Jump to content

Namantar Andolan: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Browse history interactively
← Previous editNext edit →
Content deleted Content added
VisualWikitext
Sillod incident+ citation
Resolution by University + Ambedkar’s education struggle + Saint land reaction + hurdle in Military and Police aid + citation
Line 12: Line 12:
Non-Dalit student groups initially supported the demand to have the university renamed but did so less for reasons of dogma than for the pragmatic desire to bring the Dalit, mostly Mahar, students into the general fold. Dalit students had traditionally shown no interest in supporting such causes as lower fees and cheaper textbooks but they constituted around 26 per cent of the student population and a ''[[quid pro quo]]'' was anticipated. A march involving Dalit and non-Dalit students was organised with the intent of petitioning the council of the university for the change. The procession met with another, headed by [[Gangaher Gadhe]], a [[Dalit Panther]] leader,{{efn|The Dalit Panthers were a group of writers and poets.<ref name=GUHA />}} who launched a tirade of abuse at the non-Dalit contingent as he asserted the right of the Dalits to take all the credit for the change in name. This alienated the non-Dalit students and, according to Dipankar Gupta, "the division was caused not so much by caste Hindu prejudices and reticence to support the renaming of the University, but rather by the splittist and sectarian position taken by Gadhe", who might also have been concerned that any alliance between Dalits and non-Dalits could affect the potency of the Panthers. Among left-wing organisations, only the [[Students' Federation of India]] and ''Yukrant'' continued to support the campaign.<ref name="Gupta" />
Non-Dalit student groups initially supported the demand to have the university renamed but did so less for reasons of dogma than for the pragmatic desire to bring the Dalit, mostly Mahar, students into the general fold. Dalit students had traditionally shown no interest in supporting such causes as lower fees and cheaper textbooks but they constituted around 26 per cent of the student population and a ''[[quid pro quo]]'' was anticipated. A march involving Dalit and non-Dalit students was organised with the intent of petitioning the council of the university for the change. The procession met with another, headed by [[Gangaher Gadhe]], a [[Dalit Panther]] leader,{{efn|The Dalit Panthers were a group of writers and poets.<ref name=GUHA />}} who launched a tirade of abuse at the non-Dalit contingent as he asserted the right of the Dalits to take all the credit for the change in name. This alienated the non-Dalit students and, according to Dipankar Gupta, "the division was caused not so much by caste Hindu prejudices and reticence to support the renaming of the University, but rather by the splittist and sectarian position taken by Gadhe", who might also have been concerned that any alliance between Dalits and non-Dalits could affect the potency of the Panthers. Among left-wing organisations, only the [[Students' Federation of India]] and ''Yukrant'' continued to support the campaign.<ref name="Gupta" />


As the great figure of Untouchable history in the modern period, Ambedkar’s inspirational status has been steadily growing throughout the period of Indian Independence.<ref name=Mendelsohn>{{cite book|last=Mendelsohn|first=Oliver|title=The untouchables : subordination, poverty and the state in modern India|year=1998|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge|isbn=0521556716|pages=73, 91|url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=FGbp9MjhvKAC&pg=PA73#v=onepage&q=THE%20RIOTS%20OVER%20MARATHWADA%20UNIVERSITY&f=false|edition=1. publ.|coauthors=Vicziany, Marika}}</ref> So, in 1977, the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, [[Vasantdada Patil]], promised that the renaming would occur and in July 1978 the [[Maharashtra Legislature]] approved it.<ref name="Shastree1996">{{cite book |last=Shastree |first=Uttara |year=1996 |title=Religious Converts in India: Socio-political Study of Neo-Buddhists |publisher=Mittal Publications |pages=100–101 |isbn=9788170996293 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=yYInC70BSEgC&pg=PA100}}</ref> The decision was the catalyst for rioting, which began on 27 July 1978 and lasted several weeks. Commentators such as [[Gail Omvedt]] believe that the violence was a caste war based on hatred whilst other commentators, such as Gupta, believe that the causes were more varied. Both Omvedt and Gupta note that the violence was aimed at the Mahars and did not extend to other Dalit groups, while Gupta also notes that it was concentrated in the three districts of Marathwada&nbsp;— [[Aurangabad district, Maharashtra|Aurangabad]], [[Nanded district|Nanded]] and [[Parbhani district|Parbhani]]&nbsp;— where Dalit registrations in schools and colleges were particularly high, and economic competition was most fierce. In particular, the centres of the unrest were urban areas, where the impact of Mahar aspirations would most deeply affect the employment, social and economic roles which caste Hindus considered to be their preserve. Troubles were largely absent from the other two districts of [[Beed district|Beed]] and [[Osmanabad district|Osmanabad]], and the spill of problems into rural areas generally was patchy.{{efn|In some rural villages, caste Hindus assisted in defending their Mahar neighbours against trouble-makers; in other instances where trouble arose, it might be on a selective basis, with some particularly aspirational Mahars being targeted but the remainder being tolerated.<ref name="Gupta" />}} These issues of geographic and demographic targeting, according to Gupta, indicate that the real causes of the violence were more subtle than war between caste Hindu and Dalit. There were also instances of violent acts taking place under the pretext of the riots elsewhere but in fact to settle very local and personal scores unrelated to the broader causes.<ref name="Gupta" />
As the great figure of Untouchable history in the modern period, Ambedkar’s inspirational status has been steadily growing throughout the period of Indian Independence.<ref name=Mendelsohn>{{cite book|last=Mendelsohn|first=Oliver|title=The untouchables : subordination, poverty and the state in modern India|year=1998|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge|isbn=0521556716|pages=73, 91|url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=FGbp9MjhvKAC&pg=PA73#v=onepage&q=THE%20RIOTS%20OVER%20MARATHWADA%20UNIVERSITY&f=false|edition=1. publ.|coauthors=Vicziany, Marika}}</ref> So, in 1977, the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, [[Vasantdada Patil]], promised that the renaming would occur and in July 1978 the [[Maharashtra Legislature]] approved it.<ref name="Shastree1996">{{cite book |last=Shastree |first=Uttara |year=1996 |title=Religious Converts in India: Socio-political Study of Neo-Buddhists |publisher=Mittal Publications |pages=100–101 |isbn=9788170996293 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=yYInC70BSEgC&pg=PA100}}</ref> Even the University Executive Body passed a resolution to rename the University.<ref name="Holocaust by Damle" /> The decision was the catalyst for rioting, which began on 27 July 1978 and lasted several weeks. Commentators such as [[Gail Omvedt]] believe that the violence was a caste war based on hatred whilst other commentators, such as Gupta, believe that the causes were more varied. Both Omvedt and Gupta note that the violence was aimed at the Mahars and did not extend to other Dalit groups, while Gupta also notes that it was concentrated in the three districts of Marathwada&nbsp;— [[Aurangabad district, Maharashtra|Aurangabad]], [[Nanded district|Nanded]] and [[Parbhani district|Parbhani]]&nbsp;— where Dalit registrations in schools and colleges were particularly high, and economic competition was most fierce. In particular, the centres of the unrest were urban areas, where the impact of Mahar aspirations would most deeply affect the employment, social and economic roles which caste Hindus considered to be their preserve. Troubles were largely absent from the other two districts of [[Beed district|Beed]] and [[Osmanabad district|Osmanabad]], and the spill of problems into rural areas generally was patchy.{{efn|In some rural villages, caste Hindus assisted in defending their Mahar neighbours against trouble-makers; in other instances where trouble arose, it might be on a selective basis, with some particularly aspirational Mahars being targeted but the remainder being tolerated.<ref name="Gupta" />}} These issues of geographic and demographic targeting, according to Gupta, indicate that the real causes of the violence were more subtle than war between caste Hindu and Dalit. There were also instances of violent acts taking place under the pretext of the riots elsewhere but in fact to settle very local and personal scores unrelated to the broader causes.<ref name="Gupta" />


==Attacks (Pogrom)==
==Attacks (Pogrom)==
Riots affected 1,200 villages in Marathwada, impacting on 25,000 Dalits and causing thousands of them to seek safety in jungles. The terrorised Dalits did not returned back to villages in spite of starvation. This violence was allegedly organised by members of the [[Maratha]] community and took many forms, including killings, molestation and rape of Dalit women, burning of houses and huts, pillaging of Dalit colonies, forcing Dalits out of villages, polluting drinking water wells, destruction of cattle and refusal to employ. This continued for 67 days. According to the ''Yukrant'' leader, attacks on Dalit were collective and pre-planned.<ref name="Samiti">{{cite journal |title=The Marathwada Riots: A Report |author=Atyachar Virodh Samiti |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |volume=14 |issue=19 |date=12 May 1979 |pages=845–852 |jstor=4367590}} {{subscription required}}</ref> In many villages Dalit colonies were burned. The orgy of burning houses in Marathwada region affected 900 Dalit households.<ref>{{cite book |url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=FGbp9MjhvKAC&pg=PA73 |title=The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India |first1=Oliver |last1=Mendelsohn |first2=Marika |last2=Vicziany |publisher=Cambridge University Press |pages=73–75 |year=1998 |accessdate=10 May 2013}}</ref> Upper caste mob not only physically attacked Dalits but looted and destroyed basic essentials like food grains pullovers, cloths, radio, TV sets etc. that Dalit owned. The rioters also set fire on fodder stocks belonging to Dalit.<ref name="Guru">{{cite journal |title= Understanding Violence against Dalits in Marathwada |first=Gopal |last=Guru |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |volume=29 |issue=9 |date=26 February 1994 |pages=469–472 |jstor=4400849}} {{subscription required}}</ref> Upper caste Mob attacked government property including government hospitals, railway station, gram panchayat offices, state transport buses, ZP School buildings, the telephone system and the government godowns,<ref name="Guru"/> the public property worth {{Indian Rupee|link=Indian rupee}} 300 million was destroyed.<ref name="Jaoul2008" /> Marathwada region was under siege of violence for over two years.<ref name="google1"/> Dalits were wrecked economically and psychologically.<ref name="Vakil" /> Many Dalit protesters were physically injured and nineteen died including five protesters died during police repression.<ref name="Jaoul2008">{{cite journal |first=Nicolas |last=Jaoul |url=http://samaj.revues.org/1892 |title=The 'Righteous Anger' of the Powerless: Investigating Dalit Outrage over Caste Violence |journal=South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal |year=2008 |issue=2 |accessdate=10 May 2013}}</ref>
Riots affected 1,200 villages in [[Marathwada]], impacting on 25,000 Dalits and causing thousands of them to seek safety in jungles. The terrorised Dalits did not returned back to villages in spite of starvation. This violence was allegedly organised by members of the [[Maratha]] community and took many forms, including killings, molestation and rape of Dalit women, burning of houses and huts, pillaging of Dalit colonies, forcing Dalits out of villages, polluting drinking water wells, destruction of cattle and refusal to employ. This continued for 67 days. According to the ''Yukrant'' leader, attacks on Dalit were collective and pre-planned.<ref name="Samiti">{{cite journal |title=The Marathwada Riots: A Report |author=Atyachar Virodh Samiti |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |volume=14 |issue=19 |date=12 May 1979 |pages=845–852 |jstor=4367590}} {{subscription required}}</ref> In many villages Dalit colonies were burned. The orgy of burning houses in Marathwada region affected 900 Dalit households.<ref>{{cite book |url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=FGbp9MjhvKAC&pg=PA73 |title=The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India |first1=Oliver |last1=Mendelsohn |first2=Marika |last2=Vicziany |publisher=Cambridge University Press |pages=73–75 |year=1998 |accessdate=10 May 2013}}</ref> Upper caste mob not only physically attacked Dalits but looted and destroyed basic essentials like food grains pullovers, cloths, radio, TV sets etc. that Dalit owned. The rioters also set fire on fodder stocks belonging to Dalit.<ref name="Guru">{{cite journal |title= Understanding Violence against Dalits in Marathwada |first=Gopal |last=Guru |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |volume=29 |issue=9 |date=26 February 1994 |pages=469–472 |jstor=4400849}} {{subscription required}}</ref> The bridges and culverts were intentionally broken or damaged to paralyse the Military and Police aid in villages during the time of attacks.<ref name="Holocaust by Damle" /> Upper caste Mob attacked government property including government hospitals, railway station, gram panchayat offices, state transport buses, ZP School buildings, the telephone system and the government godowns,<ref name="Guru"/> the public property worth {{Indian Rupee|link=Indian rupee}} 300 million was destroyed.<ref name="Jaoul2008" /> Marathwada region was under siege of violence for over two years.<ref name="google1"/> Dalits were wrecked economically and psychologically.<ref name="Vakil" /> Many Dalit protesters were physically injured and nineteen died including five protesters died during police repression.<ref name="Jaoul2008">{{cite journal |first=Nicolas |last=Jaoul |url=http://samaj.revues.org/1892 |title=The 'Righteous Anger' of the Powerless: Investigating Dalit Outrage over Caste Violence |journal=South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal |year=2008 |issue=2 |accessdate=10 May 2013}}</ref> Many intellectuals were shocked by violent incidents in the Marathwada region, the region of [[Sufi saints of Aurangabad|saints]] which has given many social reformation movements to the state in medieval India.<ref name="Omvedt1993" /><ref name="Holocaust by Damle">{{cite journal|last=Damle|first=Y. B.|title=Holocaust in Marathwad: 1978|journal=ICSSR Research Abstracts Quarterly|year=1994|month=January-June|volume=XXIII|url=http://www.unipune.ac.in/snc/cssh/HistorySociology/A%20DOCUMENTS%20ON%20HISTORY%20OF%20SOCIOLOGY%20IN%20INDIA/A%206%20Primary%20sources/C)%20Published%20and%20Unpublished%20Papers%20of%20Y.B.Damle/1)%20Published%20Papers/A%206%20C%201%2018.pdf|accessdate=11 August 2013|publisher=Indian Council of Social Science and Research}}</ref>


Much of the violence occurred in [[Nanded district]]. Examples include:<ref name="Samiti"/>
Much of the violence occurred in [[Nanded district]]. Examples include:<ref name="Samiti"/>
Line 84: Line 84:
[[File:Diksha Bhumi.jpg|thumb|right|200px|[[Deekshabhoomi]], where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism, from where [[Jogendra Kawade]] launched and led the Long March on 11 November 1979<ref name=KAWADE />]]
[[File:Diksha Bhumi.jpg|thumb|right|200px|[[Deekshabhoomi]], where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism, from where [[Jogendra Kawade]] launched and led the Long March on 11 November 1979<ref name=KAWADE />]]


The violence caused the Dalits to suspend their campaign for a while but when a new incumbent as Chief Minister, [[Sharad Pawar]], found various reasons to postpone the renaming, the reaction was the organisation of a Long March and instigating the Namantar Andolan. The march was inspired by the [[Long March|Chinese Long March]] and was intended to end symbolically with a convergence in Aurangabad on 6 December 1979, the anniversary of Ambedkar's death.<ref name="Jaoul2008" /><ref name="Shastree1996"/><ref name="Omvedt1993" /> According to Omvedt,<ref name="Omvedt1993">{{cite book |last=Omvedt |first=Gail |authorlink=Gail Omvedt |year=1993 |title=Reinventing revolution: new social movements and the socialist tradition in India |publisher=M.E. Sharpe Publishers |pages=65–66 |isbn=9780765631763}}</ref> "Long March was organised by very factionalised committees that included the Dalit Panthers, smaller Dalit organisations, the Republican Party factions, socialist individuals and groups, and the Communist parties." The protest march was led by [[Jogendra Kawade]] and caused the arrest of thousands of participants as well as prominent leaders.<ref name="Jaoul2008" /><ref name="Shastree1996"/><ref name=KAWADE>{{cite web|last=Kawade|first=Prof. Jogendra|title=Biographical Sketch Member of Parliament XII Lok Sabha|url=http://www.parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/lok12/biodata/12MH25.htm|publisher=Parliament of India|accessdate=21 June 2013}}</ref>
The violence caused the Dalits to suspend their campaign for a while but when a new incumbent as Chief Minister, [[Sharad Pawar]], found various reasons to postpone the renaming, the reaction was the organisation of a Long March and instigating the Namantar Andolan. The march was inspired by the [[Long March|Chinese Long March]] and was intended to end symbolically with a convergence in Aurangabad on 6 December 1979, the anniversary of Ambedkar's death.<ref name="Jaoul2008" /><ref name="Shastree1996"/><ref name="Omvedt1993" /> According to Omvedt,<ref name="Omvedt1993">{{cite book |last=Omvedt |first=Gail |authorlink=Gail Omvedt |year=1993 |title=Reinventing revolution: new social movements and the socialist tradition in India |publisher=M.E. Sharpe Publishers |pages=64–66 |isbn=9780765631763}}</ref> "Long March was organised by very factionalised committees that included the Dalit Panthers, smaller Dalit organisations, the Republican Party factions, socialist individuals and groups, and the Communist parties." The protest march was led by [[Jogendra Kawade]] and caused the arrest of thousands of participants as well as prominent leaders.<ref name="Jaoul2008" /><ref name="Shastree1996"/><ref name=KAWADE>{{cite web|last=Kawade|first=Prof. Jogendra|title=Biographical Sketch Member of Parliament XII Lok Sabha|url=http://www.parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/lok12/biodata/12MH25.htm|publisher=Parliament of India|accessdate=21 June 2013}}</ref>


They marched from [[Deekshabhoomi]], [[Nagpur]], an area populated by many Buddhists, towards Aurangabad.<ref name=KAWADE /><ref>{{cite book|last=Singh|first=ed. by B.V. Bhanu, B.R. Bhatnagar, D.K. Bose, V.S. Kulkarni, J. Sreenath ; gen. ed. K.S.|title=Maharashtra|year=2004|publisher=Popular Prakashan|location=Mumbai|isbn=8179911004|page=9|url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=OmBjoAFMfjoC&pg=PA9&dq=%22Languages+and+Dialect%22+%22bhanu%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=mHS8UcLnHIa4rgfPv4GwAg&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=snippet&q=%22buddhist%22%20%22nagpur%22&f=false|accessdate=15 June 2013|language=Languages and Dialect}}</ref> Thousands of Long Marchers walked hundreds of kilometers from [[Udgir]] and [[Satara district|Satara]].This was one of the remarkable andolan in Indian history after 1927 Indian Independence movement due to Dalit women’s active key role took part in ''[[Jail Bharo Andolan]]'' with pride.<ref>{{cite book|last=Ray|first=ed. by Bharati|title=Women of India : colonial and post-colonial periods|year=2005|publisher=Sage Publ.|location=New Delhi|isbn=076193409X|pages=82–88|url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=aJFwK8XYQMkC&printsec=frontcover&dq=%22Women+of+India:+Colonial+and+Post-colonial+Periods%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=tnm8UZLtCMfprAe_gIEI&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Understanding%20the%20Dalit%20Feminist%20Identity&f=false|edition=1st ed.|coauthors=Guru Gopal|accessdate=15 June 2013|chapter=Understanding the Dalit Feminist Identity}}</ref> According to ''Yukrant'' leader, around 3 Lakhs people were expected to join the Long March towards Aurangabad from various districts of Maharashtra as a ''[[satyagraha]]''. Small percentage could reach to Aurangabd but many were involved in mass struggles – ''satyagraha'', ''Jail Bharo Andolan'', thousands of protesters clashed with police between 25 November to 6 December. Thousands of people walking for the Long March were arrested on the borders of Marathwada. Thousands were arrested during ''staygraha'' at their towns and cities and even protestors were lathi charged, police fired on them and [[Vidarbha]] was [[bandh]]. On 3 December protest by Dalit youths who burned buses, 4 of them died in clashes with police at Nagpur.<ref name="Omvedt 1979">{{cite journal |title= Leaderless March|first=Gail |last=Omvedt |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |volume=14 |issue=49 |date=8 December 1979 |pages=1190–1191 |jstor=4368200}} {{subscription required}}</ref>
They marched from [[Deekshabhoomi]], [[Nagpur]], an area populated by many Buddhists, towards Aurangabad.<ref name=KAWADE /><ref>{{cite book|last=Singh|first=ed. by B.V. Bhanu, B.R. Bhatnagar, D.K. Bose, V.S. Kulkarni, J. Sreenath ; gen. ed. K.S.|title=Maharashtra|year=2004|publisher=Popular Prakashan|location=Mumbai|isbn=8179911004|page=9|url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=OmBjoAFMfjoC&pg=PA9&dq=%22Languages+and+Dialect%22+%22bhanu%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=mHS8UcLnHIa4rgfPv4GwAg&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=snippet&q=%22buddhist%22%20%22nagpur%22&f=false|accessdate=15 June 2013|language=Languages and Dialect}}</ref> Thousands of Long Marchers walked hundreds of kilometers from [[Udgir]] and [[Satara district|Satara]].This was one of the remarkable andolan in Indian history after 1927 Indian Independence movement due to Dalit women’s active key role took part in ''[[Jail Bharo Andolan]]'' with pride.<ref>{{cite book|last=Ray|first=ed. by Bharati|title=Women of India : colonial and post-colonial periods|year=2005|publisher=Sage Publ.|location=New Delhi|isbn=076193409X|pages=82–88|url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=aJFwK8XYQMkC&printsec=frontcover&dq=%22Women+of+India:+Colonial+and+Post-colonial+Periods%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=tnm8UZLtCMfprAe_gIEI&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Understanding%20the%20Dalit%20Feminist%20Identity&f=false|edition=1st ed.|coauthors=Guru Gopal|accessdate=15 June 2013|chapter=Understanding the Dalit Feminist Identity}}</ref> According to ''Yukrant'' leader, around 3 Lakhs people were expected to join the Long March towards Aurangabad from various districts of Maharashtra as a ''[[satyagraha]]''. Small percentage could reach to Aurangabd but many were involved in mass struggles – ''satyagraha'', ''Jail Bharo Andolan'', thousands of protesters clashed with police between 25 November to 6 December. Thousands of people walking for the Long March were arrested on the borders of Marathwada. Thousands were arrested during ''staygraha'' at their towns and cities and even protestors were lathi charged, police fired on them and [[Vidarbha]] was [[bandh]]. On 3 December protest by Dalit youths who burned buses, 4 of them died in clashes with police at Nagpur.<ref name="Omvedt 1979">{{cite journal |title= Leaderless March|first=Gail |last=Omvedt |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |volume=14 |issue=49 |date=8 December 1979 |pages=1190–1191 |jstor=4368200}} {{subscription required}}</ref>
Line 95: Line 95:
[[Govindbhai Shroff]] was against renaming university but he requested people to accept the name on demand to withdraw the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against [[Hindu]] upper caste and non-Dalits particularly the malafide ones. Tight security was deployed on the eve on announcement but few incidents were reported in [[Parbhani]] and [[Amravati]].<ref name="Damle">{{cite book |url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=-nVDBvv_OqAC&pg=PA140 |title=Beyond Economic Development: A Case Study of Marathwada |first=Jasmine Y. |last=Damle |publisher=Mittal |year=2001 |pages=140–146 |accessdate=10 May 2013}}</ref> Curfew was imposed at Tuljapur and police had to resort to firing in Beed.<ref name="Damle" /> Again, after renaming the university at least four Dalits were stabbed, Dalit property was burned and again statues of Dr Ambedkar were dishonoured at Parbhani, Osmanabad and Parbhani.<ref name=RAO /> However, at Kathi Savargaon in Osmanabad district, the decision of government was publically celebrated by Maratha sarpanch in village and peace was maintained.<ref name="Guru" />
[[Govindbhai Shroff]] was against renaming university but he requested people to accept the name on demand to withdraw the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against [[Hindu]] upper caste and non-Dalits particularly the malafide ones. Tight security was deployed on the eve on announcement but few incidents were reported in [[Parbhani]] and [[Amravati]].<ref name="Damle">{{cite book |url=http://books.google.co.in/books?id=-nVDBvv_OqAC&pg=PA140 |title=Beyond Economic Development: A Case Study of Marathwada |first=Jasmine Y. |last=Damle |publisher=Mittal |year=2001 |pages=140–146 |accessdate=10 May 2013}}</ref> Curfew was imposed at Tuljapur and police had to resort to firing in Beed.<ref name="Damle" /> Again, after renaming the university at least four Dalits were stabbed, Dalit property was burned and again statues of Dr Ambedkar were dishonoured at Parbhani, Osmanabad and Parbhani.<ref name=RAO /> However, at Kathi Savargaon in Osmanabad district, the decision of government was publically celebrated by Maratha sarpanch in village and peace was maintained.<ref name="Guru" />


Dr Ambedkar established college of Arts, Science and Commerce named ''Milind Maha Vidyalaya'' at Aurangabad in 1951.<ref name=MAHAPATRA /> Marathwda region has diverse cultural and historical background so many names were suggested. Finally University was renamed as “Dr Bababasaheb Ambedkar Marhwada University” to pay homage to work done by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar for the educational development of Marahwada region.<ref name=BAMU>{{cite web|title=History|url=http://www.bamu.net/history.htm|publisher=Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, MS, India|accessdate=15 June 2013}}</ref> The university name was eventually altered on 14 January 1994. The chosen form&nbsp;— Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University&nbsp;— represents an expansion of the existing name (a ''Namvistar'') rather than complete change (''Namanatar''). Sharad Pawar also announced that it would be policy to encourage higher education for everyone, irrespective of caste, class, religion, and ethnicity.Moreover, newly named university was developed with improved facilities in some departments to conceptualize dream of Dr Ambedkar which was one of the important parameter for the University.<ref name="Damle" /> At the same time, the university adopted the Ajanta arch with elephants as its primary logo, reflecting the Buddhist cultural significance of the [[Ajanta caves]].<ref name="BAMU" />
In Aurangabad , Ambedkar struggled for the education propagation which created awareness in the people and specifically the Dalits.<ref name="Holocaust by Damle" /> Dr Ambedkar established college of Arts, Science and Commerce named ''Milind Maha Vidyalaya'' at Aurangabad in 1951.<ref name=MAHAPATRA /> Marathwda region has diverse cultural and historical background so many names were suggested. Finally University was renamed as “Dr Bababasaheb Ambedkar Marhwada University” to pay homage to work done by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar for the educational development of Marahwada region.<ref name=BAMU>{{cite web|title=History|url=http://www.bamu.net/history.htm|publisher=Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, MS, India|accessdate=15 June 2013}}</ref> The university name was eventually altered on 14 January 1994. The chosen form&nbsp;— Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University&nbsp;— represents an expansion of the existing name (a ''Namvistar'') rather than complete change (''Namanatar''). Sharad Pawar also announced that it would be policy to encourage higher education for everyone, irrespective of caste, class, religion, and ethnicity.Moreover, newly named university was developed with improved facilities in some departments to conceptualize dream of Dr Ambedkar which was one of the important parameter for the University.<ref name="Damle" /> At the same time, the university adopted the Ajanta arch with elephants as its primary logo, reflecting the Buddhist cultural significance of the [[Ajanta caves]].<ref name="BAMU" />


On 14 January, the followers of Ambedkar throng university. The political parties, organizations based on Ambedkar’s thinking celebrate this day. Many people visit the university to celebrate the Namvistar diwas, so political parties arrange their rallies traditionally. The University building and gate is decorated with lights. Many people visit the Buddhist caves on this occasion.<ref name="विद्यापीठ परिसर सजला">{{cite news|title='नामविस्तार दिना'साठी विद्यापीठ परिसर सजला|url=http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/maharashtra/aurangabad-marathwada/--/articleshow/11479110.cms?|accessdate=6 August 2013|newspaper=[[Maharashtra Times]]|date=January 14, 2012|agency=Bennett Coleman & Co. Ltd|location=Aurangabad|language=Marathi}}</ref>
On 14 January, the followers of Ambedkar throng university. The political parties, organizations based on Ambedkar’s thinking celebrate this day. Many people visit the university to celebrate the Namvistar diwas, so political parties arrange their rallies traditionally. The University building and gate is decorated with lights. Many people visit the Buddhist caves on this occasion.<ref name="विद्यापीठ परिसर सजला">{{cite news|title='नामविस्तार दिना'साठी विद्यापीठ परिसर सजला|url=http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/maharashtra/aurangabad-marathwada/--/articleshow/11479110.cms?|accessdate=6 August 2013|newspaper=[[Maharashtra Times]]|date=January 14, 2012|agency=Bennett Coleman & Co. Ltd|location=Aurangabad|language=Marathi}}</ref>

Revision as of 22:00, 11 August 2013

Namantar Andolan (Marathi: नामांतर आंदोलन, Nāmāntara āndōlan) or Namantar movement was a Dalit movement to change the name of Marathwada University, in the Indian state of Maharashtra, to that of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University. It achieved a measure of success after a period of 16 years when a compromise naming it Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University was accepted. The movement was notable for the levels of anti-Dalit pogrom that it provoked.[1][2]

Background

The word Namantar means name change,[1] and Andolan is movement.[3] The Namantar Andolan was a 16-year-long Dalit campaign to rename Marathwada University to Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University in recognition of B. R. Ambedkar, a jurist, politician and social reformer who had proposed that untouchability should be made illegal.[4][5] He had realised during his studies that equality in education was a prerequisite for equality in general[citation needed] and he coined the slogan Educate, Agitate, Organise.[6] The social environment refused untouchables for education so he struggled to establish hostels, schools and colleges in Maharashtra and Karnataka state.[7]

Ambedkar had been born into a family of Mahars, an Untouchables caste who played a significant role in the Andolan. Although historically an oppressed community in Hindu society, as with all untouchable groups, the Mahars had sought socio-economic advancement and were both better educated and more politically aware than many of their fellow Dalits, such as the Chamars and Mangs.[8] Hindus discriminated Dalit labours in many ways for example; some kind of field work such as seeding they were not hired or considered as pollutant (untouchable) for their fields or they were forced to work on low wages.[2] Their various traditional roles in village life — cleaning, carcass removal, delivering couriers for government officials, conveying death messages for villagers, cloth weaving, well repairing, entertainers, land reordering and guarding[9] — had exposed them to upper-caste mores while their recruitment into the army of the British Raj heightened their aspirations.[8] British rulers started mass education system in India in 1850. Untouchable’s, education was continuously opposed by Hindus, had to sit outside the class in the school, faced social discrimination in the class.[10] In abandoning the socially demeaning and menial jobs they found themselves competing with caste Hindus for employment in bureaucracies and professions, which caused unemployment, economic uncertainty and resentment on both sides. The ability of the Dalits, to take advantage of reservation of places in education and employment under India's system of positive discrimination further antagonised the situation.[8] However, it was found that non Dalits made fake certificates to fill up reservation quota of Dalits.[11] In addition, many Mahars had converted to Buddhism, following the example of Dr Ambedkar to build a society of liberty, equality and fraternity.[6][12]

Non-Dalit student groups initially supported the demand to have the university renamed but did so less for reasons of dogma than for the pragmatic desire to bring the Dalit, mostly Mahar, students into the general fold. Dalit students had traditionally shown no interest in supporting such causes as lower fees and cheaper textbooks but they constituted around 26 per cent of the student population and a quid pro quo was anticipated. A march involving Dalit and non-Dalit students was organised with the intent of petitioning the council of the university for the change. The procession met with another, headed by Gangaher Gadhe, a Dalit Panther leader,[a] who launched a tirade of abuse at the non-Dalit contingent as he asserted the right of the Dalits to take all the credit for the change in name. This alienated the non-Dalit students and, according to Dipankar Gupta, "the division was caused not so much by caste Hindu prejudices and reticence to support the renaming of the University, but rather by the splittist and sectarian position taken by Gadhe", who might also have been concerned that any alliance between Dalits and non-Dalits could affect the potency of the Panthers. Among left-wing organisations, only the Students' Federation of India and Yukrant continued to support the campaign.[8]

As the great figure of Untouchable history in the modern period, Ambedkar’s inspirational status has been steadily growing throughout the period of Indian Independence.[9] So, in 1977, the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Vasantdada Patil, promised that the renaming would occur and in July 1978 the Maharashtra Legislature approved it.[13] Even the University Executive Body passed a resolution to rename the University.[14] The decision was the catalyst for rioting, which began on 27 July 1978 and lasted several weeks. Commentators such as Gail Omvedt believe that the violence was a caste war based on hatred whilst other commentators, such as Gupta, believe that the causes were more varied. Both Omvedt and Gupta note that the violence was aimed at the Mahars and did not extend to other Dalit groups, while Gupta also notes that it was concentrated in the three districts of Marathwada — Aurangabad, Nanded and Parbhani — where Dalit registrations in schools and colleges were particularly high, and economic competition was most fierce. In particular, the centres of the unrest were urban areas, where the impact of Mahar aspirations would most deeply affect the employment, social and economic roles which caste Hindus considered to be their preserve. Troubles were largely absent from the other two districts of Beed and Osmanabad, and the spill of problems into rural areas generally was patchy.[b] These issues of geographic and demographic targeting, according to Gupta, indicate that the real causes of the violence were more subtle than war between caste Hindu and Dalit. There were also instances of violent acts taking place under the pretext of the riots elsewhere but in fact to settle very local and personal scores unrelated to the broader causes.[8]

Attacks (Pogrom)

Riots affected 1,200 villages in Marathwada, impacting on 25,000 Dalits and causing thousands of them to seek safety in jungles. The terrorised Dalits did not returned back to villages in spite of starvation. This violence was allegedly organised by members of the Maratha community and took many forms, including killings, molestation and rape of Dalit women, burning of houses and huts, pillaging of Dalit colonies, forcing Dalits out of villages, polluting drinking water wells, destruction of cattle and refusal to employ. This continued for 67 days. According to the Yukrant leader, attacks on Dalit were collective and pre-planned.[11] In many villages Dalit colonies were burned. The orgy of burning houses in Marathwada region affected 900 Dalit households.[15] Upper caste mob not only physically attacked Dalits but looted and destroyed basic essentials like food grains pullovers, cloths, radio, TV sets etc. that Dalit owned. The rioters also set fire on fodder stocks belonging to Dalit.[16] The bridges and culverts were intentionally broken or damaged to paralyse the Military and Police aid in villages during the time of attacks.[14] Upper caste Mob attacked government property including government hospitals, railway station, gram panchayat offices, state transport buses, ZP School buildings, the telephone system and the government godowns,[16] the public property worth ₹ 300 million was destroyed.[1] Marathwada region was under siege of violence for over two years.[17] Dalits were wrecked economically and psychologically.[18] Many Dalit protesters were physically injured and nineteen died including five protesters died during police repression.[1] Many intellectuals were shocked by violent incidents in the Marathwada region, the region of saints which has given many social reformation movements to the state in medieval India.[19][14]

Much of the violence occurred in Nanded district. Examples include:[11]

  • Sonkhed village: two women were raped and three children were killed by non-Dalits
  • Sugaon village: Janardhan Mavde and his friend were murdered and his 20 friends were injured and hospitalized. A poisonous pesticide, Endrin, was poured into the well of scheduled caste people
  • Bolsa and Izzatgaon villages: women were raped and tortured (one woman had her breast cut off)[20]
  • Yetala village: when two Dalits contacted a police sub-inspector they were beaten up in the Gram Panchayat office
  • Pongu : A woman who had given birth to a child just two days earlier was raped by Rambahu of Bolsa
  • Samrala: A Gram Sevak, Vitthal Chaukoba was attacked by mob of 50 people. He was beaten up along with his wife and their house was set on fire
  • Pangari: Dalits were restricted to fetch water from well and Police Patil threaten to harm Dalits children
  • Temburni village: Killing of Pochiram Kamble was shameful incident took place at Temburni village. He belonged to Mang community who had embraced Buddhism. He owned 6 acres of grazing land. He assaulted a servant ex-sarpanch for grazing cattle on his field. During riots, mobs ransacking homes and looting food grains and household found Kamble hidden at friend’s home. Mob chased him and brought him back to village Chouka where he was done to death and burned alive. His song of struggle “Marathwada is Burning” was sung during Long March[17][20][19]
  • Koklegaon: a Dalit teacher who tried to raise awareness among Dalits was beaten with his wife. Homes were also burned while no legal case was filed
  • Nanded city: an attempt was made by anti-Dalits to burn a Dalit colony in Etwara. Police helped Upper caste Hindus for this attempt.[18] However, students from the that locality stood with buckets of water in defence
  • Deglur: Dalits from Eklare came to Deglur to intimate the police that there was possibility of attack on them but police refused.[18]

Violence occurred in Parbhani district. Examples include:[11]

  • Parbhani town: Dr Ambedkar’s statue at Bhim Nagar was broken into pieces by Hindu students and youth
  • Parbhani City: On 17 July 1978 agitators stopped buses and trains and even cut the telephone lines. The police did not intervene, and after 30 July Dalit habitations were targeted[17]
  • Adgaon Village: Dalits were threatened; cattle shed and agricultural instruments were burned[17]
  • Samiti observed similar violence incidents (like Nanded district) in Koregaon, Kaulgaon, Nandgaon, Sodgaon, Halta, Cohgaon, Nandapur and number of other villages of Parbhani district

Examples of violence in Aurangabad district included:

  • Aurangabad City: Non-Dalits destroyed public property by burning buses, blowing up bridges to paralyze the social life[8]
  • Aurangabad City: Many professors opposed renaming university on the other hand Prof Desarda, Marxist teacher, was beaten by Martha students when he supported renaming[11]
  • Akola Village: Mahajanrao Patil, a Lingayat, an Upper caste Hindu, helped Dalits so he was beaten badly. Police did not react after his complaint[18] Kashinath Borde, neo Buddhist police Patil, a flour mill owner, who officially reported complaints of harassment against Hindus was target. In a vengeful act, his bullock cart, house hold articles and house was set on fire.[20]

Examples of violence in Beed district included:[16]

  • Sakshalpimpari: Huts of handicapped Dalits were also burned brutally
  • Ambejogai: Supporters of Sharad Pawar were attacked
  • Rudrapur: Huts of Mangs and Chamars were burned
  • Beed town: Upper caste elements attempted to burn the Muslim houses

Examples of violence in Osmanabad district included:[16]

  • Tuljapur: Women were attacked
  • Dalits were terrorised by damaging road bridges, roads connecting Kalam and Yermala were demolished and telephone lines were destroyed as well
  • Dalits in Tulzapur, Savargaon, Bavi, Pthrud and Wagholi were attacked
  • Mob of 900 violent upper cast youth attacked on Dalits

Example of violence in Hingoli district included:[18]

  • Basmath: After the riots the Tahsildar refused to arrange meals for riot victims. He advised them to beg for their meal

Examples of violence in Nashik district included:[21]

  • Nashik city: there had been attempts to garland the statue of Shivaji with footwear, to blame on the Neo-Buddhists and to spark off riots
  • Vihit village: The statue of Dr. Ambedkar at had been broken into pieces
  • Vadner : The Dalit youth, Diwakar Thorat, killed brutally

In Jalgot Village, Fauzdar Bhurevar was beaten and then burned alive by mob at Police outpost.[20] Violence was reported in Pune and Nagpur.[17] Demonstrations in Mumbai were teargassed.[11] The statues of Ambedkar and Buddha were especially targeted, either, disfigured, damaged or completely destroyed in all districts of Marathwada.[16] Dalits were banned from buying grocery items in their villages by non-Dalits and Upper caste Hindus. Particularly it affected life of rural Dalits who worked on daily wages. Situation became worst when they had no food to eat for few days. They were physically, mentally and socially tortured by non-Dalits but Dalits remained firm on renaming Marathwada University.[8]

Role of Media,Political Parties and Bureaucrats

Media

Marathi Newspaper, Prajawani and Godatir Samachar supported agitation by giving wide publicity to riots in the cities and suppressing news in the rural areas. The Aurangabad daily, Marathwada opposed renaming.[11] Press did not publish about rural violence news.[18] Some Marathi newspapers refused to publish news in support of the Dalit community.[11] A circular urging Upper caste community to join agitation was printed on the front page a leading Marathi newspaper.[22] Parliamentary committee advised to strengthen police intelligence and communication with radios, telephones and motor vehicles at taluka level. Yet the media focused on allegations that the PCR Act was being misused.[20] The chief minister of Maharashtra admitted one sided role of Press.[11]

Political Parties

Shiv Sena, the Hindutva political party, initially declared itself opposed to the Namantar.[23][24] During agitation the followers of Bal Thackeray burnt homes of Dalits.[25] People were physically, harmed, including by attacks with swords. Interviewers explained that the attackers were from the Maratha community, who also burned Dalit properties in Nanded district. Supporters of the Peasants and Workers Party of India (PWP) and Indian National Congress were involved in these burnings. In the same area there were allegations of two women being raped and three children killed but no legal action was instigated.[18] According to Gopal Guru[16] “PWP and Shiv Sena aggravated tension in Parbhani, Nanded, Beed and Osmanbad. Congress did not show any inclination to diffuse the tension and whatever efforts were made particularly by the Congress leaders from Beed and Osmanabad districts were insufficient or localised. On the other hand, Congress leaders particularly from Latur, Aurangabad, Jalna and to some extent Beed districts identified with the Dalit cause and worked for the Dalit harmony in these districts to maintain political impression.” The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh also was involved in destroying public property and spreading violence.[11]

Bureaucrats

Many Dalits were harassed by police as they continued to campaign for the change. The police allegedly reacted by adopting tactics such as delay and suppression of evidence.[11][22] In few villages Hindu Police Patils and Sarpanchs of all riot affected villages teamed up with rich caste Hindu landowners to attack Dalit poor peasant and agricultural labourers.[11] The District Collector of Nanded belonged to Dalit community was helpless when his subordinate officers did not implement his orders.[18] In Akola village, intentionally police refused to lodge complains during violence against upper caste Hindus.[18] In Nanded city the curfew was enforced during agitation. Sons of resident Deputy Collector, Home Inspector and Circle Inspector were involved in the agitation. During curfew they were stopped by homeguards belonging to Dalit community. The complaint was filed against homeguards.[11] Parliamentary committee has concluded that police were “mere spectators to the incidents” during atrocities.[22]

Situation after Attacks (Pogrom)

After the riots, many landlords refused to employ Dalits and even at public places like hotel they were discriminated.[11] The crops grown by the Dalits were set on fire. In 1985, Wakod village of Sillod Taluka, the standing crops possessed by Dalits on their own land were ploughed up by the Sarpanch himself.[26] Few college teachers and academicians formed a samiti to rehabilitate Dalit victims to bring harmony among community.[11] Muslims of Marathwada supported the Dalits by keeping their shops open when Shiv Sena declared bandhs.[16] Relief and compensation given to Dalits were too low than the actual damage suffered and even corruption was observed by Samiti.[11][22]

Around 3000 people were arrested under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 but victims reported that the majority were released without being brought to the court and the rest of the cases were going slowly. And few cases were on the way to dismissed with growing pressure of local authority.Maharashtra government refused to order a judicial inquiry into Marathwada incidents. The parliamentary committee recommended an automatic judicial inquiry in all cases of large scale arson and looting involved of Dalits. They even delayed submitting their report in the hope that the state government would order an enquiry.[22]

Long March

Deekshabhoomi, where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism, from where Jogendra Kawade launched and led the Long March on 11 November 1979[27]

The violence caused the Dalits to suspend their campaign for a while but when a new incumbent as Chief Minister, Sharad Pawar, found various reasons to postpone the renaming, the reaction was the organisation of a Long March and instigating the Namantar Andolan. The march was inspired by the Chinese Long March and was intended to end symbolically with a convergence in Aurangabad on 6 December 1979, the anniversary of Ambedkar's death.[1][13][19] According to Omvedt,[19] "Long March was organised by very factionalised committees that included the Dalit Panthers, smaller Dalit organisations, the Republican Party factions, socialist individuals and groups, and the Communist parties." The protest march was led by Jogendra Kawade and caused the arrest of thousands of participants as well as prominent leaders.[1][13][27]

They marched from Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur, an area populated by many Buddhists, towards Aurangabad.[27][28] Thousands of Long Marchers walked hundreds of kilometers from Udgir and Satara.This was one of the remarkable andolan in Indian history after 1927 Indian Independence movement due to Dalit women’s active key role took part in Jail Bharo Andolan with pride.[29] According to Yukrant leader, around 3 Lakhs people were expected to join the Long March towards Aurangabad from various districts of Maharashtra as a satyagraha. Small percentage could reach to Aurangabd but many were involved in mass struggles – satyagraha, Jail Bharo Andolan, thousands of protesters clashed with police between 25 November to 6 December. Thousands of people walking for the Long March were arrested on the borders of Marathwada. Thousands were arrested during staygraha at their towns and cities and even protestors were lathi charged, police fired on them and Vidarbha was bandh. On 3 December protest by Dalit youths who burned buses, 4 of them died in clashes with police at Nagpur.[30]

Around 12000 demonstrators were arrested at Auragabad who planned to March towards University from Kranti Chowk. Demonstrators of Dalit Panthers were arrested at Bhadkal Gate and University entrance. Leaders and activist were arrested, physically harmed, lathi charged, shot with tear gas and air firing was done to disperse the crowd. The intension of the state was to control and disperse demonstrators and prevent them from anti Dalits,[30] who formed Namantar Virodhi Group (a group opposing renaming).[13] Most of them were freed from jails on the same evening but few refused to leave Jails to continue satyagraha. Main agenda of this Long March was to fight against caste oppression.[30]

The movement became a part of Dalit literature.[17][31] During Long March songs of martyrs were sung by men, women even children joined to boost this revolution.[19]

Nam Vistar Diwas

Govindbhai Shroff was against renaming university but he requested people to accept the name on demand to withdraw the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against Hindu upper caste and non-Dalits particularly the malafide ones. Tight security was deployed on the eve on announcement but few incidents were reported in Parbhani and Amravati.[32] Curfew was imposed at Tuljapur and police had to resort to firing in Beed.[32] Again, after renaming the university at least four Dalits were stabbed, Dalit property was burned and again statues of Dr Ambedkar were dishonoured at Parbhani, Osmanabad and Parbhani.[20] However, at Kathi Savargaon in Osmanabad district, the decision of government was publically celebrated by Maratha sarpanch in village and peace was maintained.[16]

In Aurangabad , Ambedkar struggled for the education propagation which created awareness in the people and specifically the Dalits.[14] Dr Ambedkar established college of Arts, Science and Commerce named Milind Maha Vidyalaya at Aurangabad in 1951.[7] Marathwda region has diverse cultural and historical background so many names were suggested. Finally University was renamed as “Dr Bababasaheb Ambedkar Marhwada University” to pay homage to work done by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar for the educational development of Marahwada region.[33] The university name was eventually altered on 14 January 1994. The chosen form — Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University — represents an expansion of the existing name (a Namvistar) rather than complete change (Namanatar). Sharad Pawar also announced that it would be policy to encourage higher education for everyone, irrespective of caste, class, religion, and ethnicity.Moreover, newly named university was developed with improved facilities in some departments to conceptualize dream of Dr Ambedkar which was one of the important parameter for the University.[32] At the same time, the university adopted the Ajanta arch with elephants as its primary logo, reflecting the Buddhist cultural significance of the Ajanta caves.[33]

On 14 January, the followers of Ambedkar throng university. The political parties, organizations based on Ambedkar’s thinking celebrate this day. Many people visit the university to celebrate the Namvistar diwas, so political parties arrange their rallies traditionally. The University building and gate is decorated with lights. Many people visit the Buddhist caves on this occasion.[34]

Martyrdom memory

14 January is a significant day for Dalit movements and is celebrated throughout India as Nam Vistar Diwas, when homage is paid to those Dalits who died during the Andolan.[32] People come to the University gate to have Darśana, which resembles to Sanchi Stupa gate and leave an offering as if University is pilgrimage.[20] In 2013, Nagpur Municipal Corporation has preserved the memory of the supreme sacrifice of Dalit martyrs who lost their lives during movement by erecting gigantic and beautiful Namantar Shahid Smarak (Martyrdom Memorial) at Nagpur.[35]

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ The Dalit Panthers were a group of writers and poets.[6]
  2. ^ In some rural villages, caste Hindus assisted in defending their Mahar neighbours against trouble-makers; in other instances where trouble arose, it might be on a selective basis, with some particularly aspirational Mahars being targeted but the remainder being tolerated.[8]

Citations

  1. ^ a b c d e f Jaoul, Nicolas (2008). "The 'Righteous Anger' of the Powerless: Investigating Dalit Outrage over Caste Violence". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal (2). Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  2. ^ a b Omvedt, Gail (September 1979). "Marathwada: Reply to Dipankar Gupta". Social Scientist. 8 (2): 51–58. JSTOR 3516700. (subscription required)
  3. ^ Chauhan, B. S. (2008). Natural Resources (Forest, water and Minerals). Firewall Media Publishers. p. 31. ISBN 9788131803288.
  4. ^ Divakar, N. Paul (2007). "Untouchability and Violence against Dalits". FOCUS. 48. Asia-Pacific Human Rights Information Center (HURIGHTS OSAKA). Retrieved 23 June 2013.
  5. ^ Christophe, Jaffrelot (2009). Sukhadeo Thorat, Surinder S Jodhaka (ed.). Dr Ambedkar's Strategies Against Untouchability and the Caste System (PDF). New Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. Retrieved 23 June 2013.
  6. ^ a b c Guha, Ramachandra (2008). India after Gandhi : the history of the world's largest democracy (1st Harper Perennial ed. ed.). New York, NY: Harper Perennial. pp. 379, 535. ISBN 9780060958589. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help)
  7. ^ a b Mahapatra, B.C. (2004). "Ambedkar and His Philosophy towards Education". Dalits in third millennium (1st ed. ed.). New Delhi, India: Sarup & Sons. pp. 43–53. ISBN 8176254975. Retrieved 15 June 2013. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Gupta, Dipankar (May 1979). "Understanding the Marathwada Riots: A Repudiation of Eclectic Marxism". Social Scientist. 7 (10): 3–22. JSTOR 3516774. (subscription required)
  9. ^ a b Mendelsohn, Oliver (1998). The untouchables : subordination, poverty and the state in modern India (1. publ. ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 73, 91. ISBN 0521556716. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  10. ^ Nambissan, Geetha B. (20-27). "Equity in Education? Schooling of Dalit Children in India". Economic and Political Weekly. 31. Economic and Political Weekly: 1011–1024. Retrieved 15 June 2013. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)(subscription required)
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Atyachar Virodh Samiti (12 May 1979). "The Marathwada Riots: A Report". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (19): 845–852. JSTOR 4367590. (subscription required)
  12. ^ Cobb (Jr), John B. (2010). The Dialogue Comes of Age: Christian Encounters with Other Traditions. Fortress Press. pp. 161–162. ISBN 1451411154.
  13. ^ a b c d Shastree, Uttara (1996). Religious Converts in India: Socio-political Study of Neo-Buddhists. Mittal Publications. pp. 100–101. ISBN 9788170996293.
  14. ^ a b c d Damle, Y. B. (1994). "Holocaust in Marathwad: 1978" (PDF). ICSSR Research Abstracts Quarterly. XXIII. Indian Council of Social Science and Research. Retrieved 11 August 2013. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  15. ^ Mendelsohn, Oliver; Vicziany, Marika (1998). The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–75. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h Guru, Gopal (26 February 1994). "Understanding Violence against Dalits in Marathwada". Economic and Political Weekly. 29 (9): 469–472. JSTOR 4400849. (subscription required)
  17. ^ a b c d e f Mayaram, Shail; Pandian, M. S. S.; Skaria, Ajay, eds. (2005). Muslims, Dalits, and the Fabrications of History. Permanent Black and Ravi Dayal Publisher. pp. 165–169. ISBN 9788178241159. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  18. ^ a b c d e f g h i Vakil, A. K. (1985). Reservation Policy and Scheduled Castes in India. S. B. Nangia for Ashish Publishing House. pp. 77–111. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  19. ^ a b c d e Omvedt, Gail (1993). Reinventing revolution: new social movements and the socialist tradition in India. M.E. Sharpe Publishers. pp. 64–66. ISBN 9780765631763.
  20. ^ a b c d e f g Rao, Anupama (2009). "New Direction in Dalit Politics". The caste question : Dalits and the politics of modern India. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. pp. 209–213. ISBN 0520257618. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
  21. ^ Rege, Sharmila (2006). Writing Caste, Writing Gender: Reading Dalit Women's Testimonios. Zubaan Publications. pp. 120–121. ISBN 9788189013011.
  22. ^ a b c d e Abraham, Amrita (21 July 1979). "Importance of Renaming Marathwada University". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (29): 1190–1191. JSTOR 4367800. (subscription required)
  23. ^ Sonawane, Rakshit. "Seat gone, Atahwale now plans to revive former militant outfit". Indian Express. Retrieved 22 June 2013.
  24. ^ Palshikar, Suhas (3–16 April 2004). "Shiv Sena: A Tiger with Many Faces?". Economic and Political Weekly. 39 (14/15): 1497–1507. JSTOR 4414867. (subscription required)
  25. ^ Punwani, Jyoti (21 December 2012). "Memorial to a dysfunctional state". The Hindu. Retrieved 22 June 2013.
  26. ^ L., S. (13). "Shiv Sena Enters Rural Politics: Campaign against Dalits in Marathwada Villages". Economic and Political Weekly. 21 (50): 2166–2167. Retrieved 10 August 2013. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help) (subscription required)
  27. ^ a b c Kawade, Prof. Jogendra. "Biographical Sketch Member of Parliament XII Lok Sabha". Parliament of India. Retrieved 21 June 2013.
  28. ^ Singh, ed. by B.V. Bhanu, B.R. Bhatnagar, D.K. Bose, V.S. Kulkarni, J. Sreenath ; gen. ed. K.S. (2004). Maharashtra (in Languages and Dialect). Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. p. 9. ISBN 8179911004. Retrieved 15 June 2013. {{cite book}}: |first= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link)
  29. ^ Ray, ed. by Bharati (2005). "Understanding the Dalit Feminist Identity". Women of India : colonial and post-colonial periods (1st ed. ed.). New Delhi: Sage Publ. pp. 82–88. ISBN 076193409X. Retrieved 15 June 2013. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help); |first= has generic name (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  30. ^ a b c Omvedt, Gail (8 December 1979). "Leaderless March". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (49): 1190–1191. JSTOR 4368200. (subscription required)
  31. ^ Zelliot, Eleanor (1996). "Stri Dalit Sahitya: The New Voice of Women Poets". In Feldhaus, Anne (ed.). Images of women in Maharashtrian literature and religion. SUNY Press. pp. 80–83. ISBN 9781438402499.
  32. ^ a b c d Damle, Jasmine Y. (2001). Beyond Economic Development: A Case Study of Marathwada. Mittal. pp. 140–146. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  33. ^ a b "History". Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, MS, India. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
  34. ^ "'नामविस्तार दिना'साठी विद्यापीठ परिसर सजला". Maharashtra Times (in Marathi). Aurangabad. Bennett Coleman & Co. Ltd. 14 January 2012. Retrieved 6 August 2013.
  35. ^ Nagpur Today (28 May 2013). "NMC, other prominent leaders salute Bhim Sainiks who laid down their lives for 'Namantar' Movement". Nagpur’s Daily e-Newspaper. Retrieved 22 June 2013.

Template:Dalit

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Namantar_Andolan&oldid=568127208"