latins, the Byzantines and the Mongols for future Crusades" Jean Richard, p.453</ref> From that time, hopes of reconquering the Holy Land rested on the Mongol alliance.<ref>"Success in re-capturing the Holy Land now depended on the Mongol alliance", Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.454</ref>
Without support from the Europeans, some Franks of Syria, particularly the Hospitallers, and to some extent the Franks of Cyprus and Antioch, attempted to join in combined operations with the Mongols in 1280-1281.


Following the death of Baibars in 1277, and the ensuing disorganization of the Muslim realm, conditions were ripe for a new action in the Holy Land.<ref name=richard-465/> The Mongols seized the opportunity and organized a new invasion of Syria. In September 1280, the Mongols occupied [[Baghras]] and [[Darbsak]], and took [[Aleppo]] on October 20, where they massacred many inhabitants.
===Joint invasion of Syria (1280-1281)===
Without support from the Crusades, some Franks of Syria, particularly the Hospitallers, and to some extent the Franks of Cyprus and Antioch, joined in combined operations with the Mongols in 1280-1281. The historian [[Zoe Oldenbourg]] in ''The Crusades'' mentions in 1280 the "Alliance of Franks and Mongols against Qalawun".<ref>Oldenbourg, "The Crusades", p.620 "1280: Alliance of Franks and Mongols against Qalawun")</ref>


The king of Cyprus [[Hugues III]] and Bohemond VI also mobilized their combined army, but they could not intervene because the Mamluks had already positioned themselves between them and the Mongols.<ref name=richard-465/> In October 1280, the Mongols sent envoys to Acre to request military support for the campaign, but the Vicar of the Patriarch indicated that the city was suffering from hunger, and that the king of Jerusalem was already embroiled in another war.<ref name=richard-466>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.466</ref> The Mongols also requested support for a campaign the following winter, informing the Franks that they would bring 50,000 Mongol horsemen and 50,000 Mongol infantry, but the request apparently remained without a response.<ref name=runciman-390>Runciman, p.390</ref>
====Campaign of autumn 1280====
[[Image:Margatview.jpg|thumb|The Hospitaller Knights of the fortress of [[Marqab]] fought together with the Mongols.]]
Following the death of [[Baibars]] in 1277, and the ensuing disorganisation of the Muslim realm, conditions were ripe for a new action in the Holy Land.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.465</ref> The Mongols seized the opportunity and organized a new invasion of Syrian land. In September 1280, the Mongols occupied [[Baghras]] and [[Darbsak]], and took [[Aleppo]] on October 20, where they massacred many inhabitants.


Abaqa and [[Leo III of Armenia]] urged the Franks to start a new Crusade. Edward I of England responded favorably, but said he could not participate due to lack of funds.<ref>Runciman, p.387</ref> Some local Hospitallers from Marqab (in the area which had previously been Antioch/Tripoli) were, however, able to make some raids into the [[Buqaia]], and won several engagements against the Sultan.<ref name=runciman-390/> They raided as far as the [[Krak des Chevaliers]] in October 1280, and defeated a Mamluk force from that fortress in February 1281.<ref name=richard-466/> However, the Mongols again retreated, pledging to come back for the winter of 1281.
{{quote|"Abagha ordered the Tartars to occupy Syria, the land and the cities, and remit them to be guarded by the Christians."|Monk [[Hayton of Corycus]], "Fleur des Histoires d'Orient", circa 1300<ref>Quoted in Grousset, p.689</ref>}}


On the Frank side the king of Cyprus [[Hugues III]] and Bohemond VI also mobilized their army, but they could not intervene because the Mamluks had already positionned themselves between them and the Mongols.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.465</ref>

According to Runciman, Abagha and [[Leo III of Armenia]] urged the Franks to start a new Crusade, but only the Hospitallers and Edward I (who could not come for lack of funds) responded favourably.<ref>Runciman, p.387</ref> The Hospitallers of Marquab made combined raids into the [[Buqaia]], and won several engagements against the Sultan.<ref>Runciman, p.390</ref> They raided as far as the [[Krak des Chevaliers]] in October 1280, and defeated the Mamluk army of the Krak in February 1281.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.466</ref>

The Mongols finally retreated, pledging to come back for the winter of 1281.

====Campaign of Autumn 1281====
[[Image:1281BattleOfHoms.JPG|thumb|Defeat of the Mongols (left) at the 1281 [[Second Battle of Homs|Battle of Homs]].]]
[[Image:1281BattleOfHoms.JPG|thumb|Defeat of the Mongols (left) at the 1281 [[Second Battle of Homs|Battle of Homs]].]]
In order to prevent new combined actions between the Franks and the Mongols, the new Muslim sultan [[Qalawun]] signed a new 10-year truce on May 3, 1281 (following the expiration of the old truce from 1271) with the Barons of Acre (a truce he would later breach)<ref>Qalawun inadvertanly laid siege to, and captured, [[Marqab]] in the spring of 1285. Grousset, p.692</ref> and a second 10-year truce with [[Bohemond VII of Tripoli]], on July 16, 1281. The truce also authorized pilgrim access to Jerusalem.<ref>Grousset, p. 688</ref>
In order to prevent new combined actions between the Franks and the Mongols, the new Muslim sultan [[Qalawun]] renewed a truce with the Barons of Acre on May 3, 1281, extending it for another ten years (a truce he would later breach).<ref>Qalawun inadvertanly laid siege to, and captured, [[Marqab]] in the spring of 1285. Grousset, p.692</ref> He also renewed a second 10-year truce with [[Bohemond VII of Tripoli]], on July 16, 1281, and affirmed pilgrim access to Jerusalem.<ref>Grousset, p. 688</ref>


The announced Mongol invasion started in September 1281. They were joined by the Armenians under [[Levon II of Armenia|Leo II]], and by about 200 [[Knights Hospitaller|Hospitaliers]] knights of the fortress of [[Marqab]],<ref>Grousset, p.687</ref><ref>"The Crusades Through Arab Eyes", p. 253: The fortress of [[Marqab]] was held by the [[Knights Hospitallers]], called ''al-osbitar'' by the Arabs, "''These monk-knights had supported the Mongols wholeheartedly, going so far as to fight alongside them during a fresh attempted invasion in 1281."</ref> who considered they were not bound by the truce with the Mamluks.<ref name=runciman-391/> Some knights from Cyprus also probably accompanied them.<ref>The “Syrian knights” were probably including knights from Cyprus. in Jean Richard, p.466</ref>
In September 1281, the Mongols returned as promised, with 50,000 of their own troops, plus 30,000 others including Armenians under Leo III, Georgians, Greeks, and about 200 [[Knights Hospitaller|Hospitaliers]] knights of the fortress of [[Marqab]],<ref>Grousset, p.687</ref><ref>"The Crusades Through Arab Eyes", p. 253: The fortress of [[Marqab]] was held by the [[Knights Hospitallers]], called ''al-osbitar'' by the Arabs, "''These monk-knights had supported the Mongols wholeheartedly, going so far as to fight alongside them during a fresh attempted invasion in 1281."</ref> who considered they were not bound by the truce with the Mamluks.<ref name=runciman-391/> On October 30, 1281, the Mongol army engaged the Mamluks under [[Qalawun]] at the [[Second Battle of Homs]], but they were repelled, with heavy losses on both sides.<ref name=runciman-391>Runciman, p. 391-392</ref>


===Arghun (1284-1291)===
On October 30, 1281, 50,000 Mongol troops, together with 30,000 Armenians, [[Georgians]], Greeks, and the [[Hospitalier]] Knights of Marqab fought against the Muslim leader Qalawun at the [[Second Battle of Homs]], but they were repelled, with heavy losses on both sides.<ref name=runciman-391>"Mangu Timur commanded the Mongol centre, with other Mongol princes on his left, and on his right his Georgian auxiliaries, with King Leo and the Hospitallers", Runciman, p391-392</ref>
{{main|Arghun}}
Abaqa died in 1282 and was briefly replaced by the Muslim Mongol ruler [[Teguder]], who was not as aggressive as had been Abaqa. This freed the Mamluk Sultan [[Qalawun]] to continue his own advance, whereby he captured the northern fortress of [[Margat]] in 1285, [[Lattakia]] in 1287, and [[Tripoli]] in [[1289]].<ref>Tyerman, p.817</ref>


In 1284 the new Mongol ruler [[Arghun]], the Buddhist son of Abaqa, again revived the idea of an alliance with the West, and sent envoys to Europe. He sent multiple emissaries, and promised that if [[Jerusalem]] were conquered, he would have himself baptised, and would return Jerusalem to the Christians. However, Western Europe was no longer as interested in the crusades, and the mission was ultimately fruitless.<ref>Prawdin, p. 372. "Argun revived the idea of an alliance with the West, and envoys from the Ilkhans once more visited European courts. He promised the Christians the Holy Land, and declared that as soon as they had conquered Jerusalem he would have himself baptised there. The Pope sent the envoys on to Philip the Fair of France and to Edward I of England. But the mission was fruitless. Western Europe was no longer interested in crusading adventures.</ref><ref>Mantran, Robert (Fossier, Robert, ed.) "A Turkish or Mongolian Islam" in ''The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Middle Ages: 1250-1520'', p. 298</ref>
With Abaqa's death in 1282, and his replacement by the Muslim Mongol ruler [[Teguder]], the Sultan [[Qalawun]] was free again to attacks Frankish territory.<ref>Tyerman, p.817</ref>


A maritime raiding force consisting in two war galleys was prepared in Baghdad in cooperation with the Genoese, in order to curtail the maritime trade of the Mamluks. Genoese carpenters and sailors were sent to Baghdad, as well as a force of arbaletiers, but the enterprise apparently foundered when an internal fight erupted among the Geneose (between the Guelfe and the Gibelin families)<ref>Jean Richard, p.468</ref>
==Arghun's proposals for a new crusade (1284-1291)==
[[Image:ArghunLetterToPhilippeLeBelExtract1289.jpg|thumb|1289 letter of [[Arghun]] to [[Philip the Fair]], in the [[Sogdian alphabet|Uyghur script]], with detail of the introduction. The letter was remitted to the French king by [[Buscarel of Gisolfe]]. The seal is that of the Great Khan, in Chinese characters: "Seal of the upholder of the State and the purveyor of peace to the People". The paper is of [[Korean]] manufacture. 182x25 cm. [[French National Archives]].<ref>''Grands Documents de l'Histoire de France'', Archives Nationales de France, p.38, 2007.</ref>]]
The new Mongol ruler [[Arghun]], son of Abaqa, again revived the idea of an alliance with the West, and sent envoys to Europe. He promised that if Jerusalem were conquered, he would have himself baptised. But Western Europe was no longer as interested in the crusades, and the missions were ultimately fruitless,<ref>Prawdin, p. 372. "Argun revived the idea of an alliance with the West, and envoys from the Ilkhans once more visited European courts. He promised the Christians the Holy Land, and declared that as soon as they had conquered Jerusalem he would have himself baptised there. The Pope sent the envoys on to Philip the Fair of France and to Edward I of England. But themission was fruitless. Western Europe was no longer interested in crusading adventures.</ref> except for the dispatch of a corps of 800 Genoese to the Mongol realm to establish a naval raiding force in the [[Indian Ocean]]. During his reign, the Mamluks continuously increased their power in Syria, and the Sultan Qalawun managed to capture the northern fortress of [[Margat]] in 1285, [[Lattakia]] in 1287, and completing the [[Fall of Tripoli]] in [[1289]] and the [[Siege of Acre (1291)|Fall of Acre]] in [[1291]] managed to eliminate the last major Christian bases in the Levant.<ref>Tyerman, p.817</ref>


When the Muslim leader Baibars was threatening the last stronghold of the Crusaders, Acre, [[Pope Nicolas IV]] proclaimed a Crusade and negotiated agreements with Arghun, [[Hetoum II]] of Armenia, the [[Jacobite Syrian Christian Church|Jacobites]], the [[Ethiopians]] and the [[Georgians]]. On January 5, 1291, he addressed a vibrant prayer to all the Christians to save the Holy Land, and follow Edward I in a Crusade.<ref>Dailliez, p.324-325</ref>
===First mission to the Pope===
In 1285, Arghun sent an embassy and a letter to Pope [[Honorius IV]], a Latin translation of which is preserved in the [[Vatican]].<ref name=runciman-398>Runciman, p.398</ref><ref>"This Arghon loved the Christians very much, and several times asked to the Pope and the king of France how they could together destroy all the Sarazins" - Le Templier de Tyr - French original:"Cestu Argon ama mout les crestiens et plusors fois manda au pape et au roy de France trayter coment yaus et luy puissent de tout les Sarazins destruire" [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/GuillaumeTyr5.html Guillame de Tyr (William of Tyre) "Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum" #591] <!--Recommend moving this to Wikiquote --> </ref> Arghun's letter mentioned the links that Arghun's family had to Christianity, and proposed a combined military conquest of Muslim lands:<ref>"The Crusades Through Arab Eyes" p. 254: Arghun, grandon of Hulegu, "had resurrected the most cherished dream of his predecessors: to form an alliance with the Occidentals and thus to trap the Mamluk sultanate in a pincer movement. Regular contacts were established between Tabriz and Rome with a view to organizing a joint expedition, or at least a concerted one."</ref>


However, all these attempts to mount a combined offensive were too little and too late. On March 1291, the city was conquered by the Mamluks in the [[Siege of Acre (1291)|Siege of Acre]]. Arghun himself died on March 10, 1291, and Pope Nicholas IV in March 1292, putting an end to their efforts towards combined action.<ref>Runciman, p.412</ref>
{{quote|"As the land of the Muslims, that is, Syria and Egypt, is placed between us and you, we will encircle and strangle ("estrengebimus") it. We will send our messengers to ask you to send an army to Egypt, so that us on one side, and you on the other, we can, with good warriors, take it over. Let us know through secure messengers when you would like this to happen. We will chase the [[Saracens]], with the help of the Lord, the Pope, and the Great Khan."|Extract from the 1285 letter from Arghun to Honorius IV, Vatican<ref>Quote in "Histoires des Croisades III", Rene Grousset, p700</ref>}}


According to the 20th century historian Runciman, "Had the Mongol alliance been achieved and honestly implemented by the West, the existence of [[Outremer]] would almost certainly have been prolonged. The Mameluks would have been crippled if not destroyed; and the Ilkhanate of Persia would have survived as a power friendly to the Christians and the West".<ref name=runciman-402>Runciman, p.402</ref>
===Second mission, to Kings Philip and Edward===
[[Image:DebateBetweenCatholicsAndOrientalChristiansInThe13thCenturyAcre1290.jpg|thumb|right|Debate between Western Christians (left) and [[Assyrian Church of the East|Oriental Christians]] (right) in the 13th century. Miniature from [[Acre]], circa 1290.]]
Apparently left without an answer, Arghun sent another embassy to European rulers in 1287, headed by the Nestorian [[Rabban Bar Sauma]], with the objective of contracting a military alliance to fight the Muslims in the Middle East, and take the city of [[Jerusalem]].<ref name=runciman-398/> The responses were positive but vague. Sauma returned in 1288 with positive letters from Pope [[Nicholas IV]], [[Edward I of England]], and [[Philip IV the Fair]] of France.<ref>Boyle, in Camb. Hist. Iran V, pp. 370-71; Budge, pp. 165-97. [http://www.encyclopediairanica.com/articles/v10f2/v10f216a.html Source]</ref> According to the medieval Syriac History of the two Nestorian Chinese monks, Bar Sawma of Khan Balik and Markos of Kawshang, as translated in Sir Wallis Budge's book ''The Monks of Kublai Khan Emperor of China'', Philip seemingly responded positively to the request of the embassy, gave him numerous presents, and sent one of his noblemen, Gobert de Helleville, to accompany Bar Sauma back to Mongol lands:


===Ghazan (1295-1304)===
{{quote|"And the King Philip said: if it be indeed so that the Mongols, though they are not Christians, are going to fight against the Arabs for the capture of Jerusalem, it is meet especially for us that we should fight [with them], and if our Lord willeth, go forth in full strength. . . And he said unto us, "I will send with you one of the great Amirs whom I have here with me to give an answer to King Arghon"; and the king gave Rabban Sawma gifts and apparel of great price."|"The Monks of Kublai Khan Emperor of China<ref> http://www.aina.org/books/mokk/mokk.htm</ref>}}<!-- Recommend deleting this quote. It's a third-party view of a medieval historian, and not necessarily reliable. -->

[[Image:VoyagesOfRabbanBarSauma.jpg|thumb|[[Rabban Bar Sauma]] travelled from Pekin in the East, to Rome, Paris and Bordeaux in the West, meeting with the major rulers of the period, even before [[Marco Polo]]'s return from Asia.<!-- We need a paragraph somewhere about Marco Polo -->]]
Gobert de Helleville departed on February 2, 1288, with two clerics Robert de Senlis and Guillaume de Bruyères, as well as arbaletier Audin de Bourges. They joined Bar Sauma in Rome, and accompanied him to Persia.<ref>"Histoires des Croisades III", Rene Grousset, quoting "La Flor des Estoires d'Orient" by [[Haiton]]</ref>

According to a medieval historian, King Edward was also said to have welcomed the embassy enthusiastically:

{{quote|"King Edward rejoiced greatly, and he was especially glad when Rabban Sauma talked about the matter of Jerusalem. And he said "We the kings of these cities bear upon our bodies the sign of the Cross, and we have no subject of thought except this matter. And my mind is relieved on the subject about which I have been thinking, when I hear that King Arghun thinketh as I think"|Account of the travels of Rabban Bar Sauma, Chap. VII.<ref>"The Monks of Kublai Khan Emperor of China", Sir E. A. Wallis Budge [http://www.aina.org/books/mokk/mokk.htm Source]</ref>}}<!-- Recommend deleting this quote. It's a third-party view of a medieval historian, and not necessarily reliable. -->

In one of his letters, Nicholas IV also recognized the role of many Franks in the service of the Il-Khan, among them Ugi de Sienne, ''ilduci'' in the Guard of the Il-Khan, who would also bring a message to the West.<ref>Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.469</ref>

===Christian missions to Mongol China from 1289===
{{main|Medieval Roman Catholic Missions in China}}
This period saw the start of major Christian missions to Mongol China, which would last until the fall of Mongol power and the establishment of the [[Ming Dynasty]] a century later. In [[1289]], Pope Nicholas IV sent the Franciscan [[John of Monte Corvino]] to [[China]] by way of [[India]], thereby bypassing [[Karakorum]].<ref>Foltz, p.130</ref> Although the great Khan [[Kubilai Khan|Kubilai]] had already died by the time John arrived ([[1294]]), the court at [[Khanbaliq]] received him graciously and encouraged him to settle there. John was China’s first [[Roman Catholic]] [[missionary]], and he was significantly successful. He laboured largely in the [[Mongolian language|Mongol tongue]], translated the [[New testament]] and [[Psalms]], built a central church, and within a few years (by [[1305]]) could report six thousand baptized converts. He also established a lay training school of 150 students. Other priests joined him and centers were established in the coastal provinces of [[Kiangsu]] ([[Yangchow]]), [[Chekiang]] ([[Hangchow]]) and [[Fukien]] ([[Zaitun]]).

===Third mission===
[[Image:Philippe IV Le Bel.jpg|thumb|[[Philip the Fair]] (1268-1314) sent an ambassador to the court of the Mongol leader [[Arghun]] (1258-1291), to try and arrange details of an alliance.<ref>Runciman, p. 399</ref> But Arghun died before anything could be achieved.<ref name=runciman-402/>]]
In 1289, Arghun sent a third mission to Europe, in the person of [[Buscarel of Gisolfe]], a Genoese who had settled in Persia. The objective of the mission was to determine at what date concerted Christian and Mongol efforts could start. Arghun committed to march his troops as soon as the Crusaders had disembarked at [[Saint-Jean-d'Acre]]. Buscarel was in Rome between July 15 and September 30, 1289, and in Paris in November-December 1289. He remitted a letter from Arghun to Philippe le Bel, answering to Philippe's own letter and promises, offering the city of Jerusalem as a potential prize, and attempting to fix the date of the offensive from the winter of 1290 to spring of 1291:<ref>Runciman, p.401</ref>

{{quote|"Under the power of the eternal sky, the message of the great king, Arghun, to the king of France..., said: I have accepted the word that you forwarded by the messengers under Saymer Sagura ([[Rabban Bar Sauma|Bar Sauma]]), saying that if the warriors of Il Khaan invade Egypt you would support them. We would also lend our support by going there at the end of the Tiger year’s winter [1290], worshiping the sky, and settle in Damascus in the early spring [1291].

If you send your warriors as promised and conquer Egypt, worshiping the sky, then I shall give you Jerusalem. If any of our warriors arrive later than arranged, all will be futile and no one will benefit. If you care to please give me your impressions, and I would also be very willing to accept any samples of French opulence that you care to burden your messengers with.

I send this to you by Myckeril and say: All will be known by the power of the sky and the greatness of kings. This letter was scribed on the sixth of the early summer in the year of the Ox at Ho’ndlon."|Letter from Arghun to Philippe le Bel, 1289, France royal archives<ref>[http://chass.colostate-pueblo.edu/history/seminar/sauma/saumaletter.htm Alternative translation of Arghun's letter]</ref><ref>For another translation [http://www.pony-express.net/west-east/china/expo/catalogue_text/cat32_text.html here]</ref>}} <!-- Excellent quote that should be kept :) -->

Buscarello was also bearing a memorandum explaining that the Mongol ruler would prepare all necessary supplies for the Crusaders, as well as 30,000 horses.<ref>Jean Richard, p.468</ref> Buscarel then went to England to bring Arghun's message to [[Edward I of England|King Edward I]]. He arrived in London January 5, 1290. Edward, whose answer has been preserved, answered enthusiastically to the project but remained evasive about its actual implementation, for which he deferred to the Pope.<ref>"Histoire des Croisades III", p.713, Rene Grousset.</ref>

====Assembly of a raiding naval force====
In a concrete example of military collaboration, a maritime raiding force consisting in two war galleys was prepared in [[Baghdad]] by a corps of Genoese, in order to curtail the maritime trade of the Mamluks. A contingent of 800 Genoese carpenters and sailors was sent in 1290 to Baghdad, as well as a force of arbaletiers, but the enterprise apparently foundered when the Genoese government ultimatey disowned the project, and an internal fight erupted at the [[Persian Gulf]] port of [[Basra]] among the Geneose (between the Guelfe and the Gibelin families).<ref>"Only a contingent of 800 Genoese arrived, whom he (Arghun) employed in 1290 in building shipd at Baghdad, with a view to harassing Egyptian commerce at the southern approaches to the Red Sea", p.169, Peter Jackson, ''The Mongols and the West''</ref><ref>Jean Richard, p.468</ref>

===Fourth mission===
[[Image:SiegeOfAcre1291.jpg|thumb|With the [[Fall of Acre]] in May 1291, the last major Christian city in the Levant disappeared.]]
Arghun then sent a fourth mission to European courts in 1290, led by a certain Andrew Zagan (or Chagan), who was accompanied by Buscarel of Gisolfe and a Christian named Sahadin.<ref>Runciman, p.402</ref>

As a result, with Acre in great danger, [[Pope Nicolas IV]] proclaimed a Crusade and negotiated agreements with Arghun, [[Hetoum II]] of Armenia, the [[Jacobite Syrian Christian Church|Jacobites]], the [[Ethiopians]] and the [[Georgians]]. On January 5, 1291, he addressed a vibrant prayer to all the Christians to save the Holy Land, and predicators started to rally Christians to follow Edward I in a Crusade.<ref>Dailliez, p.324-325</ref>

However, all these attempts to mount a combined offensive were too little and too late. On May 18th 1291, [[Saint-Jean-d'Acre]] was conquered by the Mamluks in the [[Siege of Acre (1291)|Siege of Acre]]. In August 1291, Nicholas IV wrote a letter to Arghun informing him of the plans of Edward I to go on a Crusade to recapture the Holy Land, and explaining that the Crusade could only be successful with the help of the "powerful arm" of the Mongols.<ref>Schein, p.809</ref> He asked Arghun to reiceive baptism and to march against the Mamluks.<ref>Jackson, p.169</ref> However Arghun himself had died on March 10, 1291, and Pope Nicholas IV would die in March 1292, putting an end to their efforts towards combined action.<ref>Runciman, p.412</ref>

Edward I sent an ambassador to Arghun's successor [[Gaikhatu]] in 1292 in the person of [[Geoffrey de Langley]], but extensive contacts would only resume under Arghun's son [[Ghazan]].

According to the 20th century historian Runciman, "Had the Mongol alliance been achieved and honestly implemented by the West, the existence of [[Outremer]] would almost certainly have been prolonged. The Mameluks would have been crippled if not destroyed; and the Ilkhanate of Persia would have survived as a power friendly to the Christians and the West"<ref name=runciman-402>Runciman, p.402</ref>

==Alliance to recapture the Levant (1297-1304)==
{{main|Franco-Mongol alliance (1297-1304)}}
[[Image:1300FrancoMongolOffensiveLevant.jpg|thumb|Franco-Mongol operations in the Levant, in 1299-1300.]]
In 1297, the new Mongol ruler [[Mahmud Ghazan|Ghazan]] was able to resume offensives against the Mamluks and revive the Franco-Mongol alliance.<ref>”Ghazan resumed his plans against Egypt in 1297: the Franco-Mongol cooperation had thus survived, in spite of the loss of Acre by the Franks, and the conversion of the Persian Mongols to Islam. It was to remain one of the political factors of the policy of the Crusades, until the peace treaty with the Mumluks, which was only signed in 1322 by the khan Abu Said”, Jean Richard, p.468</ref> Ghazan had been baptized and raised as a Christian, though he had became a Muslim upon accession to the throne.<ref>Foltz, p.128</ref> He retained however a strong enmity towards the Egyptian Mamluks.

These coordinated actions between the Mongols and the Franks of Cyprus came very close to succeeding.<ref>”The renewed offensives of the Mongol Khan, the Il-Khan Ghazan, in the year 1299-1302, deployed in collaboration with the Christians forces of Cyprus, were very close to succeed”. Demurger, “Croisades et croises”, p.287</ref> The plan was to coordinate actions between the [[Christianity|Christian]] [[military order]]s, the King of Cyprus, the [[aristocracy]] of Cyprus and [[Little Armenia]] and the Mongols of the [[khanate]] of [[Ilkhan]] ([[Iran|Persia]]).<ref>"The Trial of the Templars", Malcolm Barber, 2nd edition, page 22: "The aim was to link up with Ghazan, the Mongol Il-Khan of Persia, who had invited the Cypriots to participate in joint operations against the Mamluks".</ref> The Christian forces of Cyprus and Armenia were determined to reconquer the Holy Land in liaison with the Mongol offensives. However, they had little support from Europe, and Crusades to help sustain their actions.<ref>”During these years, no Crusade was preached in the Occident. Only the Frank forces of Cyprus and Little Armenia did cooperate with the Mongols”. Demurger, “Croisades et croises”, p287</ref>

===Campaign of winter 1299-1300===
[[Image:BattleOfHoms1299.JPG|thumb|Victory of the Mongols (left) over the Mamluks (right) at the 1299 [[Battle of Wadi al-Khazandar|Battle of Homs]].]]
In the summer of 1299, [[King Hetoum II of Armenia]] sent a message to the Mongol khan of Persia, [[Mahmud Ghazan|Ghâzân]] to obtain his support. In response, Ghazan marched with his forces towards Syria and sent letters to the Franks of Cyprus (the King of Cyprus, and the heads of the [[Knights Templar]], the [[Hospitallers]] and the [[Teutonic Knights]]), inviting them to come join him in his attack on the Mamluks in Syria. Ghazan's first letter was sent on October 21, which arrived 15 days later. He sent a second letter in November.<ref>Demurger, p.143</ref>

There is no record of any reply, and Ghazan moved ahead, the Mongols successfully taking the city of [[Aleppo]]. There, Ghazan was joined by King Hetoum, whose forces included some Templars and Hospitallers from the kingdom of Armenia, who participated in the rest of the offensive.<ref>Demurger, p.142 (French edition) "He was soon joined by King Hethum, whose forces seem to have included Hospitallers and Templars from the kingdom of Armenia, who participate to the rest of the campaign."</ref> The Mongols and their allies defeated the Mamluks in the [[Battle of Wadi al-Khazandar]], <!-- Note: Demurger says that this was the Second Battle of Homs --> on December 23 or 24, 1299.<ref>Demurger, p.142</ref> One group of Mongols then split off from Ghazan's army, and pursued the retreating Mamluk troops as far as [[Gaza]],<ref>Demurger, p.142 "The Mongols pursued the retreating troops towards the south, but stopped at the level of Gaza"</ref> pushing them back to Egypt.

The bulk of Ghazan's forces then proceeded on to Damascus, which surrendered somewhere between December 30, 1299, and January 6, 1300, though its Citadel resisted.<ref>Demurger 142-143</ref><ref>Runciman, p.439</ref> Contemporary Arab writers attribute partially or totally the exactions in Damas to the Armenian and Georgian Christians who accompanied the Mongols.<ref>Note by Michaud: "Ibn Kathir attributes partially the responsibility of these massacres and destructions to the Georgian and Armenian Christians that were accompanying the Mongols", "Textes Spirituels D'Ibn Taymiyya", Chap XI</ref><ref>"[[Rashid al-Din]] attributes these exactions to "ostlers, the Armenians, the Georgians and some renegades"", Luisetto, p.207</ref> Ghazan then retreated most of his forces in February, probably because their horses needed fodder. He promised to return in the winter of 1300-1301 to attack Egypt.<ref>Demurger, p.146</ref>

In the meantime the remaining forces of the Mongols, about 10,000 horsemen under the Mongol general [[Mulay]], ruled over Syria,<ref>Demurger (p.146, French edition): "After the Mamluk forces retreated south to Egypt, the main Mongol forces retreated north in February, Ghazan leaving his general Mulay to rule in Syria".</ref> and engaged in raids as far south as Jerusalem and Gaza.<ref name=schein-raid>"Meanwhile the Mongol and Armenian troops raided the country as far south as Gaza." Schein, 1979, p. 810</ref><ref>"He pursued the Sarazins as far as Gaza, and then turn to Damas, conquering and destroying the Sarazins". Original French: "Il chevaucha apres les Sarazins jusques a Guadres et puis se mist vers Domas concuillant et destruyant les Sarazins." Le Templier de Tyr, #609</ref><ref>"Arab historians however, like Moufazzal Ibn Abil Fazzail, an-Nuwairi and Makrizi, report that the Mongols raided the country as far as Jerusalem and Gaza"— Sylvia Schein, p.810</ref><ref>The Arab historian Yahia Michaud, in the 2002 book ''Ibn Taymiyya, Textes Spirituels I-XVI'', Chap XI, describes that there were some firsthand accounts at the time, of forays of the Mongols into Palestine, and quotes two medieval Arab sources stating that Jerusalem was one of the cities that was invaded by the Mongols</ref> But that small force had to retreat when the Mamluks returned in May 1300.

====Frankish interventions (Feb-July 1300)====
[[Image:JacquesdeMolay.jpg|thumb|[[Jacques de Molay]] was one of the leaders contacted by Ghazan, in an attempt to coordinate military operations]]
Finally in early 1300, two Frank rulers, [[Guy of Ibelin (1276-1304)|Guy d'Ibelin]] and [[Jean II de Giblet]], had moved in with their troops from Cyprus in response to Ghazan's earlier call, and established a base in the castle of Nefin in [[Gibelet]] on the Syrian coast with the intention of joining him, but Ghazan was already gone.<ref>Demurger, p.144</ref><ref>"After Ghazan had left, some Christians from Cyprus arrived in [[Gibelet]] and Nefin, led by Guy, [[Count of Jaffa]], and Jean d'Antioche with their knights, and from there proceeded to go to Armenia where the camp of the Tatars was. But Ghazan was gone, so they had to return."|Le Templier de Tyr, 614. - Le Templier de Tyr, 614: "Et apres que Cazan fu partis aucuns crestiens de Chipre estoient ales a Giblet et a Nefin et en seles terres de seles marines les quels vous nomeray: Guy conte de Jaffe et messire Johan dantioche et lor chevaliers; et de la cuyderent aler en Ermenie quy estoit a lost des Tatars. Cazan sen estoit retornes: il se mist a revenir"</ref> They also started to besiege the new city of Tripoli, but in vain.<ref>Jean Richard, p.481</ref> They soon had to reembark for Cyprus.

The Mongol leader [[Mahmud Ghazan|Ghazan]] had sent letters in late 1299 requesting Frankish help, primarily with naval operations.<ref name=demurger-147>Demurger, p.147</ref> Naval operations were mounted in July 1300. A fleet of sixteen galleys with some smaller vessels was equipped in Cyprus,<ref>According to the "Chronicle of Cyprus", by Florio Bustron, quoted in in "Adh-Dhababi's Record of the Destruction of Damascus by the Mongols in 1299-1301", Note 18, p.359</ref><ref name=demurger-147/><ref name=schein-811/>, commanded by [[King Henry II of Jerusalem]], the king of Cyprus, accompanied by his brother, [[Amalric, Lord of Tyre]] and the heads of the military orders. The banner of the Mongol [[Il-Khan]] was hoisted on the boats, because Ghazan's ambassador was onboard.<ref>"The banner of the Mongol [[Il-Khan]] was hoisted on the boats, because he [Ghazan's ambassador] was onboard" ("La banniere de l'Ilkhan fut hissee sur les bateaux parce qu'il etait a bord"), Demurger, "Jacques de Molay", p.147</ref><ref>Templar of Tyre: "At [[Rosetta]] Our men returned to their galleys, and then the Saracens saw Ghazan's banner on our galleys. Ghazan's envoys, whom Ghazan had sent to the king in Cyprus, had placed it there and had raised it over our galleys. Because of Ghazan's banner, four Tartars who were with the forty mounted Saracens that I have mentioned and now had been held there by the Saracens as if in prison, spurred their horses and came galloping up to our galleys. Our men received them..."</ref> The ships left [[Famagusta]] on July 20, 1300, to raid the coasts of Egypt and Syria: [[Rosette]],<ref name=demurger-147/> [[Alexandria]], [[Acre]], [[Tortosa]], and [[Maraclea]], before returning to Cyprus.<ref name=schein-811>Schein, 1979, p. 811</ref> According to the French historian Jean Richard, the raids along the way were directed by Admiral [[Baudoin de Picquigny]], who was accompanied onboard by the envoy of the Mongols [[Isol the Pisan]], and when the raids took place at Alexandria, they were able to free Christian prisoners who had been captive since the Fall of Acre in 1291.<ref>Jean Richard, p.481</ref> The ships then returned to Cyprus, and prepared for an attack on Tortosa in late 1300.

In a May 18th 1300 letter from [[Lerida]], [[James II of Aragon]] also sent a congratulation letter to Ghazan "King of the Kings of all the Levant (...) elected by the Omnipotent to take revenge on his enemies and recover the Holy Land",<ref>"Adh-Dhababi's Record of the Destruction of Damascus by the Mongols in 1299-1301", Note 18, p.359</ref> and offered to procure him ships, troops and supplies in exchange for one fifth of the territory of the Holy Land.<ref>Luisetto, p.116</ref><ref>Schein, p.819</ref>

===Campaign of winter 1300-1301===
[[Image:1301FrancoMongolOffensiveLevant.jpg|thumb|Combined offensives in 1300-1301.]]
[[Image:1301FrancoMongolOffensiveLevant.jpg|thumb|Combined offensives in 1300-1301.]]
{{seealso|Mongol invasions of Syria}}
According to Demurger's account, the medieval historian the [[Templar of Tyre]] wrote that Ghazan sent ambassadors to Cyprus in 1300, led by the Italian [[Isol le Pisan]], the Mongols' chief ambassador to Cyprus. In agreement with the Cypriotes, a joint embassy was then sent to the Pope.<ref>Demurger, p.146</ref><ref>Demurger, p.136. "From the Tatars, the king of Armenia, the king of Cyprus, the Great Master of the Templars or other nobles from [[Outremer]], are arriving embassadors on a visit to the Pope. They are already in [[Apulia]] and should reach the Pope in the next few days" - Letter by Romeu de Marimundo, counsellor of the king of Aragon, dated July 2nd, 1300, in Barcelona, quoted by Demurger</ref> In 1300 the Templars sent men of arms to Cyprus for coordinated actions with the Mongols.<ref>”In 1300 , again, the Templars were able to send a few hundred combattants to Cyprus, in view of combined operations with the Mongols”. Demurger, “Croisades et croises”, p.189</ref> In May 1300, the king of Aragon announced that he was sending ships and warriors, in exchange for a fifth of the Holy Land.<ref>Jean Richard, p.481</ref>
{{main|Ghazan}}
After Arghun's death, he was followed in rapid succession by some brief and fairly ineffective leaders, some of whom only held power for a few months. Stability was restored with the installation of [[Ghazan]] in 1295. In 1297, he had consolidated power enough that he was able to resume offensives against the Mamluks.<ref>”Ghazan resumed his plans against Egypt in 1297: the Franco-Mongol cooperation had thus survived, in spite of the loss of Acre by the Franks, and the conversion of the Persian Mongols to Islam. It was to remain one of the political factors of the policy of the Crusades, until the peace treaty with the Mumluks, which was only signed in 1322 by the khan Abu Said”, Jean Richard, p.468</ref> Despite being a Muslim himself he still maintained good relations with his Christian vassal states of Cicilian Armenia and Georgia, and his plan was to coordinate actions between his forces, the Christian [[military order]]s, and the forces of [[Cyprus]].<ref>"The Trial of the Templars", Malcolm Barber, 2nd edition, page 22: "The aim was to link up with Ghazan, the Mongol Il-Khan of Persia, who had invited the Cypriots to participate in joint operations against the Mamluks".</ref>


In the summer of 1299, [[King Hetoum II of Armenia]] sent a message to Ghazan to obtain his support against the Mamluks. Ghazan marched with his forces towards Syria and sent letters to the Franks of Cyprus (the King of Cyprus, and the heads of the [[Knights Templar]], the [[Hospitallers]] and the [[Teutonic Knights]]), inviting them to come join him in his attack on the Mamluks in Syria.
====Frank bridgehead in Ruad====
In the end of 1300, another message came from Ghazan asking to coordinate operations, inviting the Cypriots to meet him in Armenia.<ref name=schein-811/> The Cypriots then prepared a land-based force of approximately 600 men: 300 under [[Amalric, Prince of Tyre|Amalric of Lusigan]], son of [[Hugh III of Cyprus]], and similar contingents from the Templars and Hospitallers.<ref name=schein-811/> The men and their horses were ferried from Cyprus to a staging area on the island of [[Arwad Island|Ruad]], a mile off the coast of [[Tortosa]].<ref name=demurger-147/><ref name=schein-811/> From there, they had a certain amount of success attacking Tortosa (some sources say they engaged in raids, others that they captured the city), but when the hoped-for Mongol reinforcements were delayed (sources differ on whether the delay was caused by weather or illness), the Crusaders had to retreat to Ruad.<ref>"The Trial of the Templars", [[Malcolm Barber]], 2nd edition, page 22: "In November, 1300, James of Molay and the king's brother, [[Amaury of Lusignan]], attempted to occupy the former Templar stronghold of [[Tortosa]]. A force of 600 men, of which the Templars supplied about 150, failed to establish itself in the town itself, although they were able to leave a garrison of 120 men on the island of [[Ruad]], just off the coast.</ref><ref>"That year [1300], a message came to Cyprus from Ghazan, king of the Tatars, saying that he would come during the winter, and that he wished that the Franks join him in Armenia (...) [[Amalric, Prince of Tyre|Amalric of Lusignan]], [[Officers of the Kingdom of Jerusalem|Constable of the Kingdom of Jerusalem]], arrived in November (...) and brought with him 300 knights, and as many or more of the Templars and Hospitallers (...) In February a great admiral of the Tatars, named Cotlesser, came to Antioch with 60,000 horsemen, and requested the visit of the king of Armenia, who came with [[Guy of Ibelin (1276-1304)|Guy of Ibelin]], [[County of Jaffa and Ascalon|Count of Jaffa]], and [[Jean II de Giblet|John, lord of Giblet]]. And when they arrived, Cotelesse told them that Ghazan had met great trouble of wind and cold on his way. Cotlesse raided the land from [[Aleppo|Haleppo]] to [[Homs|La Chemelle]], and returned to his country without doing more". - Le Templier de Tyre, Chap 620-622. Quoted in Demurger, p.147. Original:[http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/GuillaumeTyr5.html Guillame de Tyr (William of Tyre), Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum #620-622]</ref> When the Mongols still did not appear, the majority of the Christian forces returned to Cyprus, though they left a garrison on Ruad which was manned by rotating groups of different Cypriot forces.


The Mongols successfully took the city of [[Aleppo]], and were there joined by their vassal King Hetoum, whose forces participated in the rest of the offensive.<ref>Demurger, p.142 (French edition) "He was soon joined by King Hethum, whose forces seem to have included Hospitallers and Templars from the kingdom of Armenia, who participate to the rest of the campaign."</ref> The Mongols and their allies defeated the Mamluks in the [[Battle of Wadi al-Khazandar]], <!-- Note: Demurger says that this was the Second Battle of Homs --> on December 23 or 24, 1299.<ref name=demurger-142>Demurger, p. 142</ref>
====Mongol operations====
[[Image:Cours de la forteresse d'Arouad.jpg|thumb|[[Ruad]] was the bridgehead of the Franks for a coordinated offensive with the Mongols.]]


In July 1300, the Crusaders launched some naval operations, presumably in support of Ghazan's land-based actions. A fleet of sixteen galleys with some smaller vessels was equipped in Cyprus,<ref name=demurger-147>Demurger, p. 147</ref><ref name=schein-811/> commanded by [[King Henry II of Jerusalem|King Henry of Cyprus and Jerusalem]], accompanied by his brother [[Amalric, Lord of Tyre]], the heads of the military orders, and Ghazan's ambassador. The ships left [[Famagusta]] on July 20, 1300, to raid the coasts of Egypt and Syria: [[Rosette]],<ref name=demurger-147/> [[Alexandria]], [[Acre]], [[Tortosa]], and [[Maraclea]].<ref name=schein-811>Schein, 1979, p. 811</ref> The ships then returned to Cyprus, and prepared for an attack on Tortosa in late 1300.
In January 1301, the Mongols finally made a two-pronged advance into Syria. General [[Kutlushka]] went to Cilicia to fetch Armenian troops and moved south through Antioch. [[Ghazan]] crossed the [[Euphrates]] and reached the walls of Aleppo on January 6th, 1301. Soon however, on February 3rd, Ghazan retreated. According to Arab sources this was apparently due to a very cold winter and terrible road conditions. For the same reason, the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir himself could not move his troops north due to heavy rains. According to [[Hayton]] the Mongols retreated because Ghazan had fallen ill.


A joint force of Cypriots was sent to the island of Ruad as a staging area, from which raids were launched on Tortosa, while awaiting the arrival of the Mongols. However, the Mongols were delayed, and the Crusader forces ended up returning to Cyprus, leaving a garrison on Ruad. When the Mongols did arrive in February 1301, they were only able to engage in some minor raids before having to withdraw.
Kutlusha, with the Armenians and Georgians continued to ravage the region of Aleppo for three months.<ref>Luisetto, p.220</ref> He had a force of 60,000, but could do little else than engage in some raids around Syria. [[Kutlushah]] (Qutlugh-Shah for the Mongols, Cotelesse in Frank sources) stationed 20,000 horsemen in the [[Jordan valley]] to protect Damas, where a Mongol governor was stationed.<ref>Jean Richard, p.481</ref> Soon however, they had to withdraw:


Plans for combined operations between the Europeans and the Mongols were again made for the following winter offensives, in 1301 and 1302. In mid-1301 the Egyptian Mamluks besieged the island of Ruad, which surrendered a year later. The Mamluks slaughtered many of the inhabitants, and captured the surviving Templars to send them to prison in Cairo.
{{quote|"That year [1300], a message came to Cyprus from Ghazan, king of the Tatars, saying that he would come during the winter, and that he wished that the Franks join him in Armenia (...) [[Amalric, Prince of Tyre|Amalric of Lusignan]], [[Officers of the Kingdom of Jerusalem|Constable of the Kingdom of Jerusalem]], arrived in November (...) and brought with him 300 knights, and as many or more of the Templars and Hospitallers (...) In February a great admiral of the Tatars, named Cotlesser, came to Antioch with 60,000 horsemen, and requested the visit of the king of Armenia, who came with [[Guy of Ibelin]], [[County of Jaffa and Ascalon|Count of Jaffa]], and [[Jean II de Giblet|John, lord of Giblet]]. And when they arrived, Cotelesse told them that Ghazan had met great trouble of wind and cold on his way. Cotlesse raided the land from [[Aleppo|Haleppo]] to [[Homs|La Chemelle]], and returned to his country without doing more".|Le Templier de Tyre, Chap 620-622<ref>Quoted in Demurger, p.147. Original:[http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/GuillaumeTyr5.html Guillame de Tyr (William of Tyre), Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum #620-622]</ref>}}


In April 1302, Ghazan sent letters to the Pope asking him to send troops, priests, peasants, in order to make the Holy Land a Frank state again,<ref>Jean Richard, p.481</ref> but again Ghazan did not appear with his own troops.
From mid-1301, the Knights Templar left a small garrison to maintain the island of Ruad, in anticipation of further operations with the Mongols.<ref>"From 1299, [[Jacques de Molay]] and his Order fully committed, with the other Christian forces of Cyprus and Armenia, to a reconquest of the [[Holy Land]] in liaison with the offensives of [[Ghazan]], the Mongol khan of [[Persia]]; the occupation of Ruad for two years, on the Syrian coast near [[Tortosa]], must be understood in this perspective, and would even add, in this perspective only." Alain Demurger, p.139</ref>


===Canceled campaign of winter 1301-1302===
[[Image:GhazanSeal1302LetterToBonifaceVIII.JPG|thumb|Seal of [[Mahmud Ghazan]], over the last two lines of his 1302 letter to [[Pope Boniface VIII]]. The seal, in Chinese script, reads "Seal certifying the authority of his Royal Highness to establish a country and govern its people". [[Vatican]] Archives.<ref>Michaud, Yahia (Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies) (2002). Ibn Taymiyya, Textes Spirituels I-XVI", Chap. XI</ref>]]
Plans for combined operations were again made for the following winter offensive. A letter has been kept from Jacques de Molay to Edward I, and dated April 8, 1301, informing him of the troubles encountered by Ghazan (who had to fight against a relative in [[Khorasan]], whom Molay names "Portefferi"), but announcing that Ghazan was supposed to come in Autumn 1301:

{{quote|"And our convent, with all our galleys and ships, transported itself to the island of Tortosa, in order to wait for the army of Ghazan and his Tatars."|Jacques de Molay, letter to Edward I, April 8th, 1301.<ref>Quoted in Demurger, p.154. Full letter from Jacques de Molay to Edward I, London, Record Office, LV No22, transcripted in Laurent Dailliez, "Jacques de Molay, dernier maitre du Temple, p.190, Note 65:<br>"Excellentissimo et potentissimo Domino, domino Eabardo (sic) Dei gratia serenissimo regi Anglie et domino Hibernie et duci Aquitanie et (... Jacobus de Mol) lay Dei gratia humilis magister pauperis milicie Templi salutem et separatum mandatus regis ( tota) liter obediri. Quia de (...) edimus quos dominatio regia cup (it or iat) informari ideo eaque ad presens novimus regie majestati per presentes (...) Hanc est quod Casanus Tartarorum rex pungnavit cum domino Portefferi qui esse dicitur suus germanus et Casanus (...) suo exercitu (...) bellavit et extitit deinde de hostibus triumphator. Intelliximus etiam quod in mense septembris pro servicio venturo (...) et trahit in insula Turtesie. Casani et surrum tartarorum adventum attendendo; et per Dei gratiam noster conventus taliter (...)ndo dampna Saracenis et Fragendo casalia eorumdem quod per actum ipsorum casum (...) et votis precipere (...) intendere si altissimus noster (...)tetur his diebus. Nos igitur (...)nam potentiam flexis genibus (...) quod sua pietate ita dignetur dirigere et flaci approbare quod certa negotia Terre Sancte Comoda vel (...) dominationem regiam humiliter deprecamur ut nos nostroque et nostra bona sub protectione regia (...) et noster conventus parati sumus dominationis vestre mandatis totaliter obedire. Data Nomocie IX aprilis."</ref>}}

And in a letter to [[James II of Aragon]] on November 8, 1301:

{{quote|"The king of Armenia sent his messengers to the king of Cyprus to tell him (...) that Ghazan was now close to arriving on the lands of the Sultan with a multitude of Tatars. And we, learning this, have the intention to go on the island of Tortosa
where our convent has been stationed with weapons and horses during the present year, causing great devastation on the littoral, and capturing many Sarassins. We have the intention to get there and settle there, to wait for the Tatars."|Jacques de Molay, letter to the king of Aragon, 1301.<ref>Demurger, p.154-155</ref>}}

In late 1301, Ghazan sent a letter to the Pope, asking the Pope to send troops, priests, peasants, in order to make the Holy Land a Frank state again,<ref>Jean Richard, p.481</ref> but this time Ghazan did not appear with his troops due to a very cold winter and terrible road conditions.

===Diplomatic moves (1302)===
Beginning of 1302, Ghazan again sent a message to Edward I through an embassy led by [[Buscarello de Ghisolfi]].<ref>Luisetto, p.103</ref> Edward I answered personally in March 1302, explaining that he welcomed combined actions but that he was caught up with conflicts at home:
{{quote|"The wars that trouble Christiandom have blocked us for a long time from taking, as we would like, resolutions regarding the Holy Land. But when the Pope will have established favourable conditions, we will gladly commit all our forces to this enterprise, for which we wish a successful outcome, more than anything in the world."|Letter from Edward I to Ghazan, 12 March 1302, [[Westminster]].<ref>Quoted in Luisetto, p.116</ref>}}

On April 12, 1302, [[Mahmud Ghazan|Ghazan]] sent a letter and an embassy to [[Pope Boniface VIII]], apparently in answer to an encouraging letter by the latter suggesting Western troops would be dispatched for the 1302/1303 offensive.<ref>"Ghazan's letter to Boniface VIII, dated 12 April, 1302, suggests that, having received an encouraging letter from the Pope, he counted on Christian participation in his expedition to Syria in 1303.</ref>

[[Image:Letter by Ilkhan Ghazan to Pope Boniface VIII1302.jpg|thumb|Letter from Ghazan to [[Pope Boniface VIII]], April 12th, 1302. Vatican archives.]]
{{quote|"We for our part, are making our preparations. You too should prepare your troops, send word to the rulers of the various nations and not fail to keep the rendezvous. Heaven willing, we shall make the great work [i.e. the war. against the Mamelukes] our sole aim."|Letter from Ghazan to Pope Boniface VIII, 1302.<ref>A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves,. "Trois documents mongols des Archives secretes vaticanes", H.J AJ. xv,. 419-506 [http://jss.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/9/2/395-b.pdf Journal of Semitic Studies]</ref>}}

Ghazan's ambassadors stayed at the court of [[Charles II of Anjou]]. When they returned to Persia after April 27, 1303, they were accompanied by [[Gualterius de Lavendel]], as ambassador of Charles II to Ghazan.<ref>Schein, p.813</ref>

===Mamluk counter-offensive (July-September 1302)===
Through the summer however, the Mamluks were back on the offensive. In July 1302, the Mamluks attacked Cilician Armenia. They captured the city of [[Sis]].<ref>Luisetto, p.221</ref> They would next turn their attention to the Franks in Ruad, to expel them from their last foothold in the Levant.

====Loss of Ruad====
{{main|Siege of Ruad}}
In September 1302, a [[Mamluk]] fleet of 16 ships left [[Egypt]] and reached [[Tripoli]] to assemble a fighting force. The fleet then attacked the island of Ruad and disembarked in two points. The island had been occupied by 120 Templar [[knights]], 500 bowmen and 400 men and women serving the garrison, all under the command of [[Barthélemy de Quincy]], Marshall of the Order of the [[Knight Templars]].

After some fighting, the Muslims managed to establish themselves on the island, and started the siege of the fortifications. Barthélemy de Quincy died in the ensuing combat. The Templars finally surrendered on September 26th, at the condition that they could safely escape to a Christian land of their choice. However the Mamluks did not respect the agreement. All the bowmen and Syrian Christians were executed, and the Templars were taken prisoners to [[Cairo]], where they died of starvation after during years of ill-treatment.<ref>"Nearly 40 of these men were still in prison in [[Cairo]] years later where, according to a former fellow prisoner, the Genoese Matthew Zaccaria, they died of starvation, having refused an offer of 'many riches and goods' in return for apostatising"" The Trial of the Templars, Malcolm Barber, p.22</ref>

===Campaign of winter 1302-1303===
[[Image:GhazanAndKingOfArmenia1303.JPG|thumb|Ghazan ordering the King Of Armenia [[Hetoum II]] to accompany Kutlushka on the 1303 attack on Damascus.<ref>In "Le Royaume Armenien de Cilicie", p.74-75</ref>]]
[[Image:GhazanAndKingOfArmenia1303.JPG|thumb|Ghazan ordering the King Of Armenia [[Hetoum II]] to accompany Kutlushka on the 1303 attack on Damascus.<ref>In "Le Royaume Armenien de Cilicie", p.74-75</ref>]]
The remaining Templars from Cyprus continued making raids on the Syrian coast in early 1303, and ravaged the city of [[Damour]], south of [[Beyrouth]]. As they had lost Ruad, though, they were not capable of providing important troops.<ref name=demurger-158>Demurger, p158</ref> In 1303, the Mongols appeared in great strength (about 80,000) together with the Armenians.<ref name=demurger-158/>


In 1303, the remaining Templars from Cyprus continued making raids on the Syrian coast, and ravaged the city of [[Damour]], south of [[Beyrouth]]. But since they had lost Ruad, they were not capable of providing important troops.<ref name=demurger-158>Demurger, p158</ref> Also in 1303, Ghazan had again sent a letter to Edward I, in the person of Buscarello de Ghizolfi, reiterating Hulagu's promise that they would give Jerusalem to the Franks in exchange for help against the Mamluks.<ref>Encyclopedia Iranica article</ref> That year, the Mongols appeared in great strength (about 80,000) together with the Armenians, but they were defeated at Homs on March 30, 1303, and at the decisive [[Battle of Shaqhab]], south of Damas, on April 21, 1303.<ref name=demurger-158/> It is considered to be the last major Mongol invasion of Syria.<ref>Nicolle, p. 80</ref>
====Defeat of Shaqhab====
The Mongols finally suffered a heavy defeat against the Mamluks at Homs on March 30, 1303, and at the decisive [[Battle of Shaqhab]], south of Damas, on April 21, 1303.<ref name=demurger-158/> It is considered to be the last major Mongol invasion of Syria.<ref>Nicolle, p. 80</ref>


In 1303, Ghazan had again sent a letter to Edward I, through an embassy led by Buscarello de Ghizolfi, reinterating Hulagu's promise that they would give Jerusalem to the Franks in exchange for help against the Mamluks.<ref>Encyclopedia Iranica article</ref> Ghazan prepared a new offensive for the Autumn in order to avenge his defeat, but he died on May 10, 1304, and dreams of a rapid reconquest of the Holy Land were destroyed.<ref>Jackson, p.170</ref>
Ghazan died on May 10, 1304, and dreams of a rapid reconquest of the Holy Land were destroyed.


===Oljeitu (1304-1316)===
==New attempts at a joint Crusade (1305-1313)==
[[Muhammad Khodabandeh (Oljeitu)|Oljeitu]], also named Mohammad Khodabandeh, was the great-grandson of the Ilkhanate founder [[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]], and brother and successor of [[Mahmud Ghazan|Ghazan]]. His Christian mother baptized him as a [[Christianity|Christian]] and gave him the name ''Nicholas''.<ref>"Arghun had one of his sons baptized, Khordabandah, the future Oljaitu, and in the Pope's honour, went as far as giving him the name Nicholas", ''Histoire de l'Empire Mongol'', Jean-Paul Roux, p.408</ref> In his youth he at first converted to [[Buddhism]] and then to [[Sunni]] [[Islam]] together with his brother Ghazan. He then changed his first name to the Islamic name ''Muhammad''.
[[Muhammad Khodabandeh (Oljeitu)|Oljeitu]], also named Mohammad Khodabandeh, was the great-grandson of the Ilkhanate founder [[Hulagu Khan|Hulagu]], and brother and successor of [[Mahmud Ghazan|Ghazan]]. In his youth he at first converted to [[Buddhism]] and then to [[Sunni]] [[Islam]] together with his brother Ghazan. He then changed his first name to the Islamic name ''Muhammad''. In April 1305, Oljeitu sent letters to the French king [[Philip the Fair]],<ref>Mostaert and Cleaves, pp. 56-57, [http://www.encyclopediairanica.com/articles/v10f2/v10f216a.html Encyclopedia Iranica]</ref> [[Pope Clement V]], and [[Edward I of England]]. As had done his predecessor Arghun, Oljeitu offered a military collaboration between the Christian nations of Europe and the Mongols against the Mamluks.


Relations were quite warm: in 1307, the Pope named [[John of Montecorvino]] the first [[Archbishop]] of [[Khanbalik]] and Patriarch of the Orient.<ref>Foltz, p.131</ref> A Mongol embassy arrived in Poitiers to see the Pope in 1307.<ref>Demurger, p.203</ref>
[[Image:OljeituToPhilippeLeBel1305.jpg|thumb|Letter of [[Oljeitu]] to [[Philippe le Bel]], 1305. [[French National Archives]].]]
In April 1305, Oljeitu sent letters to the French king [[Philip the Fair]],<ref>Mostaert and Cleaves, pp. 56-57, [http://www.encyclopediairanica.com/articles/v10f2/v10f216a.html Encyclopedia Iranica]</ref> the French [[Pope Clement V]], and [[Edward I of England]]. After his predecessor [[Arghun]], he offered a military collaboration between the Christian nations of Europe and the Mongols against the Mamluks, re-stating the merits of [[concord]] between the Christian nations of Europe and the Mongols against the Mamluks:

{{quote|"We, Sultan Oljaitu. We speak. We, who by the strength of the Sky, rose to the throne (...), we, descendant of Genghis Khan (...). In truth, there cannot be anything better than [[concord]]. If anybody was not in concord with either you or ourselves, then we would defend ourselves together. Let the Sky decide!"|Extract from the letter of Oljeitu to Philip the Fair. French national archives.<ref>Quoted in Jean-Paul Roux, "Histoire de l'Empire Mongol", p.437</ref>}}

He also explained that internal conflicts between the Mongols were now over, and that they were united under [[Temür Khan, Emperor Chengzong of Yuan|Temür Khan]]:

{{quote|"Now all of us, Timur Khagan, Tchapar, Toctoga, Togba and ourselves, main descendants of Gengis-Khan, all of us, descendants and brothers, are reconciled through the inspiration and the help of God. So that, from Nangkiyan (China) in the Orient, to Lake Dala our people is united and the roads are open."|Extract from the letter of Oljeitu to Philip the Fair. French national archives.<ref>[http://www.cosmovisions.com/ChronoMongols00.htm Les hégémonies mongoles]</ref>}}

Oljeitu also pointed out that European nations also had made peace between themselves (the 1302 [[Peace of Caltabellotta]]), and that the time was thus ripe for a new offensive.<ref>Jackson, p.171</ref> This message reassured European nations "that the Franco-Mongol alliance had not ceased", even though the Khans had converted to Islam.<ref>[[Jean-Paul Roux]], in ''Histoire de l'Empire Mongol'' ISBN 2213031649: "The Occident was reassured that the Mongol alliance had not ceased with the conversion of the Khans to Islam. However, this alliance could not have ceased. The Mamelouks, through their repeated military actions, were becoming a strong enough danger to force Iran to maintain relations with Europe.", p.437</ref>

The king of England [[Edward II of England|Edward II]] wrote two letters in response to the letters sent by Oljeitu. The first was written from [[Northampton]] on October 16th, 1307, and suggest that the letter he had received from Oljeitu was similar to the one received by Philip the Fair. In the second one, written from [[Langley]] on November 30th, 1307, Edward asks Oljeitu to complete the elimination of "the abominable sect of Mohammed".<ref>Kenneth Meyer Setton, ''A history of the Crusades'', p.538</ref>

===Overtures from Clement V===
[[Pope Clement V|Clement V]] ordered studies on the preparation of a new Crusade. On June 6, 1306, he invited the leaders of the Templars and Hospitallers for a consultation on this subject and that of the fusion of the Orders.<ref>Demurger, p.284</ref> In 1307 [[Jacques de Molay]] remitted a memorandum for a new Crusade.<ref>Demurger, p.202</ref>


[[Image:HaytonRemittingHisReportToThePope.JPG|thumb|[[Hayton of Corycus]] remitting his report on the Mongols, to [[Pope Clement V]], in 1307.]]
[[Image:HaytonRemittingHisReportToThePope.JPG|thumb|[[Hayton of Corycus]] remitting his report on the Mongols, to [[Pope Clement V]], in 1307.]]
European nations prepared a crusade, but were delayed. In the meantime Oljeitu launched a last campaign against the Mamluks (1312-13), in which he was unsuccessful.
The Armenian monk [[Hayton of Corycus]] also went to visit Pope Clement V in [[Poitiers]], where he wrote his famous "Flor des Histoires d'Orient", a compilation of the events of the Holy Land describing the alliance with the Mongols, and setting recommendations for a new Crusade:

{{quote|"God has also shown the Christians that the time is right because the Tartars themselves have offered to give help to the Christians against the Saracens. For this reason [[Muhammad Khodabandeh (Oljeitu)|Gharbanda]], King of the Tartars, sent his messengers offering to use all his power to undo the enemies of the Christian land. Thus, at present, the Holy Land might be recovered with the help of the Tartars and the realm of Egypt, easily conquered without peril or danger. And so Christian forces ought to leave for the Holy Land without any delay.|Hayton, Flor des Estoires d'Orient, Book IV.<ref>[http://rbedrosian.com/hetum5.htm Flor des Estoires d'Orient, Book IV]</ref>}}

Another embassy was sent to the West in 1307, led by [[Tommaso Ugi di Siena]], an Italian described as Oljeitu's ''ildüchi'' ("Sword-bearer").<ref>Peter Jackson, p.173</ref><ref>Demurger, p.203</ref> This embassy encouraged Pope Clement V to speak in 1307 of the strong possibility that the Mongols could remit the [[Holy Land]] to the Christians, and to declare that the Mongol embassy from Oljeitu "cheered him like spiritual sustenance".<ref>Peter Jackson, ''The Mongols and the West'', p.171</ref> In his response, Clement IV acknowledged Oljeitu's offer and duely noted Oljeitu's commitment to remit 200,000 horses and 200,000 loads of corn to the Crusaders upon arrival in the Holy Land, and that 100,000 horsemen from the Il-Khan would meet them.<ref>Kenneth Meyer Setton, "A History of the Crusades", p.538</ref>

Relations were quite warm: in 1307, the Pope named [[John of Montecorvino]] the first [[Archbishop]] of [[Khanbalik]] and Patriarch of the Orient.<ref>Foltz, p.131</ref> A corps of Frank [[mangonel]] specialists is known to have accompanied the Ilkhanid army in the conquest of [[Herat]] in 1307.<ref>Peter Jackson, ''The Mongols and the West'', p.315</ref> In 1308, Oljeitu actively participated to a [[Byzantine-Mongol alliance]] by supplying 30,000 men to the Byzantine emperor [[Andronikos II Palaiologos|Andronicus II]] to recover many Byzantine towns in [[Bithynia]].<ref>I. Heath, ''Byzantine Armies: AD 1118–1461'', pp. 24–33.</ref> James II of Aragon is thought to have sent his ambassador Peter Desportes to Oljeitu in 1307, and he wrote a letter asking for precisions about the way his army could be supplied when in the Levant, and for an agreement to visit the Holy Places.<ref>Kenneth Meyer Setton, "A History of the Crusades", p.539</ref>

On April 4, 1312, a Crusade was promulgated by [[Pope Clement V]] at the [[Council of Vienne]]. Another embassy was sent by Oljeitu to the West and to [[Edward II of England|Edward II]] in 1313.<ref>Peter Jackson, p.172</ref>
That same year, the French king [[Philippe le Bel]] "took the cross", making the vow to go on a Crusade in the Levant, thus responding to Clement V's call for a Crusade. He was however warned against leaving by [[Enguerrand de Marigny]],<ref>Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.485</ref> and died soon after in a hunting accident.<ref>Richard, p.485</ref>


Oljeitu finally launched a last campaign against the Mamluks (1312-13), in which he was unsuccessful. A final settlement with the Mamluks would only be found when Oljeitu's son signed the [[Treaty of Aleppo]] with the [[Mamluks]] in 1322.
A final settlement with the Mamluks would only be found when Oljeitu's son signed the [[Treaty of Aleppo]] with the [[Mamluks]] in 1322.<ref>Mostaert and Cleaves, pp. 56-57, [http://www.encyclopediairanica.com/articles/v10f2/v10f216a.html Encyclopedia Iranica]</ref>


==Last contacts==
==Last contacts==

Revision as of 04:56, 20 January 2008

Among the Christian states in the Levant, the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia (in blue) and the northern Frank realms of the Principality of Antioch and the County of Tripoli (green) were the most regular allies/subjects of the Mongols, and supplied troops to participate in Mongol campaigns.

Many attempts were made towards forming a Franco-Mongol alliance between the mid-1200s and the early 1300s, starting around the time of the Seventh Crusade.[1] Historians note that in hindsight, an alliance between the Mongols and the Franks often appears a logical choice.[1][2][3] The Mongols were already very sympathetic to Christianity as many Mongols were Nestorian Christians. The Europeans were open to the idea of assistance coming from the East, due to the longrunning legend of a mythical Prester John, an Eastern king in a magical kingdom who many believed would arrive someday to help with the fight in the Holy Land. The Mongols and the Franks also shared a common enemy in the Muslims. There were numerous exchanges of letters, gifts and emissaries between the Mongols and the Europeans as well as offers for varying types of cooperation.[1] However, despite many attempts, there was never any successful military collaboration.[4] Modern historians also debate whether or not such an alliance, if it had been successful, would have been effective in shifting the balance of power in the region, and/or whether or not it would have been a wise choice on the part of the Europeans.[5] Traditionally, the Mongols tended to see outside parties as either subjects, or enemies, with little room in the middle for something such as an ally.

The closest thing to actual Frankish cooperation with Mongol military actions was the alliance, or overlord-subject relationship, between the Mongols and the Frankish Principality of Antioch and County of Tripoli.[6][7][8][9][10] Other Christian vassal states included Georgia, and Cilician Armenia.[11] Once these countries had submitted, they were required to provide military forces to fight under the Mongol banner, and these forces often showed great enthusiasm in attacking Muslim targets.[12]

The most successful points of both collaboration and non-collaboration between the Mongols and the Christians were in 1260, when most of Muslim Syria was briefly conquered by the joint efforts of the Mongols and the Christians of Armenia and Antioch.[13] However, that same year there were other Christians, the Franks of Acre, who entered into a passive truce with the other side, the Egyptian Mamluks. This unusual neutrality on the part of the Franks allowed the Muslim Egyptians to advance northwards through Palestine, to obtain a major and historic success against the Mongols at 1260's pivotal Battle of Ain Jalut.

The Mongols again invaded Syria several times between 1281 and 1312, sometimes in attempts at joint operations[14] with the Europeans, though there were considerable logistical difficulties involved, which usually resulted in the forces arriving months apart, and being unable to satisfactorily combine their activities. Ultimately, the attempts at alliance bore little fruit, and ended with the victory of the Egyptian Mamluks, the total eviction of both the Franks and the Mongols from Palestine by 1303, and a treaty of peace between the Mongols and the Mamluks in 1322.

These contacts were part of a broader web of Mongol alliances in the Middle-East which occurred throughout the second half of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century, and involved widely spread polities. These multiples alliances were organized between, on the one hand a North-South axis consisting of the Mongol Golden Horde, the Egyptian Mamluks and the Genoese, and on the other, a East-West axis consisting of the Mongol Il-Khanids, the Armenians, the Franks. The Byzantine Empire would ally with the two parties alternatively.

Christianity among the Mongols

File:Stone 1-1-.jpg
The Nestorian Stele in China, erected in 781.

Overall, Mongols were highly tolerant of most religions, and typically sponsored several at the same time, though shamanism, Buddhism, and Christianity were the most popular in the early 1200s. When Temüjin, a shamanist who would later be titled Genghis Khan, declared the Baljuna Covenant with 17 of his companions, several of them were Christian.[15] Many Mongol tribes, such as the Kerait,[16] the Naiman, the Merkit, and to a large extent the Kara Khitan, were Nestorian Christian.[17] All the sons of Genghis Khan had taken Christian wives, from the tribe of the Kerait. While the men were away at battle, the empire was effectively run by the Christian women.[18][19] Genghis Khan's grandson Sartaq was Christian;[20] as was the general Kitbuqa,[21] commander of the Mongol forces of the Levant. Under Mongka, another of Genghis Khan's grandsons, the main religious influence was that of the Nestorians.[22] Marital alliances with Western powers also occurred, as in the 1265 marriage of Maria Despina Palaiologina, the Christian daughter of Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus, with Hulagu's son, the Mongol khan Abaqa, who himself was a Buddhist.

Early contacts (1209-1244)

Genghis Khan (1162-1227)

Among Europeans, there had long been rumors and expectations that a great Christian ally would come from "the East." These rumors circulated as early as the First Crusade, and usually surged in popularity after the loss of a battle by the Crusaders, which resulted in a natural human desire that a Christian hero would arrive from a distant land, to help save the day. This resulted in the development of a legend about a figure known as Prester John. The legend fed upon itself, and some individuals who came from the East were greeted with the expectations that they might be the long-awaited Christian heroes. For example, around 1210, news reached the West of the battles of the Mongol Kuchlug, leader of the largely Christian tribe of the Naiman, against the powerful Khwarezmian Empire, whose leader was Muhammad II of Khwarezm. Rumors circulated in Europe that Kuchlug was the mythical Prester John, and was again battling the Muslims in the East.[23]

During the Fifth Crusade, as the Christians were unsuccessfully laying siege to the Egyptian city of Damietta in 1221, the legends of Prester John again conflated with the reality of the Mongols under Genghis Khan.[24] Mongol raiding parties were beginning to invade the eastern Islamic world, in Transoxania and Persia in 1219-1221.[25] Rumors circulated among the Crusaders that a "Christian king of the Indies", a King David who was either Prester John or one of his descendants, had been attacking Muslims in the East, and was on his way to help the Christians in their Crusades.[26] In a letter dated June 20, 1221, Pope Honorius III even commented about "forces coming from the Far East to rescue the Holy Land".[27]

In 1220, the Mongols invaded Persian territory, successfully destroying the Turkish Khwarezmian Empire (some of the remains of which moved West in 1244 to ally with the Egyptian Mamluks, taking Jerusalem from the Christians along the way). But Genghis Khan then returned to Mongolia, and Persia was reconquered by Muslim forces.[28] In 1231, a much larger Mongol army arrived, under the general Chormaqan. He ruled over Persia and Azerbaijan from 1231 to 1241.[29] In 1242, Baichu further invaded the Seldjuk kingdom, ruled by Kaikhosrau, in modern Turkey. The Mongol conquest was seen by the Europeans as a positive one, since the Mongols were eliminating an enemy of Christendom.[30]

Genghis Khan died in 1227, and his Empire was split up into four sections, for each of his sons. The northern section, known as the Golden Horde began to encroach upon Europe, primarily via Hungary and Poland. The southwestern section, known as the Ilkhanid, under the leadership of Genghis Khan's son Hulagu, continued to advance towards Persia and the Holy Land. City after city fell to the Mongols, including some Christian realms in their path. Christian Georgia was repeatedly attacked starting in 1220,[31] and in 1243 Queen Rusudan formally submitted to the Mongols, turning Georgia into a vassal state which then became a regular ally in the Mongol military conquests.[32][33] This was a common practice in use by the growing Mongol empire -- as they conquered new territories, they would absorb the populace and warriors into their own Mongol army, which they would then use to further expand the empire.

Papal overtures (1245-1248)

File:Letter from Guyuk to Innocent IV.gif
The 1246 letter of Güyük to Pope Innocent IV, written in Persian.[34]

The Mongol invasion of Europe subsided in 1242 with the death of the Great Khan Ögedei, successor of Genghis Khan. However, the relentless march westward of the Mongols had displaced the Khawarizmi Turks, who themselves moved west, and on their way to ally with the Ayyubid Muslims in Egypt, took Jerusalem from the Christians in 1244.[35] This event prompted Christian kings to prepare for a new Crusade, decided by Pope Innocent IV at the First Council of Lyons in June 1245, and revived hopes that the Mongols, who had their Nestorian Christian princesses among them and had brought so much destruction to Islam, could be converted to Christianity and become allies of Christendom.[36][37]

In 1245, Pope Innocent IV issued bulls and sent an envoy in the person of the Franciscan John of Plano Carpini to the "Emperor of the Tartars". The message initiated what was to be a regular pattern in Christian-Mongol communications:[38] Pope Innocent asked the Mongol ruler to become a Christian and to stop killing Christians. The new Mongol khan Güyük was installed at Karakorum on April 8, 1246[39] and received numerous personalities and ambassadors from foreign countries including John of Plano Carpini: the Grand Duc of Moscow Yaroslav II of Vladimir, the incumbents for the throne of Georgia, the brother of the king of Armenia Sempad, the future Seljukid Kilij Arslan IV, ambassadors of the Baghdad Califate and of the emperor of India.[40]. He replied to the Pope's letter with a demand for his submission and a visit from the rulers of the West in homage to Mongol power:[41]

"You must say with a sincere heart: "We will be your subjects; we will give you our strength". You must in person come with your kings, all together, without exception, to render us service and pay us homage. Only then will we acknowledge your submission. And if you do not follow the order of God, and go against our orders, we will know you as our enemy."

— Letter from Güyük to Pope Innocent IV, 1246.[42]
Coin showing the Christian Armenian king Hetoum I with his wife and predecessor, Queen Zabel of Armenia. Hetoum I was a major ally (some say vassal) of the Mongols.

This pattern was to be repeated over and over during the coming decades. In 1245 Innocent sent another mission, through another route, led by the Dominican Ascelin of Lombardia, also bearing letters. The mission met with the Mongol commander Baichu near the Caspian Sea in 1247. Baichu, who had plans to capture Baghdad, welcomed the possibility of an alliance and had envoys, Aïbeg and Serkis, accompany the embassy back to Rome, where they stayed for about a year.[43] They met with Innocent IV in 1248, who again appealed to the Mongols to stop their killing of Christians.[44][45]

Christian vassals

As the Ilkhanid empire continued to move towards the Holy Land, city after city fell to the Mongols. The typical Mongol pattern was to give a region one chance to surrender. If the target acquiesced, the Mongols absorbed the populace and warriors into their own Mongol army, which they would then use to further expand the empire.[12] If a community did not surrender, the Mongols moved in and simply slaughtered everyone, thousands at a time. Accordingly, many communities simply surrendered immediately, including some Christian realms in the path of the Mongols.[12] Christian Georgia was repeatedly attacked starting in 1220,[46] and in 1243 Queen Rusudan formally submitted to the Mongols, turning Georgia into a vassal state which then became a regular ally in the Mongol military conquests.[47][33] King Hethoum I of Armenia submitted in 1247,[48] and became the main conduit of diplomacy between the Mongols and the Europeans, as he strongly encouraged other European monarchs to follow his own example. He sent his brother Sempad to the Mongol court in Karakorum, and Sempad's positive letters (some call them propaganda) about the Mongols were influential in European circles.[49] However, the only monarch who followed Hethoum's advice was his son-in-law, Prince Bohemond VI of Antioch.

Antioch

Coat of arms of Bohemond VI of Antioch

When the Principality of Antioch joined with the Mongols around 1259, a Mongol representative and a Mongol garrison were stationed in the capital city, where they remained until the Principality was destroyed by the Mamluks in 1268.[6] Bohemond was also required by the Mongols to accept the restoration of a Greek patriarch, Euthymius, to the patriarchate of Antioch, as a way of strengthening ties between the Mongols and the Byzantines. In return for this loyalty, Hulagu awarded to Bohemond all the Antiochene territories which had been lost to the Muslims in 1243. But for his relations with the Mongols, Bohemond was also temporarily excommunicated by Jacques Pantaléon, the Patriarch of Jerusalem,[50][51][52] though this was lifted in 1263.

In 1262, the Mamluk leader Baibars threatened Antioch for its association with the Mongols. Baibars attempted an attack, but Antioch was saved by Mongol intervention. In later years however the Mongols were not able to offer as much support.[53][54] In 1264-1265 the Mongols were only able to attack the frontier fort of Al-Bira,[55] and in 1268 Baibars completely overran the area, and the hundred-year-old principality was no more. After this defeat, Bohemond obtained a truce with Baibars,[56] but was left with no estates except Tripoli.[57]

In 1271, Baibars then sent a letter to Bohemond threatening him with total annihilation and taunting him for his alliance with the Mongols:

"Our yellow flags have repelled your red flags, and the sound of the bells has been replaced by the call: "Allâh Akbar!" (...) Warn your walls and your churches that soon our siege machinery will deal with them, your knights that soon our swords will invite themselves in their homes (...) We will see then what use will be your alliance with Abagha"

— Letter from Baibars to Bohemond VI, 1271[58]

Saint Louis and the Mongols

Louis IX of France had engaged in communications with the Mongols since his first Crusade, when he was met on December 20, 1248 in Cyprus by two Mongol envoys, Nestorians from Mossul named David and Marc, who brought a letter from the Mongol commander in Persia, Eljigidei.[59] The letter communicated a proposal to form an alliance against the Muslim Ayyubids, whose Caliphate was based in Baghdad.[60] Eljigidei suggested that King Louis should land in Egypt, while Eljigidei attacked Baghdad, as a way of preventing the Saracens of Egypt and those of Syria from joining forces. Louis responded by sending an emissary to the Great Khan Güyük in Mongolia. However, Güyük died, from drink, before the emissary arrived at his court, and his widow Oghul Ghaimish simply gave the emissary a gift and a condescending letter to take back to King Louis,[61] demanding that the king pay tribute to the Mongols.[62]

Statue of Louis IX at the Sainte Chapelle, Paris.

Louis IX's crusade against Egypt did not go well. Despite initial success in capturing Damietta, he then lost his entire army at the Battle of al Mansurah and he was himself captured by the Egyptians. His release was eventually negotiated, in return for a ransom (some of which was a loan from the Templars), and the surrender of the city of Damietta.[63]

A few years later, in 1252, Louis tried unsuccessfully to ally with the Egyptians, and then in 1253 he tried to seek allies from among both the Ismailian Assassins and again from the Mongols.[64] When he saw a letter from the Armenian noble Sempad which spoke well of the Mongols, Louis dispatched the Franciscan William of Rubruck to the Mongol court. However, the Mongol leader Möngke replied only with a letter via William in 1254, asking for the King's submission to Mongol authority.[65]

King Louis attempted a second crusade (the Eighth Crusade) in 1270. The Mongol Ilkhanate leader Abaqa wrote to Louis IX offering military support as soon as the Crusaders landed in Palestine,[66] but Louis instead went to Tunis in modern Tunisia. His intention was evidently to first conquer Tunis, and then to move his troops along the coast to reach Alexandria in Egypt. Some historians say that this Crusade may still have been an attempt at coordination with the Mongols,[67] in that Louis may have attacked Tunis instead of Syria following a message from Abaqa that he would not be able to commit his forces in 1270, and asking to postpone the campaign to 1271.[68]

Envoys from the Byzantine emperor, the Armenians and the Mongols of Abaqa were present at Tunis, but events put a stop to plans for a continued Crusade,[69] as Louis died there of illness. According to legend, his last words were "Jerusalem".[70]

Relations with the Ilkhanate

Hulagu (1256-1265)

A certain amount of military collaboration between the Christians and the Mongols did not really take place until 1258-1260, when the forces of Bohemond VI of Antioch, Hetoum I of Armenia, and the Christian Georgians combined forces with the Mongols under the leader of the Mongol Ilkhanate, Hulagu, a grandson of Genghis Khan. Though an avowed shamanist, Hulagu was nevertheless very tolerant of Christianity. His mother Sorghaghtani Beki, his favorite wife, and several of his closest collaborators were Nestorian Christians. One of his most important generals, Kitbuqa, was a Naiman Christian.

Hulagu's army, with the forces of his Christian subjects, effectively destroyed two of the most powerful Muslim dynasties of the era. Both that of the Abbasids in Baghdad, and the Ayyubids in Syria.

Fall of Baghdad

Mongol attack of Baghdad (1258)

Baghdad, the seat of the Abbasid dynasty, the jewel of Islam and one of the largest and most powerful cities in the world for 500 years, fell on February 15, 1258, an event often considered as the single most catastrophic event in the history of Islam. The Christian Georgians had been the first to breach the walls, and were among the fiercest in their destruction.[71] When Hulagu conquered the city, the Mongols demolished buildings, burned entire neighborhoods, and massacred nearly 80,000 men, women, and children. But at the intervention of Hulagu's Nestorian Christian wife, the Christian inhabitants were spared.[72][73]

After Baghdad, in 1260 the Mongols with their Christian subjects conquered Muslim Syria, domain of the Ayyubid dynasty. They took together the city of Aleppo, and on March 1, 1260, the Mongols with the Armenians and the Franks of Antioch took Damascus,[74][75] under the Christian Mongol general Kitbuqa. The three Christian rulers entered the city of Damascus together in triumph.[76][77] Mass was celebrated in the Grand Mosque of the Umayyads (the former cathedral of Saint John the Baptist),[78] and numerous mosques were profaned.

With both the Abbasid and Ayyubid dynasties destroyed, the Near East was never again to dominate civilization.[79] The last Ayyubid king An-Nasir Yusuf died in 1260,[80] and with the Islamic power centers of Baghdad and Damascus gone, the center of Islamic power transferred to the Egyptian Mamluks in Cairo.

However, before the Mongols could continue their advance towards Egypt, they needed to withdraw because of a new internal conflict in Turkestan. Hulagu departed with the bulk of his forces, leaving only about 10,000 Mongol horsemen in Syria under Kitbuqa to occupy the conquered territory.[81] Some Mongol raiding parties were sent southwards into Palestine towards Egypt, with small Mongol garrisons of about 1,000 established in Gaza[82][83][84] and Naplouse.[85]

Incidents

With Mongol territory now bordering the Franks, a few incidents occurred, one of them leading to an incident in Sidon. Julian de Grenier, Lord of Sidon and Beaufort, described by his contemporaries as irresponsible and light-headed, took the opportunity to raid and plunder the area of the Bekaa in Mongol territory. When the Mongol general Kitbuqa sent his nephew with a small force to obtain redress, they were ambushed and killed by Julian. Kitbuqa responded forcefully by raiding the city of Sidon, although the Castle of the city was left unattained.[21] Another similar incident occurred when John II of Beirut and some Templars led a raid into Galilee.[86] These events generated a significant level of distrust between the Mongols and the Crusader forces, whose own center of power was now in the coastal city of Acre.

The incidents also raised the ire of the Mamluk leader Baibars. He declared that the treaty that had been signed between the Crusaders and the Mamluks in 1240 had been invalidated when Christian forces assisted the Mongols to capture Damascus. He demanded the evacuation of Saphet and Beaufort, and when the Christians balked, Baibars used that as his excuse to violate the pre-existing truce, and start launching new attacks on such settlements as Nazareth, Mount Tabor, and Bethlehem.[87]

Battle of Ain Jalut

The Franks of the Principality of Antioch and the County of Tripoli and the Armenians aside, other Christians worked against the Mongols. The Patriarch of Jerusalem saw the Mongols as a clear threat, and had written to the Pope to warn him about them in 1256.

In 1260, the Franks of Acre maintained a position of cautious neutrality between the Mongols and the Mamluks. The powerful Venetian commercial interests in the city regarded with concern the expansion of the northern trade routes opened by the Mongols and serviced by the Genoese, and they favoured an appeasement policy with the Mamluks, that would support their traditional trade routes to the south. In May 1260 they sent a letter to Charles of Anjou, complaining about Mongol expansion and Bohemond's subservience to them, and asking for his support.[88]

The Franks did send the Dominican David of Ashby to the court of Hulagu in 1260,[89] but also entered into a passive truce with the Egyptian Mamluks. The Barons of Acre allowed the Mamluk forces to move through Christian territory unhampered in order to engage the Mongols,[90] in exchange for an agreement to purchase captured Mongol horses at a low price in the event of a Mamluk victory (a promise which was not honoured by the Mamluks).[91]

The truce allowed the Mamluks to proceed north with their army and engage the Mongols at the pivotal Battle of Ain Jalut on September 3, 1260, where they achieved a decisive and historic victory. It was the first major battle that the Mongols lost, and set the western border for what had seemed an unstoppable expansion of the Mongol Empire.

Following Ain Jalut, the remainder of the Mongol army retreated to Cilician Armenia under the commander Ilka, where the Mongols were received and re-equipped by Hetoum I.[92]

Papal communications

Pope Urban IV communicated with the Mongols in 1263

A change occurred in the European perception of the Mongols around 1260. As recently as 1259, Pope Alexander IV had been encouraging a new Crusade against the Mongols, and had been extremely disappointed in hearing that the monarchs of Antioch and Armenia had submitted to Mongol overlordship. Alexander had put their cases on the agenda of his upcoming council,[93] but died in 1261 just months before the Council could be convened, and before the new Crusade could be launched.

For a new Pope, the choice fell to Pantaléon, the same Patriarch of Jerusalem who had earlier been warning of the Mongol threat. He took the name Pope Urban IV, and tried to raise money for a new crusade, but could not succeed, since the French clergy pointed out that there was a truce with the Muslims.

On April 10, 1262, the Mongol leader Hulagu sent through John the Hungarian a new letter to the French king Louis IX, offering again an alliance.[94] The letter mentioned Hulagu's intention to capture Jerusalem for the benefit of the Pope, and asked for Louis to send a fleet against Egypt. Though Hulagu promised the restoration of Jerusalem to the Christians, he also still insisted on Mongol sovereignty, in the Mongols' quest for conquering the world.

King Louis transmitted the letter to Pope Urban, who answered in the same way as his predecessors, by asking for Hulagu's conversion to Christianity.[95] However, the timing of Hulagu's communication was good, as the Muslim Sultan Baibars was engaging in new offensives against the Crusaders. This made Westerners more open to the idea of an alliance,[96] and the Pope issued the papal bull Exultavit cor nostrum, which congratulated Hulagu on his expression of goodwill towards the Christian faith. This was a turning point in the relations with the Mongols, after which the Mongols were considered more as potential allies, than as enemies.[97] The French historian Jean Richard argues that it was in response to this forming coalition between the Franks, Ilkhanid Mongols and Byzantines, that the Mongols of the Golden Horde allied with the Muslim Mamluks in return.[98]

Abaqa (1265-1282)

The Mamluks defeated the Armenians at the Battle of Mari in 1266, killing one of Hetoum I's sons and capturing another (the future king Leon II). They then ravaged the land of Little Armenia.[99]

Hulagu died in 1265, and was succeeded by Abaqa (1234-1282), who further pursued Western cooperation. Though a devout Buddhist, upon his succession, he received the hand of the Christian Maria Despina Palaiologina, the illegitimate daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus, in marriage.[100]

Abaqa corresponded with Pope Clement IV through 1267-1268, and reportedly sent a Mongol ambassador in 1268. He proposed a joint alliance between his forces, those of the West, and the Byzantine emperor, Michael VIII Palaeologos (Abaqa's father-in-law). Abaqa received responses from Rome and from Jaume I of Aragon, who sent an ambassador to Abaqa in the person of Jayme Alaric de Perpignan.[101] It is unclear if this was what led to Jaume's unsuccessful expedition to Acre in 1269.[26] Jaume initiated the small Aragonese Crusade, but it was ultimately handled by his two sons Fernando Sanchez and Pedro Fernandez after a storm forced most of the fleet to return. The ships arrived in Acre in December 1269. Abaqa, despite his earlier promises of an alliance, was in the process of facing another threat, an invasion in Khorasan by fellow Mongols from Turkestan, and so could only commit a small force for the Holy Land, which did little but brandish the threat of an invasion along the Syrian frontier in October 1269.[66]

Jaume's ambassador Jayme Alaric returned to Europe in 1269 with a Mongol embassy, again proposing an alliance. Pope Clement welcomed Abaqa's proposal in a non-committal manner, but did inform him of an upcoming Crusade.

Edward I's Crusade (1269-1274)

Edward I requested assistance of the Mongols, against the Mamluks

In 1269, the English Prince Edward (the future Edward I), inspired by tales of his uncle, Richard the Lionheart, and the second crusade of the French King Louis, started on a Crusade of his own, the Ninth Crusade.[102] The number of knights and retainers that accompanied Edward on the crusade was quite small,[103] possibly around 230 knights, with a total complement of approximately 1,000 people, transported in a flotilla of 13 ships.[104][105] Edward understood the value of an alliance with the Mongols, and upon his arrival in Acre on May 9, 1271, he immediately sent an embassy to the Mongol ruler Abaqa, requesting assistance.[106] [107] Abaqa answered positively to Edward's request, but was also still busy with other conflicts in Turkestan. He did send 10,000 Mongol horsemen under general Samagar from the occupation army in Seljuk Anatolia, plus auxiliary Seljukid troops,[108] and though the force was small, it triggered an exodus of Muslim populations (who remembered the previous campaigns of Kitbuqa) as far south as Cairo.[109] Edward, for his part, was never able to actually directly combine his activities with those of the Mongols. He primarily engaged in some fairly ineffectual raids that did not actually achieve success in gaining any new territory.[110] For example, when he engaged in a raid into the Plain of Sharon, he proved unable to even take the small Mamluk fortress of Qaqun.[111] The Muslim leader Baibars later taunted Edward for not even being able to take a small fortified house.[112] However, Edward's military operations, limited though they were, were still of assistance in persuading the Mamluk leader Baibars to agree to a 10-year truce between the city of Acre and the Mamluks, signed in 1272.[111]

Council of Lyon (1274)

Pope Gregory X promulgated a new Crusade in liaison with the Mongols, in 1274.[113]

In 1274, Pope Gregory convened the Second Council of Lyon. Abaqa sent a delegation of 13-16 Mongols to the Council, which created a great stir, particularly when their leader underwent a public baptism. Abaqa's Latin secretary Richardus (Rychaldus) delivered a report to the Council which outlined previous European-Ilkhanid relations under Abaqa's father, Hulagu, affirming that after Hulagu had welcomed Christian ambassadors to his court, he had agreed to exempt Latin Christians from taxes and charges, in exchange for their prayers for the Qaghan. According to Richardus, Hulagu had also prohibited the molestation of Frank establishments, and had committed to return Jerusalem to the Franks.[114] Richardus told the assembly that even after Hulagu's death, Abaqa was still determined to drive the Mamluks from Syria.[115]

At the Council, Pope Gregory promulgated a new Crusade, to start in 1278 in liaison with the Mongols.[116] The Pope put in place a vast program to launch the Crusade, which was written down in his “Constitutions for the zeal of the faith”. The text put forward four main decisions to accomplish the Crusade: the imposition of a new tax during three years, the interdiction of any kind of trade with the Sarazins, the supply of ships by the Italian maritime Republics, and the alliance of the West with Byzantium and the Il-Khan Abagha.[117]

Following these exchanges, Abagha sent another embassy, led by the Georgian Vassali brothers, to further notify Western leaders of military preparations. Gregory answered that his legates would accompany the Crusade, and that they would be in charge of coordinating military operations with the Il-Khan.[118]

However, the papal plans were not supported by the other European monarchs, who had lost enthusiasm for the Crusades. Only one western monarch attended the Council, the elderly James I of Aragon, who could only offer a small force. There was some fundraising for a new Crusade, and plans were made but never followed through. The projects essentially came to a halt with the death of Gregory X on January 10, 1276, and the money which had been raised to finance the expedition was instead distributed in Italy.[119][120]

Invasion of Syria (1280-1281)

Without support from the Europeans, some Franks of Syria, particularly the Hospitallers, and to some extent the Franks of Cyprus and Antioch, attempted to join in combined operations with the Mongols in 1280-1281.

Following the death of Baibars in 1277, and the ensuing disorganization of the Muslim realm, conditions were ripe for a new action in the Holy Land.[118] The Mongols seized the opportunity and organized a new invasion of Syria. In September 1280, the Mongols occupied Baghras and Darbsak, and took Aleppo on October 20, where they massacred many inhabitants.

The king of Cyprus Hugues III and Bohemond VI also mobilized their combined army, but they could not intervene because the Mamluks had already positioned themselves between them and the Mongols.[118] In October 1280, the Mongols sent envoys to Acre to request military support for the campaign, but the Vicar of the Patriarch indicated that the city was suffering from hunger, and that the king of Jerusalem was already embroiled in another war.[121] The Mongols also requested support for a campaign the following winter, informing the Franks that they would bring 50,000 Mongol horsemen and 50,000 Mongol infantry, but the request apparently remained without a response.[122]

Abaqa and Leo III of Armenia urged the Franks to start a new Crusade. Edward I of England responded favorably, but said he could not participate due to lack of funds.[123] Some local Hospitallers from Marqab (in the area which had previously been Antioch/Tripoli) were, however, able to make some raids into the Buqaia, and won several engagements against the Sultan.[122] They raided as far as the Krak des Chevaliers in October 1280, and defeated a Mamluk force from that fortress in February 1281.[121] However, the Mongols again retreated, pledging to come back for the winter of 1281.

Defeat of the Mongols (left) at the 1281 Battle of Homs.

In order to prevent new combined actions between the Franks and the Mongols, the new Muslim sultan Qalawun renewed a truce with the Barons of Acre on May 3, 1281, extending it for another ten years (a truce he would later breach).[124] He also renewed a second 10-year truce with Bohemond VII of Tripoli, on July 16, 1281, and affirmed pilgrim access to Jerusalem.[125]

In September 1281, the Mongols returned as promised, with 50,000 of their own troops, plus 30,000 others including Armenians under Leo III, Georgians, Greeks, and about 200 Hospitaliers knights of the fortress of Marqab,[126][127] who considered they were not bound by the truce with the Mamluks.[128] On October 30, 1281, the Mongol army engaged the Mamluks under Qalawun at the Second Battle of Homs, but they were repelled, with heavy losses on both sides.[128]

Arghun (1284-1291)

Abaqa died in 1282 and was briefly replaced by the Muslim Mongol ruler Teguder, who was not as aggressive as had been Abaqa. This freed the Mamluk Sultan Qalawun to continue his own advance, whereby he captured the northern fortress of Margat in 1285, Lattakia in 1287, and Tripoli in 1289.[129]

In 1284 the new Mongol ruler Arghun, the Buddhist son of Abaqa, again revived the idea of an alliance with the West, and sent envoys to Europe. He sent multiple emissaries, and promised that if Jerusalem were conquered, he would have himself baptised, and would return Jerusalem to the Christians. However, Western Europe was no longer as interested in the crusades, and the mission was ultimately fruitless.[130][131]

A maritime raiding force consisting in two war galleys was prepared in Baghdad in cooperation with the Genoese, in order to curtail the maritime trade of the Mamluks. Genoese carpenters and sailors were sent to Baghdad, as well as a force of arbaletiers, but the enterprise apparently foundered when an internal fight erupted among the Geneose (between the Guelfe and the Gibelin families)[132]

When the Muslim leader Baibars was threatening the last stronghold of the Crusaders, Acre, Pope Nicolas IV proclaimed a Crusade and negotiated agreements with Arghun, Hetoum II of Armenia, the Jacobites, the Ethiopians and the Georgians. On January 5, 1291, he addressed a vibrant prayer to all the Christians to save the Holy Land, and follow Edward I in a Crusade.[133]

However, all these attempts to mount a combined offensive were too little and too late. On March 1291, the city was conquered by the Mamluks in the Siege of Acre. Arghun himself died on March 10, 1291, and Pope Nicholas IV in March 1292, putting an end to their efforts towards combined action.[134]

According to the 20th century historian Runciman, "Had the Mongol alliance been achieved and honestly implemented by the West, the existence of Outremer would almost certainly have been prolonged. The Mameluks would have been crippled if not destroyed; and the Ilkhanate of Persia would have survived as a power friendly to the Christians and the West".[135]

Ghazan (1295-1304)

Combined offensives in 1300-1301.

After Arghun's death, he was followed in rapid succession by some brief and fairly ineffective leaders, some of whom only held power for a few months. Stability was restored with the installation of Ghazan in 1295. In 1297, he had consolidated power enough that he was able to resume offensives against the Mamluks.[136] Despite being a Muslim himself he still maintained good relations with his Christian vassal states of Cicilian Armenia and Georgia, and his plan was to coordinate actions between his forces, the Christian military orders, and the forces of Cyprus.[137]

In the summer of 1299, King Hetoum II of Armenia sent a message to Ghazan to obtain his support against the Mamluks. Ghazan marched with his forces towards Syria and sent letters to the Franks of Cyprus (the King of Cyprus, and the heads of the Knights Templar, the Hospitallers and the Teutonic Knights), inviting them to come join him in his attack on the Mamluks in Syria.

The Mongols successfully took the city of Aleppo, and were there joined by their vassal King Hetoum, whose forces participated in the rest of the offensive.[138] The Mongols and their allies defeated the Mamluks in the Battle of Wadi al-Khazandar, on December 23 or 24, 1299.[139]

In July 1300, the Crusaders launched some naval operations, presumably in support of Ghazan's land-based actions. A fleet of sixteen galleys with some smaller vessels was equipped in Cyprus,[140][141] commanded by King Henry of Cyprus and Jerusalem, accompanied by his brother Amalric, Lord of Tyre, the heads of the military orders, and Ghazan's ambassador. The ships left Famagusta on July 20, 1300, to raid the coasts of Egypt and Syria: Rosette,[140] Alexandria, Acre, Tortosa, and Maraclea.[141] The ships then returned to Cyprus, and prepared for an attack on Tortosa in late 1300.

A joint force of Cypriots was sent to the island of Ruad as a staging area, from which raids were launched on Tortosa, while awaiting the arrival of the Mongols. However, the Mongols were delayed, and the Crusader forces ended up returning to Cyprus, leaving a garrison on Ruad. When the Mongols did arrive in February 1301, they were only able to engage in some minor raids before having to withdraw.

Plans for combined operations between the Europeans and the Mongols were again made for the following winter offensives, in 1301 and 1302. In mid-1301 the Egyptian Mamluks besieged the island of Ruad, which surrendered a year later. The Mamluks slaughtered many of the inhabitants, and captured the surviving Templars to send them to prison in Cairo.

In April 1302, Ghazan sent letters to the Pope asking him to send troops, priests, peasants, in order to make the Holy Land a Frank state again,[142] but again Ghazan did not appear with his own troops.

Ghazan ordering the King Of Armenia Hetoum II to accompany Kutlushka on the 1303 attack on Damascus.[143]

In 1303, the remaining Templars from Cyprus continued making raids on the Syrian coast, and ravaged the city of Damour, south of Beyrouth. But since they had lost Ruad, they were not capable of providing important troops.[144] Also in 1303, Ghazan had again sent a letter to Edward I, in the person of Buscarello de Ghizolfi, reiterating Hulagu's promise that they would give Jerusalem to the Franks in exchange for help against the Mamluks.[145] That year, the Mongols appeared in great strength (about 80,000) together with the Armenians, but they were defeated at Homs on March 30, 1303, and at the decisive Battle of Shaqhab, south of Damas, on April 21, 1303.[144] It is considered to be the last major Mongol invasion of Syria.[146]

Ghazan died on May 10, 1304, and dreams of a rapid reconquest of the Holy Land were destroyed.

Oljeitu (1304-1316)

Oljeitu, also named Mohammad Khodabandeh, was the great-grandson of the Ilkhanate founder Hulagu, and brother and successor of Ghazan. In his youth he at first converted to Buddhism and then to Sunni Islam together with his brother Ghazan. He then changed his first name to the Islamic name Muhammad. In April 1305, Oljeitu sent letters to the French king Philip the Fair,[147] Pope Clement V, and Edward I of England. As had done his predecessor Arghun, Oljeitu offered a military collaboration between the Christian nations of Europe and the Mongols against the Mamluks.

Relations were quite warm: in 1307, the Pope named John of Montecorvino the first Archbishop of Khanbalik and Patriarch of the Orient.[148] A Mongol embassy arrived in Poitiers to see the Pope in 1307.[149]

Hayton of Corycus remitting his report on the Mongols, to Pope Clement V, in 1307.

European nations prepared a crusade, but were delayed. In the meantime Oljeitu launched a last campaign against the Mamluks (1312-13), in which he was unsuccessful.

A final settlement with the Mamluks would only be found when Oljeitu's son signed the Treaty of Aleppo with the Mamluks in 1322.[150]

Last contacts

A few marital alliances between the Mongols and Christian rulers would continue to occur, as when the Byzantine emperor Andronicus II gave daughters in marriage to the Golden Horde ruler Toqto'a, as well as his successor Uzbek (1312–1341),[151]

The French Pope John XXII was the last to request the help of the Mongols in 1322.

In 1320, the Egyptian sultan Naser Mohammed ibn Kelaoun invaded and ravaged Christian Armenian Cilicia. In a letter dated July 1, 1322, Pope John XXII sent a letter from Avignon to the Mongol ruler Abu Sa'id, reminding him of the alliance of his ancestors with Christians, asking him to intervene in Cilicia. At the same time he advocated that he abandon Islam in favor of Christianity. Mongol troops were sent to Cilicia, but only arrived after a ceasefire had been negotiated for 15 years between Constantin, patriarch of the Armenians, and the sultan of Egypt. After Abu Sa'id, relations between Christian princes and the Mongols became very sparse[152] He died without heir and successor. The state lost its status after his death, becoming a plethora of little kingdoms run by Mongols, Turks, and Persians.

An embassy to the French Pope Benedict XII in Avignon was sent by Toghun Temür, the last Mongol emperor in China (Yuan dynasty), in 1336. The embassy was led by a Genoese in the service of the Mongol emperor, Andrea di Nascio, and accompanied by another Genoese, Andalò di Savignone.[153] These letters from the Mongol ruler represented that they had been eight years (since Monte Corvino's death) without a spiritual guide, and earnestly desired one. The pope replied to the letters, and appointed four ecclesiastics as his legates to the khan's court. In 1338, a total of 50 ecclesiastics were sent by the Pope to Peking, among them John of Marignolli. In 1353 John returned to Avignon, and delivered a letter from the great khan to Pope Innocent VI. Soon, the Chinese rose up and drove out the Mongols from China however, thereby launching the Ming Dynasty (1368). By 1369 all Christians, whether Roman Catholic or Syro-Oriental, were expelled by the Ming Dynasty.

Technology exchanges

In these invasions westward, the Mongols brought with them a variety of eastern, often Chinese technologies, which may have been transmitted to the West on these occasions. The original weaknesses of the Mongols in siege warfare (they were essentially a nation of horsemen) were compensated by the introduction of Chinese engineering corps within their army,[154] who therefore had ample contacts with Western lands.

Weaponry

Earliest picture of a European cannon, "De nobilitatibus, sapientiis et prudentiis regum" Walter de Milemete, 1326.

One theory of how gunpowder came to Europe is that it made its way along the Silk Road through the Middle East; another is that it was brought to Europe during the Mongol invasion in the first half of the 13th century.[155][156] Direct Franco-Mongol contacts occurred as in the 1259-1260 military alliance of the Franks knights of the ruler of Antioch Bohemond VI and his father-in-law Hetoum I with the Mongols under Hulagu.[75] William of Rubruck, an ambassador to the Mongols in 1254-1255, a personal friend of Roger Bacon, is also often designated as a possible intermediary in the transmission of gunpowder know-how between the East and the West.[157]

Other innovations, such as printing, may have transited through the Mongol routes during that period. John of Marignolli came back from the Mongols in 1353, with a request from the Great Khan to send more Franscicans to China. Most contacts were interrupted however when the Great Plague started to sweep Europe. The reopening of relations would not occur until the 16th century.[158]

Cartography

The Kangnido world map (1402).

The Mongol Empire connected the European and western Islamic world with the Chinese sphere. It enabled the integration of a large amount of geographical knowledge.

In 1286 Jamāl al-Dīn made Khubilai Khan a proposal for merging several maps of the empire into a single world map, and it resulted in the Tianxia Dili Zongtu (天下地理總圖; now lost). Since most of the official maps are lost, relatively new manuscripts of private, supposedly less accurate maps are known today. The most famous one is the Kangnido (1402), a Korean variant preserved in Japan. Like Istakhri's and al-Idrisi's, the Kangnido depicts Africa, the Arabian Peninsula and Europe. The Kangnido also mentions a hundred European place names.[159]

Rashid al-Din, the Jewish Prime Minister of Ghazan and later Oljeitu, wrote an extensive History of the Franks (1305/1306), probably based on information from Isol the Pisan or Dominican friars, providing much details on Europe's political organization, the use of mappae mundi by Italian mariners, and regnal chronologies derived from the chronicle of Martin of Opava (d. 1278).[160]

A Mongol embassy (documented in Chinese sources but not European ones) visited Europe in 1314-1320 and brought back geographical knowledge which was incorporated in a Chinese geographical treatise of the middle of the 14th century.[161] Chinese maps produced in the 13th and 14th century do provide some information about Europe.[162]

The 1453 Fra Mauro map may have been partly derived from a Chinese map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo.

Conversely, in Europe the landmark 1459 Fra Mauro map is also said to have been partly based on a Chinese map. Ramusio explained that Fra Mauro's map is an improved copy of the world map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo.[163]

Aftermath

Events reminiscent of the Franco-Mongol alliance occurred in the 15th century, when the Mongol ruler Tamerlane developed a friendly, if remote, relationship with Western powers. Tamerlane exchanged letters with Western rulers, inviting ambassadors and traders.[164] He also fought the Ottoman state as it was on the point of conquering Constantinople in around 1402, and defeating the Ottoman ruler Bazajet in 1402.[165] Tamerlane was long considered in a very positive light in the West due to his actions against the common Turk enemy.

Modern interpretations

There is disagreement among historians over the nature and extent of the alliance between the Franks and the Mongols. There is also dispute about the definition of the term "Frank", and whether it should refer to the Kingdom of Cilician Armenia. Most historians agree that the Armenians, when the Mongols were advancing into their territory in the mid-1200s, did ally with the Mongols for a few years.[166] The neighboring Frank Principality of Antioch and County of Tripoli, headed by Bohemond VI, was also long-time recognized allies of the Mongols.[167][168][169][170][171] But there is dispute about whether or not the Mongols ever had a formal alliance with the Franks, meaning some of the Crusader States, Western Europe and the Papacy.[citation needed] Also, some historians describe the relationship of Armenia and Antioch/Tripoli as a "vassal" relationship, not as an alliance.[172][173]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ a b c "Despite numerous envoys and the obvious logic of an alliance against mutual enemies, the papacy and the Crusaders never achieved the often-proposed alliance against Islam". Atwood, Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire, p. 583, "Western Europe and the Mongol Empire"
  2. ^ "In later years Christian chroniclers would bemoan a lost opportunity in which Crusaders and Mongols might have joined forces to defeat the Muslims. But they were writing from the benefit of hindsight, after the Crusader States had been destroyed by the Muslim Mamluks." Nicolle, David, The Mongol Warlords, p. 114
  3. ^ ""The failure of Ilkhanid-Western negotiations, and the reasons for it, are of particular importance in view of the widespread belief in the past that they might well have succeeded." Jackson, Peter Mongols and the West, p. 4
  4. ^ "Arghun had persisted in the quest for a Western alliance right down to his death without ever taking the field against the mutual enemy." Jackson, Mongols and the West, p. 170
  5. ^ See History in Dispute: The Crusades, 1095-1291 where the question that is debated is, "Would a Latin-Ilkhan Mongol alliance have strengthened and preserved the Crusader States?'"[1]
  6. ^ a b "Bohemond VI, briefly one of Outremer's most important power brokers, had already accepted Mongol overlordship, with a Mongol resident and battalion stationed in Antioch itself, where they stayed until the fall of the city to the Mamluks in 1268". Tyerman, p. 806
  7. ^ "Hetoum tried to win the Latin princes over to the idea of a Christian-Mongol alliance, but could convince only Bohemond VI of Antioch." Nersessian, "The Kingdom of Cilician Armenia" in Setton's Crusades, p. 653
  8. ^ ""The authorities of the crusader states, with the exception of Antioch, opted for a neutrality favourable to the Mamluks." Morgan, David. "The Mongols and the Eastern Mediterranean", p. 204
  9. ^ "The Barons of the Holy Land refused an alliance with the Mongols, except for the king of Armenia and Bohemond VI, prince of Antioch and Count of Tripoli" Lebedel, Claude Les Croisades, Origines et consequences, p. 75
  10. ^ "The refusal of the Latin Christian states in the area to follow Hetoum's example and adapt to changing conditions by allying themselves with the new Mongol empire must stand as one of the saddest of the many failures of Outremer. Burger, Glenn A Lytell Chronicle, pp. xiii-xiv
  11. ^ Stewart-p.8
  12. ^ a b c Bournotian, p. 109. "It was at this juncture that the main Mongol armies appeared [in Armenia] in 1236. The Mongols swiftly conquered the cities. Those who resisted were cruelly punished, while submitting were rewarded. News of this spread quickly and resulted in the submission of all of historic Armenia and parts of Georgia by 1245.... Armenian and Georgian military leaders had to serve in the Mongol army, where many of them perished in battle. In 1258 the Ilkhanid Mongols, under the leadership of Hulagu, sacked Baghdad, ended the Abbasis Caliphate and killed many Muslims."
  13. ^ "On 1 March Kitbuqa entered Damascus at the head of a Mongol army. With him were the King of Armenia and the prince of Antioch. The citizens of the ancient capital of the Caliphate saw for the first time for six centuries three Christian potentates ride in triumph through their streets", Runciman p.307
  14. ^ "The Mongol alliance, despite six further embassies to the west between 1276 and 1291, led nowhere. The prospect of an anti-Mamluk coalition faded as the westerners' inaction rendered them useless as allies for the Mongols, who, in turn, would only seriously be considered by western rulers as potential partners in the event of a new crusade which never happened." Tyerman, p. 816
  15. ^ Weatherford, p. 58
  16. ^ "The Keraits, who were a semi-nomadic people of Turkish origin, inhabited the country round the Orkhon river in modern Outer Mongolia. Early in the eleventh century their ruler had been converted to Nestorian Christianity, together with most of his subjects; and the conversion brought the Keraits into touch with the Uighur Turks, amongst whom were many Nestorians", Runciman, p.238
  17. ^ "In 1196, Gengis Khan succeeded in the unification under his authority of all the Mongol tribes, some of which had been converted to Nestorian Christianity" "Les Croisades, origines et conséquences", p.74
  18. ^ Weatherford, pp. 160-161
  19. ^ "In 1196, Gengis Khan succeeded in the unification under his authority of all the Mongol tribes, some of which had been converted to Nestorian Christianity" "Les Croisades, origines et conséquences", p.74
  20. ^ "Early in 1253 a report reached Acre that one of the Mongol princes, Sartaq, son of Batu, had been converted to Christianity", Runciman, p.280
  21. ^ a b "Kitbuqa, as a Christian himself, made no secret of his sympathies", Runciman, p.308 Cite error: The named reference "runciman-308" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  22. ^ Under Mongka "The chief religious influence was that of the Nestorian Christians, to whom Mongka showed especial favour in memory of his mother Sorghaqtani, who had always remained loyal to her faith" Runciman, p. 296
  23. ^ Foltz, p.111
  24. ^ Foltz, p.112
  25. ^ Mongol Raids, p. 236
  26. ^ a b Adam Knobler (Fall 1996). "Pseudo-Conversions and Patchwork Pedigrees: The Christianization of Muslim Princes and the Diplomacy of Holy War". Journal of World History. 7 (2): 181–197. {{cite journal}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |journal= (help)
  27. ^ Regesta Honorii Papae III, no 1478, I, p.565. Quoted in Runciman, p.246
  28. ^ Runciman, p.249
  29. ^ Runciman, p.250
  30. ^ Runciman, p.253
  31. ^ Runciman, p.246-247
  32. ^ Runciman, p.250
  33. ^ a b Weatherford, p. 181. "To supplement his own army, Hulegu summoned the armies of the vassal states of Armenia and Georgia"
  34. ^ David Wilkinson, Studying the History of Intercivilizational Dialogues [2]
  35. ^ Runciman, p.256
  36. ^ Runciman, p.254
  37. ^ Sharan Newman, "Real History Behind the Templars" p. 174, about Grand Master Thomas Berard: "Under Genghis Khan, they [the Mongols] had already conquered much of China and were now moving into the ancient Persian Empire. Tales of their cruelty flew like crows through the towns in their path. However, since they were considered "pagans" there was hope among the leaders of the Church that they could be brought into the Christian community and would join forces to liberate Jerusalem again. Franciscan missionaries were sent east as the Mongols drew near."
  38. ^ Richard, p. 422 (English) "In all the conversations between the popes and the il-khans, this difference of approach remained: the il-khans spoke of military coopration, the popes of adhering to the Christian faith."
  39. ^ Catholic Encyclopedia, "The Crusades"
  40. ^ Jean-Paul Roux, L'Asie Centrale, p.312
  41. ^ David Wilkinson, Studying the History of Intercivilizational Dialogues [3]
  42. ^ Quoted in Michaud, Yahia (Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies) (2002). Ibn Taymiyya, Textes Spirituels I-XVI". Chap XI
  43. ^ Runciman, p.259
  44. ^ David Wilkinson, Studying the History of Intercivilizational Dialogues [4]
  45. ^ Runciman, p.259
  46. ^ Runciman, p.246-247
  47. ^ Runciman, p.250
  48. ^ Stewart, "Logic of Conquest", p. 8. "The Armenian king saw alliance with the Mongols -- or, more accurately, swift and peaceful subjection to them -- as the best course of action."
  49. ^ Bournotian, p. 100. "Smbat met Kubali's brother, Mongke Khan and in 1247, made an alliance against the Muslims"
  50. ^ Online Reference Book for Medieval studies
  51. ^ Runciman, p.307, "Bohemond was excommunicated by the Pope for this alliance (Urban IV, Registres, 26 May 1263
  52. ^ Saunders, p. 115
  53. ^ Grousset, p. 609
  54. ^ ”In the meantime, [Baibars] conducted his troops to Antioch, and started to besiege the city, which was saved by a Mongol intervention” Jean Richard, p.429
  55. ^ Jean Richard, p.428
  56. ^ Amin Maalouf, p.268 (French)
  57. ^ Runciman, 325-327
  58. ^ Quoted in Grousset, p.650
  59. ^ Peter Jackson (July 1980). "The Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260". The English Historical Review. 95 (376): 481–513.
  60. ^ Grousset, p.523
  61. ^ Runciman, p.260
  62. ^ Tyerman, p. 798. "Louis's embassy under Andrew of Longjumeau had returned in 1251 carrying a demand from the Mongol regent, Oghul Qaimush, for annual tribute, not at all what the king had anticipated.
  63. ^ Tyerman, pp. 789-798
  64. ^ Runciman, pp. 279-280
  65. ^ J. Richard, 1970, p. 202., Encyclopedia Iranica, [5]
  66. ^ a b Runciman, p.332
  67. ^ ”It really seems that Saint Louis’s initial project in his second Crusade was an operation coordinated with the offensive of the Mongols.” Demurger, “Croisades et Croises”, p.285
  68. ^ Jean Richard, p.443
  69. ^ Jean Richard, p.445
  70. ^ Grousset, p.647
  71. ^ "The Georgian troops, who had been the first to break through the walls, were particularly fiercest in their destruction" Runciman, p.303
  72. ^ Maalouf, p. 242-243
  73. ^ "A history of the Crusades", Steven Runciman, p.306
  74. ^ Saudi Aramco World "The Battle of Ain Jalut"
  75. ^ a b Grousset, p. 581
  76. ^ Grousset, p.588
  77. ^ Runciman, p.307
  78. ^ Jean Richard, p.423
  79. ^ "The Near East was never again to dominate civilization", Runciman, p.304
  80. ^ Atlas des Croisades, p.108
  81. ^ Runciman, p.310
  82. ^ Jean Richard, p.428
  83. ^ Amin Maalouf, p.264
  84. ^ Tyerman, p.806
  85. ^ Amin Maalouf, p.262
  86. ^ Runciman, p.309
  87. ^ Richard, p. 416 (english)
  88. ^ Runciman, p.307
  89. ^ Encyclopedia Iranica article
  90. ^ Runciman, p.312
  91. ^ "They allowed the Mamluks to cross their territory, in exchange for a promesse to be able to purchase at a low price the horses captured from the Mongols", Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.425
  92. ^ Jean Richard, p.428
  93. ^ Jean Richard, p.423
  94. ^ Richard, p. 436 (french), p. 422 (english). "What Hulegu was offering was an alliance. And, contrary to what has long been written by the best authorities, this offer was not in response to appeals from the Franks."
  95. ^ Encyclopedia Iranica article
  96. ^ "The sustained attacks of Baibar (...) rallied the Occidentals to this alliance, to which the Mongols also convinced the Byzantines to adhere", in "Histoire des Croisades", p.453.
  97. ^ "On the side of the Franks of Syria, things had taken a different orientation. The point was not anymore to lead a Crusade against the Mongols. From that time on, the point was to engage in a Crusade together with them." Jean Richard, p.427
  98. ^ "In 1264, to the coalition between the Franks, Mongols and Byzantines, responded the coalition between the Golden Horde and the Mamluks.” In Jean Richard, p.436
  99. ^ Mutafian, p.58
  100. ^ Runciman, p.320
  101. ^ Runciman, p330-331
  102. ^ Hindley, pp. 205-206
  103. ^ Nicolle, p. 47
  104. ^ Tyerman, p. 818
  105. ^ Grousset, p.656
  106. ^ "When he disembarked in Acre, Edward immediately sent envoys to Abagha (…) As he (Abagha) could not commit himself to the offensive, he ordered the Mongol forces stationned in Turkey under Samaghar to attack Syria in order to relieve the Crusaders” Jean Richard, p.446
  107. ^ "Edward was horrified at the state of affairs in Outremer. He knew that his own army was small, but he hoped to unite the Christians of the East into a formidable body and then to use the help of the Mongols in making an effective attack on Baibars", Runciman, p.335
  108. ^ Runciman, p. 336
  109. ^ Grousset, p. 653
  110. ^ Hindley, p. 207
  111. ^ a b Runciman, p.337
  112. ^ "The Sultan said to the messengers of the king of Charles d'Anjou that, since so many men had failed to take a house, it was not likely they should conquer the kingdom of Jerusalem!" Grousset, p.655
  113. ^ "1274: Promulgation of a Crusade, in liaison with the Mongols", Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.502
  114. ^ Jean Richard, p.422/English
  115. ^ Jackson, pp. 167-168
  116. ^ "1274: Promulgation of a Crusade, in liaison with the Mongols", Jean Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.502
  117. ^ ”Le Pape Grégoire X s’efforce alors de mettre sur pied un vaste programme d’aide à la Terre Sainte, les “Constitutions pour le zèle de la foi”, qui sont acceptées au Concile de Lyon de 1274. Ce texte prévoit la levée d’une dime pendant trois ans pour la croisade, l’interdiction de tout commerce avec les Sarasins, la fourniture de bateaux par les républiques maritimes italiennes, et une alliance de l’Occident avec Byzance et l’Il-Khan Abagha » Michel Balard, Les Latins en Orient (XIe-XVe siècle), p.210
  118. ^ a b c Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.465
  119. ^ Riley-Smith, "Atlas des Croisades", p.69
  120. ^ Tyerman, pp. 815-816
  121. ^ a b Richard, "Histoire des Croisades", p.466
  122. ^ a b Runciman, p.390
  123. ^ Runciman, p.387
  124. ^ Qalawun inadvertanly laid siege to, and captured, Marqab in the spring of 1285. Grousset, p.692
  125. ^ Grousset, p. 688
  126. ^ Grousset, p.687
  127. ^ "The Crusades Through Arab Eyes", p. 253: The fortress of Marqab was held by the Knights Hospitallers, called al-osbitar by the Arabs, "These monk-knights had supported the Mongols wholeheartedly, going so far as to fight alongside them during a fresh attempted invasion in 1281."
  128. ^ a b Runciman, p. 391-392
  129. ^ Tyerman, p.817
  130. ^ Prawdin, p. 372. "Argun revived the idea of an alliance with the West, and envoys from the Ilkhans once more visited European courts. He promised the Christians the Holy Land, and declared that as soon as they had conquered Jerusalem he would have himself baptised there. The Pope sent the envoys on to Philip the Fair of France and to Edward I of England. But the mission was fruitless. Western Europe was no longer interested in crusading adventures.
  131. ^ Mantran, Robert (Fossier, Robert, ed.) "A Turkish or Mongolian Islam" in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Middle Ages: 1250-1520, p. 298
  132. ^ Jean Richard, p.468
  133. ^ Dailliez, p.324-325
  134. ^ Runciman, p.412
  135. ^ Runciman, p.402
  136. ^ ”Ghazan resumed his plans against Egypt in 1297: the Franco-Mongol cooperation had thus survived, in spite of the loss of Acre by the Franks, and the conversion of the Persian Mongols to Islam. It was to remain one of the political factors of the policy of the Crusades, until the peace treaty with the Mumluks, which was only signed in 1322 by the khan Abu Said”, Jean Richard, p.468
  137. ^ "The Trial of the Templars", Malcolm Barber, 2nd edition, page 22: "The aim was to link up with Ghazan, the Mongol Il-Khan of Persia, who had invited the Cypriots to participate in joint operations against the Mamluks".
  138. ^ Demurger, p.142 (French edition) "He was soon joined by King Hethum, whose forces seem to have included Hospitallers and Templars from the kingdom of Armenia, who participate to the rest of the campaign."
  139. ^ Demurger, p. 142
  140. ^ a b Demurger, p. 147
  141. ^ a b Schein, 1979, p. 811
  142. ^ Jean Richard, p.481
  143. ^ In "Le Royaume Armenien de Cilicie", p.74-75
  144. ^ a b Demurger, p158
  145. ^ Encyclopedia Iranica article
  146. ^ Nicolle, p. 80
  147. ^ Mostaert and Cleaves, pp. 56-57, Encyclopedia Iranica
  148. ^ Foltz, p.131
  149. ^ Demurger, p.203
  150. ^ Mostaert and Cleaves, pp. 56-57, Encyclopedia Iranica
  151. ^ Jackson, p.203
  152. ^ Les hégémonies mongoles
  153. ^ Jackson, p.314
  154. ^ "Atlas des Croisades", p.112
  155. ^ Norris 2003:11
  156. ^ Chase 2003:58
  157. ^ "The Eastern Origins of Western Civilization", John M.Hobson, p186, ISBN 0521547245
  158. ^ Foltz, p.133
  159. ^ Jackson, p.330
  160. ^ Jackson, p.329-330
  161. ^ Jackson, p.330
  162. ^ Jackson, p. 330
  163. ^ "Dichiarazione d'alcuni luoghi ne' libri di messer Marco Polo, con l'istoria del reubarbaro", preface to Marco Polo's book. Quoted in "Fra Mauro's world map" Piero Falchetta, p61
  164. ^ Encyclopedia Iranica
  165. ^ ”Istanbul”, p.16
  166. ^ "The fact that they [the Mongols] were anti-Muslim was good enough reason for the king [of Armenia] to place his entire army at their disposal. This unholy alliance took the field in 1259", also: "Their Christian allies joined them [the Mongols] in a triumphal entry, forcing the defeated Muslims to carry the cross before them, and later turned one of the city's mosques into a Christian church" in p.8 The Mongols, Stephen Turnbull.
  167. ^ "In 1258 they [the Mongols] sacked Baghdad and two years later Aleppo. Bohemond VI of Antioch-Tripoli (1252-1275) became their ally." p.136 The Oxford History of the Crusades", Joanthan Riley-Smith.
  168. ^ "Bohemond VI, briefly one of Outremer's most important power broker, had already accepted Mongol overlordship, with a Mongol resident and battalion stationed in Antioch itself, where they stayed until the fall of the city to the Mamluks in 1268. The Frankish Antiochenes assisted in the Mongols' capture of Aleppo, thus in part achieving a very traditional Frankish target, and had received lands in reward." (Tyerman, p.806)
  169. ^ Claude Lebédel, p.75
  170. ^ "In 1258 they [the Mongols] sacked Baghdad and two years later Aleppo. Bohemond VI of Antioch-Tripoli (1252-1275) became their ally." p.136 The Oxford History of the Crusades", Joanthan Riley-Smith.
  171. ^ "The fact that they [the Mongols] were anti-Muslim was good enough reason for the king [of Armenia] to place his entire army at their disposal. This unholy alliance took the field in 1259", also: "Their Christian allies joined them [the Mongols] in a triumphal entry, forcing the defeated Muslims to carry the cross before them, and later turned one of the city's mosques into a Christian church" in p.8 The Mongols, Stephen Turnbull.
  172. ^ Prawdin, p. 284. "Their Georgian and Armenian vassals."
  173. ^ "The principality of Antioch was dominated by its Armenian neighbour -- it was through the will of the Armenian king that the Antiochenes came to aid Hulegu in 1259-60." ("The Logic of Conquest" Al-Masaq, v. 14, No.1, March 2002, p. 8)

References

Medieval sources

  • Adh-Dhababi, Record of the Destruction of Damascus by the Mongols in 1299-1301 Translated by Joseph Somogyi. From: Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume, Part 1, Online (English translation).
  • Jean de Joinville, The Memoirs of Lord of Joinville, translated by Ethel Wedwood Online (English translation).
  • Le Templier de Tyr (circa 1300). Chronicle du Templier de Tyr, Online (Original French).
  • Hayton of Corycus (1307). Flowers of the Histories of the East, Online (English translation).
  • Guillaume de Tyr (circa 1300). History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, Online (Original French).
  • Kirakos (circa 1300). History of the Armenians, Online, (English translation).
  • The history and Life of Rabban Bar Sauma. {{cite book}}: |format= requires |url= (help) (online)

Modern sources

  • Amitai, Reuven (1987). "Mongol Raids into Palestine (AD 1260 and 1300)". JRAS: 236–255.
  • Balard, Michel (2006). Les Latins en Orient (XIe-XVe siècle). Presses Universitaires de France, Paris. ISBN 2130518117.
  • Barber, Malcolm (2001). The Trial of the Templars (2nd edition ed.). University Press, Cambridge. ISBN 978-0-521-67236-8. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help)
  • Bournoutian, George A. (2002). A Concise History of the Armenian People: From Ancient Times to the Present. Mazda Publishers. ISBN 1568591411.
  • "The Monks of Kublai Khan Emperor of China", Sir E. A. Wallis Budge. Online
  • Dailliez, Laurent (1972). Les Templiers (in French). Editions Perrin. ISBN 2-262-02006-X.
  • Demurger, Alain (2007). Les Templiers (in French). Editions Jean-Paul Gisserot. ISBN 2877479552.
  • Grousset, René (1935). Histoire des Croisades III, 1188-1291 (in French). Editions Perrin. ISBN 2-262-02569-X.
  • Grousset, René (1935). L'épopée des Croisades (in French). Editions Perrin. ISBN 2262018642.
  • Encyclopedia Iranica, Article on Franco-Persian relations
  • Foltz, Richard (2000). "Religions of the Silk Road : overland trade and cultural exchange from antiquity to the fifteenth century". New York: St. Martin's Griffin. ISBN 0-312-23338-8.
  • Demurger, Alain (2007). Jacques de Molay (in French). Editions Payot&Rivages. ISBN 2228902357.
  • Eddé, Anne-Marie (2002). L'Orient au temps des croisades (in French). GF Flammarion. ISBN 2080711210.
  • Hazard, Harry W. (editor) (1975). Volume III: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. A History of the Crusades. Kenneth M. Setton, general editor. The University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-06670-3. {{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help)
  • Jackson, Peter (2005). The Mongols and the West: 1221-1410. Longman. ISBN 978-0582368965.
  • Lebédel, Claude (2006). Les Croisades, origines et conséquences (in French). Editions Ouest-France. ISBN 2737341361.
  • Luisetto, Frédéric (2007). Arméniens & autres Chrétiens d'Orient sous la domination Mongole (in French). Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner S.A. ISBN 9782705337919.
  • Maalouf, Amin (1984). The Crusades Through Arab Eyes. New York: Schocken Books. ISBN 0-8052-0898-4.
  • Maalouf, Amin (1983). Les croisades vues par les Arabes. JC Lattes.
  • Michaud, Yahia (Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies) (2002). Ibn Taymiyya, Textes Spirituels I-XVI (in French). "Le Musulman", Oxford-Le Chebec. {{cite book}}: External link in |title= (help)
  • Mutafian, Claude (1993, 2001). Le Royaume Armenien de Cilicie (in French). CNRS Editions. ISBN 2271051053. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  • Newman, Sharan (2006). Real History Behind the Templars. Berkley Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-425-21533-3.
  • Nicolle, David (2001). The Crusades. Essential Histories. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84176-179-4.
  • Oldenbourg, Zoe (2006). The Crusades. Phoenix Press. ISBN 1842122231.
  • Phillips, John Roland Seymour (1998). The Medieval Expansion of Europe. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198207409.
  • Prawdin, Michael (pseudonym for Charol, Michael) (1940/1961). Mongol Empire. Collier-Macmillan Canada. ISBN 1412805198. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  • Prawer, Joshua (1972). The Crusaders' Kingdom: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages. Praeger. ISBN 9780297993971.
  • Richard, Jean (1996). Histoire des Croisades. Fayard. ISBN 2-213-59787-1.
  • Riley-Smith, Jonathan (1987, 2005). The Crusades: A History (2nd edition ed.). Yale Nota Bene. ISBN 0-300-10128-7. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help); Check date values in: |date= (help)
  • Riley-Smith, Jonathan (1996, 2005). Atlas des Croisades (in French). Autrement. ISBN 2862605530. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  • Riley-Smith, Jonathan (2002). The Oxford History of the Crusades. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0192803123.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  • Jean-Paul Roux, L'Asie Centrale, Paris, 1997, ISBN 9782213598949
  • Runciman, Steven (1987 (first published in 1952-1954)). A history of the Crusades 3. Penguin Books. ISBN 9780140137057. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  • Saunders, J. J. (2001). The History of the Mongol Conquests. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0812217667.
  • Schein, Sylvia (October 1979). "Gesta Dei per Mongolos 1300. The Genesis of a Non-Event". The English Historical Review. 94 (373): 805–819.
  • Schein, Sylvia (1991). Fideles Crucis: The Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the Holy Land. Clarendon. ISBN 0198221657.
  • Schein, Sylvia (2005). Gateway to the Heavenly City: crusader Jerusalem and the catholic West. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 075460649X.
  • Sinor, Denis (1999). "The Mongols in the West". Journal of Asian History. 33 (1).
  • Stewart, Angus Donal. The Armenian Kingdom and the Mamluks: War and Diplomacy During the Reigns of Het'Um II (1289-1307). BRILL. ISBN 9004122923.
  • Turnbull, Stephen (1980). The Mongols. Osprey Publishing Ltd. ISBN 9780850453720.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  • Tyerman, Christopher (2006). God's War: A New History of the Crusades. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674023870.
  • Weatherford, Jack (2004). Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World. Three Rivers Press. ISBN 0-609-80964-4.
  • Wood, Frances (2002). The Silk Road. University of California Press. ISBN 0520243404.

External links