Alevism

Alevis (Turkish: Aleviler Kurdish: Elewî, also rendered in English as Alewites) are a religious, sub-ethnic and cultural community in Turkey, numbering in the millions. (See "Demographics" for various population estimates.)

Alevi worship takes place in assembly houses (cemevi), not in mosques. The ceremony (âyîn-i cem, or simply cem) features music and dance (semah), which symbolize the putting off of one’s self and uniting with God. In Alevism, men and women are regarded as equals, and pray side by side.

Key Alevi principles include:

• Love and respect for all people (“The important thing is not religion, but being a human being”)
• Tolerance towards other religions and ethnic groups (“If you hurt another person, the ritual prayers you have done are counted as worthless”)
• Respect for working people ("The greatest act of worship is to work”)

Some consider Alevism a type of Shi'a Islam (and specifically, of Ithna-'Ashariyya ), since Alevis accept Shi‘i beliefs about Imam Ali and the Twelve Imams. Many Alevi, however, are uncomfortable describing themselves as Shi‘i, since there are major differences in philosophy, customs, and rituals from the prevailing form of Shi‘ism in modern Iran.

Alevism is also closely related to the Bektashi Sufi lineage, in the sense that both venerate Hajji Bektash Wali (Hacibektaş Veli), a saint of the 13th century. Many Alevis refer to an "Alevi-Bektashi" tradition, but this identity is not universally accepted, nor is the combined name used by non-Turkish Bektashis (e.g., in the Balkans).

In addition to its religious aspect, Alevism is also closely associated with Anatolian folk culture. The Kurdish and Turkish languages (not Arabic) are generally used in Alevi rituals.

Modern Alevi theology has been profoundly influenced by humanism and universalism. During the 1960s, many younger Alevis came to conceive of Alevism in non-religious terms, with some even relating it to Marxism. The 1990s brought a new emphasis on Alevism as an ethnic or cultural identity. Alevi communities today generally support secularism after the Kemalist model, partly out of mistrust of majoritarian religiosity.

Alevis in Khorasan, Armenia and Azerbaijan speak dialects of Kurmanji or Zazaki. Various groups with similar beliefs exist in Northwestern Iran and Northern Iraq, including the Ibrahimi, Sarliyya, Kakai, Shabaks and Ahl-e Haqq. Drawn primarily from minority populations of Kurds, such groups are often grouped together under the controversial umbrella term of "ghuluww" ("extremism") referring to their tendency to attribute divinity to human beings such as ‘Ali.

The Name

Zulfiqar, a stylized representation of the sword of Ali.

"Alevi" is generally explained as referring to 'Ali--the cousin, son-in-law, and fostered son of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. In Turkish, the affix -evi means "of" or "pertaining to"; hence, "followers of 'Ali". On this reading it would be a cognate with the Arabic Alawi علوي. However, the Turkish and Kurdish-speaking Alevis are not to be confused with the Alawi of Syria, with whom they have little in common other than a shared veneration for Hazrat 'Ali.

An alternative (and less accepted) explanation for the name "Alevi" is that it comes from the Turkish word alev, meaning "flame."

Alevi are sometimes called "Qizilbashi" (see "History" for an explanation), and some embrace this name. Others view this as a pejorative (implying that their allegiance lies with Iran rather than Turkey). Many other names exist (often for subgroupings), among them: Tahtacı ("Woodcutters"); Abdal ("Bards"), Çepni.

History

Main article: Alevi History

"Be a child of your times!"--attributed to 'Ali

Attempts to identify the origin of Alevism are inherently controversial. Many Alevis trace their tradition to primitive Islam and the Twelve Imams. Others see Alevism as a pre-Islamic substrate which acquired a veneer of Shi‘i theology, and disagree as to whether to describe this folk culture as Turkic or Persianate. Still others detect Orthodox Christian influence, perhaps Armenian. More than one of these viewpoints might be true simultaneously.

During the Seljuk period (eleventh and twelfth centuries), northern Iran and eastern Anatolia fell under the domination of nomadic Turkic tribes migrating out of Central Asia. Their conversion to Shi‘i Islam came during the Mongol period by means of charismatic Sufi missionaries, who typically established family-based lineages. The poet Yunus Emre and wonder-working saint Hajji Bektash Wali, whose names would later become associated with Alevism, lived during this period (or shortly after), if the latter figure is not entirely legendary.

The forms of Shi‘ism which arose in such groups typically neglected practices emphasized by the Shi‘i mainstream (such as daily prayer). At the same time, religious practices, beliefs, and institutions would have become difficult to distinguish from secular ones such as folk dances, or the tribal leadership structure. It is likely that elements of nomadic Turkish society such as these have survived into later Alevism as well. For example, shamanic influences have been detected in the Alevi "Crane Dance".

Another theory (favored particularly by Kurdish Alevis) is that, as these Turkic tribes migrated across the Iranian cultural sphere they adopted various elements of pre-Islamic Iranian religions. As evidence they point to similarities between Alevism and Kurdish religious movements such as Yarsansim and Yazidism.

In any case, these nomadic Turkic groups came to occupy the borderlands between two great sedentary societies, the Ottoman Empire and Safavid Persia, which though founded by nomadic Turks like themselves, gradually distanced themselves from this Central Asian heritage.

Shah Ismail was a hereditary leader of the Safaviyya Sufi order centered in Ardabil who led his (predominantly Azeri) followers, called Qizilbashi (redheads) after their distinctive headgear, in conquering Persia. The result was the founding of the Safavid Dynasty, and the conversion of Iran to Shi‘ism. Shah Ismail's personal religious views are reflected in his Turkish-language Sufi poetry of a ghulat nature (he claimed divinity), of which selections came to be included in Alevi scriptural compilations, the Buyruks. The religion of the Iranian populace, however, fell under the domination of imported Arab clerics who downplayed the ghulat beliefs of the Turkish warrior class.

Meanwhile, the rulers of the Ottoman Empire gradually distanced themselves from their nomadic Turkic heritage, ultimately (during the thirteenth century) adopting the Sunnism of their Mediterranean subjects. During the long rivalry with Safavid Persia Qizilbashi tribes fought for Persian (or local) control of the Anatolian highlands, and were responsible for several 15th and 16th century uprisings against the Ottomans. The 1555 Peace of Amasya found them on the "wrong" side of the Ottoman / Persian border, as subjects of an Ottoman court which viewed them with suspicion. Massacres of Qizilbashi occurred.

The career of Pir Sultan Abdal (assuming he existed as a single person) takes place in this context. Apparently a 16th century folk musician from Sivas, Pir Sultan Abdal was known for playing a stringed instrument called the bağlama and singing songs critical of his Ottoman governors, in defense of the rights of the Anatolian peasantry. Hanged for fomenting rebellion, he became another beloved figure in Alevi folklore and is now often invoked as a symbol of Alevism's leftist aspect. He is also preferred by Alevi Kurds, who appreciate his protest against the Turkish establishment, over Hajji Bektash Wali (whom they identify with the Turks).

Under Ottoman rule the Alevi emerged as an endogamous ethnic group, primarily Turkish-speaking (but also including Kurdish communities), concentrated in rural Anatolia. (One writer speculates that Dersim's Kurds converted to Alevism from another ghulat sect.) Led by hereditary dedes, and sometimes by Bektashi dervishes, they practiced taqiyya (dissimulation, or secrecy) about their religion.

Bektashi identity may have been adopted to this end, since the Bektashis were technically Sunni and tolerated by the court. After the 1826 disbanding of the Janissary Corps, the now-proscribed Bektashi order began to meet underground, like the Alevi. Adherents of the two groups blurred together to some extent. In the years before and during World War I the Çelebi family, one of two leadership groups associated with the shrine of Hacı Bektaş, attempted to extend its authority to the village Bektashi (Alevi) dedes, whose own hierarchy was in disarray. Some Alevi groups accepted this Bektashi authority, others did not.

Turkish-speaking Alevis were early supporters of Atatürk, who they credit with ending Ottoman-era discrimination against them, while Kurdish Alevis viewed his rise with caution. His 1925 banning of Sufi tariqas also applied to the Alevis and Bektashis, who must have viewed the move with mixed feelings. At the same time the "Turkish" culture which Ataturk promoted was largely inspired by Alevi traditions. Many Kurdish Alevis fought against the 1925 Kurdish rebellion, but took the Kurdish side in the Dersim rebellion of the 1930s.

Among Turkish Alevis, Kemalism lost much of its appeal during the 1960s, when Turkish nationalists made common cause with Sunni religious groups. As a result of this, and other trends such as urbanization, younger Alevis gravitated toward socialism, then (after the fall of the Soviet bloc) ethno-nationalism. Even so, portraits of Ataturk remain ubiquitous in Alevi circles, and some Alevis even perceive him as a religious hero.

Contact with Sunni groups among urbanized Alevi led to political clashes in the 1970s, which often pitted nationalist Sunnis against socialist-leaning Alevis. Sunni mobs killed Alevis in Malatya, Kahramanmaraş, and Çorum. 1980 brought martial law (which disproportionately targeted Alevis, given their leftist alignment). With the political thaw of the 1990s, Alevis in Turkey, influenced by the activities of their brethren in Europe, especially Germany, began to actively publish Alevi books, and open Alevi cultural centers.

On July 2 1993 Alevis were celebrating the Pir Sultan Abdal Festival. Coming out of mosques after their Friday's prayer, a mob of 20,000 or so Sunnis surrounded the Madimak hotel, chanting anti-Alevi and pro-sharia slogans. They set the hotel on fire and pelted the hotel with stones. While the fire killed thirty three Alevis, the police, soldiers, and the fire-department did nothing to stop the fire, or save the people. The events surrounding the massacre were captured by TV cameras and broadcast all over the world. Every year, during the anniversary of the massacre, various Alevi organizations call for the arrest of those responsible. However only a couple of people were tried and sentenced to date.

There was also a drive-by shooting of Alevis in Istanbul's Gazi neighborhood in 1995 which resulted in the death of some Alevis. Then when protests followed police periodically opened fire on the demonstrators. When the protests were over there were a total of fifteen Alevis killed. The result was a revival of Alevi identity, and debate over this identity which continues today.

Demographics

Alevis in Turkey

The Alevi population has been estimated as follows:

• "approx. 15 million..." --Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi.
• In Turkey, 15 percent of Turkey's population (approx. 10.6 million) --David Shankland
• "Most Alevi writers and spokespersons claim that Turkey's population today is one-third Alevi-Bektashi, or more than 20 million. Lower estimates range from 10 to 12 million."--John Schindeldecker.
• "The Alevi constitute the second largest religious community in Turkey (following the Sunnis), and number some 25% (15 million) of the total population (Alevis claim 30%-40%!). Most Alevis are ethnic and linguistic Turks, mainly of Turkmen descent from Central and Eastern Anatolia. Some 20% of Alevis are Kurds (though most Kurds are Sunnis), and some 25% of Kurds in Turkey are Alevi (Kurmanji and Zaza speakers)." --David Zeidan.
• "15 to 20 million..." --Olli Rehn, from the 1996 (Camiel) "Eurlings Report" to the European Commission (on the suitability of Turkish accession to the EU).
• "...a world total of between 15 and 25 million adherents. There is no independent data for their numbers, so these statistics are estimates or conjectures." --"Alevism," from The Encyclopedia of the Orient.

The majority of Alevis are ethnic Turks. Some are Kurds. Some are Zazaki, a group whose members either consider themselves Kurds with a different language, or as a distinct ethnicity.Some Alevis are Azeris. Despite universalist rhetoric (and in contrast with Islam in general, or the Bektashi order), Alevi communities do not generally acknowledge the possibility of conversion to Alevism.

Alevi communities are concentrated in central Anatolia, in a belt from Chorum in the west to Mush in the east. The only province within Turkey with an Alevi majority is Tunceli, formerly known as Dersim. Beginning in the 1960s, many Alevis have migrated to the large cities of western and southern Turkey--as well as to western Europe, especially Germany--and are now heavily urbanized.

There are also large communities of Alevis in some regions of Iranian Azerbaijan. The town of Ilkhichi (İlxıçı), which is located 87 km south west of Tabriz is almost entirely populated by Alevis. For political reasons, one of which was to create a distinct identity for these communities, they have not been called Alevi since the early 20th century. They are called various names, such as Ali Illahi, Ahl-e Haqq and Goran.

Groups with similar beliefs also exist in Iranian Kurdistan. Interestingly both the Dersim (Kirmancki / Zaza) people and the Gorani, who are both considered as belonging to the Hawramani branch of the proto-Kurdish language, adhere to a form of Alevi faith which resembles in many significant respects, such as the perpetuation of a caste system, the religions of the Druze or Yazidi.

A Turkish scholar working in France has distinguished four main groups among contemporary Alevis, which cautiously show their distinctive features in modern Turkey.

The first is mainly represented by the urban population and emerged during the Republic. It has for decades belonged to the political left and regards Alevism as an outlook on life more than a religion. The followers hold ritual unions of a religious character and have also established cultural associations named after Pir Sultan Abdal. Man enjoys a central role, as illustrated by the phrase "God is Man" quoted above in the context of the Trinity.

The second group is more directed towards heterodox mysticism and stands closer to the Haci Bektashi Brotherhood. St Francis of Assisi and Mahatma Gandhi are considered better believers than many a Muslim.

The third group regards themselves as true Muslims and are prepared to cooperate with the state. It adheres to the way of Jafar as-Sadiq, the sixth Imam. Its concept of God is closer to orthodox Islam, but like the two groups already mentioned it considers the Qur'an to have been manipulated by the early Sunni Caliphs in order to eliminate Ali.

The fourth is said to be under active influence from official Iranian Shi'a to be confirmed adherents to Twelver Shia and to reject Bektashism. It follows Sharia and opposes secular state power. Information on strength and location is not available.

Beliefs

Alevi beliefs are hard to define, since Alevism is a diverse movement without any central authority, and its boundaries with other groups are poorly demarcated. Many teachings are based on an orally transmitted tradition which has traditionally been kept secret from outsiders (but is now widely accessible). The basis for Alevism's most distinctive beliefs is found in the Buyruks (compiled writings and dialogues of Sheikh Safi al-Din (eponym of the Safavi order), Ja'far al-Sadiq (the Sixth Imam), and other worthies). Also included are hymns (nefes) by figures such as Shah Ismail or Pir Sultan Abdal, stories of Hajji Bektash and other lore.

Various opinions exist as to the nature of 'Ali. Most would credit him with supernatural strength and wisdom (surpassed only by the prophets), as well as a uniquely intimate connection with the Prophet Muhammad:

Muhammed ilim şehridir, Ali kapısıdır.

Muhammed is the city of spiritual knowledge, Ali is the door.

Many Alevi perceive a mystical unity between Ali and Muhammad (see Ali-Muhammad), and liken their relationship to the two sides of a coin, or two halves of an apple:

Ali Muhammed'dir, Muhammed Ali

Gördüm bir elmadır, elhamdü-lillâh

Ali is Muhammed, Muhammed is Ali;

I saw one apple, praise Allah

The phrase "For the love of God, Muhammed, Ali” (Hak-Muhammed-Ali aşkına), common to several Alevi prayers, may be taken as equating the authority of the three, or even as an attribution of divinity to 'Ali and Muhammad. In light of the Islamic emphasis on monotheism, such theories are deeply controversial.

Each of the Twelve Imams is said to partake of the "light" (Nur) of 'Ali. Thus Ali ibn Abi Talib is called the "First Ali" (birinci ali), Hussayn ibn 'Alī the 'Second 'Ali' (ikinci ali), and so on up to the "Last 'Ali" (Onikinci Ali), Muhammad al-Mahdi.

Despite this essentially Shi‘i orientation, much of Alevism's mystical language is inspired by Sunni traditions. For example, the Alevi concept of God is derived from the philosophy of Ibn al-'Arabi and involves a chain of emanation from God, to spiritual man, earthly man, animals, plants, and minerals. The goal of spiritual life is to follow this path in the reverse direction, to unity with God, or Haqq (Reality, Truth). From the highest perspective, all is God (see Wahdat-ul-Wujood). Alevis often admire Mansur Al-Hallaj, a 10th century Sufi executed in Baghdad for blasphemy for saying “I am Truth” (Ana al-Haqq).

Another important Alevi concept is that of the "Perfect Human Being" (Insan-i Kamil). (This wording is Sunni; the Shi‘i counterpart would be the "Perfect Shi'a".) Most Alevis would think first of Ali, Hajji Bektash Wali, or the other saints. However the Perfect Human Being has also been identified with our true identity as pure consciousness, hence the Qur'anic concept of human beings not having original sin, consciousness being pure and perfect. The human task is to fully realise this state while still in material human form.

Many Alevis would define the Perfect Human Being in practical terms, as one who is in full moral control of his or her hands, tongue and loins (eline diline beline sahip); treats all kinds of people equally (yetmiş iki millete aynı gözle bakar); and serves the interests of others. One who has achieved this kind of enlightenment is also called eren or munavver.

Practices

The Alevi spiritual path (yol) is commonly understood to take place through four major life-stages, or "gates":

1. Seriat ("religious law")

2. Tarikat ("spiritual brotherhood")

3. Marifat ("spiritual knowledge")

4. Hakikat ("Reality" or "Truth", i.e., God)

These may be further subdivided into "four gates, forty levels (dört kapı kırk makam). The first gate (religious law) is considered elementary (and in this we may perceive a subtle criticism of other Muslim traditions).

Alevi legal principles do exist. The following are major crimes that cause an Alevi to be declared düşkün (shunned):

• killing a person
• committing adultery
• divorcing one’s wife
• marrying a divorced woman
• stealing

Most Alevi activity takes place in the context of the second gate (spiritual brotherhood), during which one submits to a living spiritual guide (dede, pir, mürşit). The existence of the third and fourth gates is mostly theoretical, though some older Alevis have apparently received initiation into the third.

Cem

The central Alevi corporate worship service is the cem (a Kurdish word meaning congregational or assembly meeting). The ceremony's prototype is the Prophet Muhammad's nocturnal ascent into heaven, where he beheld a gathering of forty saints (Kırklar Meclisi), and the Divine Reality made manifest in their leader, Ali.

Semah, a family of ritual dances characterized by turning and swirling, is an inseparable part of any cem. It is performed by men and women, to the accompaniment of the bağlama.

The Rite of Integration (görgü cemi) is a complex ritual occasion in which a variety of tasks are allotted to incumbents bound together by extrafamilial brotherhood (musahiplik), who undertake a dramatization of unity and integration under the direction of the spiritual leader (dede).

The phrase mum söndü ("The candle went out") alludes to a holy moment of some cem rituals in which twelve candles (representing the Twelve Imams) are doused with water. Contrary to a hoary tradition of Sunni gossip, and to the undoubted disappointment of many, orgies apparently do not follow (though it is of course difficult to prove a negative). Rather, participants lament the martyrdom of various holy figures.

Musahiplik

Musahiplik (roughly, "Companionship") is a covenant relationship between two men of the same age, preferably along with their wives. In a ceremony in the presence of a dede the partners make a life-long commitment to care for the spiritual, emotional, and physical needs of each other and their children. The ties between couples who have made this commitment is at least as strong as it is for blood relatives, so much so that müsahiplik is often called spiritual brotherhood (manevi kardeşlik). The children of covenanted couples may not marry.

Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi reports that the Tahtaci identify musahiplik with the first gate (şeriat), since they regard it as a precondition for the second (tarikat). Those who attain to the third gate (marifat, "gnosis") must have been in a musahiplik relationship for at least twelve years. Entry into the third gate dissolves the musahiplik relationship (which otherwise persists unto death), in a ceremony called Öz Verme Ayini ("ceremony of giving up the self").

The value corresponding to the second gate (and necessary to enter the third) is aşinalik ("intimacy," perhaps with God). Its counterpart for the third gate is called peşinelik; for the fourth gate (hakikat, Ultimate Truth), cingildaşlik or cegildaşlik (translations uncertain).

Folk practices

Many folk practices may be identified, though few of them are specific to the Alevis. In this connection, scholar Martin van Bruinessen notes a sign from Turkey's Ministry of Religion, attached to Istanbul's shrine of Eyüp Sultan, which presents

...a long list of ‘superstitious’ practices that are emphatically declared to be non-Islamic and objectionable, such as lighting candles or placing ‘wishing stones’ on the tomb, tying pieces of cloth to the shrine or to the trees in front of it, throwing money on the tomb, asking the dead directly for help, circling seven times around the trees in the courtyard or pressing one’s face against the walls of the türbe in the hope of a supernatural cure, tying beads to the shrine and expecting supernatural support from them, sacrificing roosters or turkeys as a vow to the shrine. The list is probably an inventory of common local practices the authorities wish to prevent from re-emerging.

Other, similar practices include kissing door frames of holy rooms; not stepping on the threshold of holy buildings; seeking prayers from reputed healers; making 'Lokma' and sharing it with others.

Festivals

Newroz (Farsi: Nowroz, literally "New Day") is the ancient Iranian New Year, observed and practiced by Iranians and many ethnic groups(Ulghurs, Kurds, Uzbeks...)on 21 March (the Spring equinox) as a celebration of newness and reconciliation. Apart from the original beliefs of the Zorastrian founders of Nowruz, Alevi also celebrate and commemerate the birth of Ali; the wedding of Ali and Fatima; the rescue of the prophet Joseph from the well; and / or the creation of the world on this day. Various cems and special programs are held.

Hidrellez honors the mysterious figure Khidr (Turkish Hizir) who is sometimes identified with the prophet Elijah (Ilyas), and is said to have drunk of the water of life. Some hold that Khidr comes to the rescue of those in distress on land, while Elijah helps those at sea; and that they meet at a rose tree in the evening of every 6th of May. The festival is also celebrated in parts of the Balkans by the name of "Erdelez," where it falls on the same day as Djurdjevdan or St. George's Day.

Khidr is also honored with a three-day fast in mid-February called Hızır Orucu. In addition to avoiding any sort of comfort or enjoyment, Alevis also abstain from food and water for the entire day, though they do drink liquids other than water during the evening.

Note that the dates of the Khidr holidays can differ among Alevis, most of whom use a lunar calendar, but some a solar calendar.

The Muslim month of Muharram (or Mâtem Orucu) begins 20 days after Eid ul-Adha (Kurban Bayramı). Alevis observe a fast for the first twelve days. This culminates in the festival of Ashura (Aşure), which commemorates the martyrdom of Imam Hussain at Karbala. The fast is broken with a special dish (also called aşure) prepared from a variety (often twelve in number) of fruits, nuts, and grains. Many events are associated with this celebration, including the salvation of Hussain's son Zaynul Abideen from the massacre at Karbala, thus allowing the bloodline of the family of the prophet to continue.

Almsgiving

Alevis are not expected to give Zakat in the Islamic mode, and there is no set formula or prescribed amount for charity. A common method of Alevi almsgiving is through donating food (especially sacrificial animals) to be shared with worshippers and guests. Alevis also donate money to be used to help the poor, to support the religious, educational and cultural activities of Alevi centers and organizations (dergâh, vakıf, dernek), and to provide scholarships for students.

Sacred Places

While Alevism does not recognize an obligation to go on pilgrimage, visiting ziyarat and performing dua at the tombs of Alevi-Bektashi saints or Pirs is quite common. Some of the most frequently visited sites are the shrines of Shahkulu and Karacaahmet (both in Istanbul), Abdal Musa (Antalya), Seyit Gazi (Eskishehir), the annual celebrations held at Hacibektas (16 August) and Sivas (the Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Etkinlikleri, 23-24 June).

In contrast with the traditional secrecy of the cem ritual, the events at these cultural centers and sites are open to the public. In the case of the Hacibektaş celebration, since 1990 the activities there have been taken over by Turkey's Ministry of Culture in the interest of promoting tourism and Turkish patriotism rather than Alevi spirituality.

Some Alevis make pilgrimages to mountains and other natural sites believed to be imbued with holiness.

Leadership structure

In contrast to the Bektashi tariqa, which like other Sufi orders is based on a silsila (initiatory "chain" or lineage) of teachers and their students, Alevi leaders succeed to their role on the basis of family descent. Perhaps ten percent of Alevis belong to a religious elite called ocak (literally "hearth"), indicating descent from 'Ali and/or various other saints and heroes. (Ocak members are called ocakzades, or "sons of the hearth".) This system apparently originated with Safavid Persia.

Alevi leaders are variously called murshid, pir, rehber, or dede. Groups that conceive of these as ranks of a hierarchy (as in the Bektashi tariqa) disagree as to the order. The last of these, dede ("grandfather"), is the term preferred by the scholarly literature. Sons of ocak families may attain to the position of dede on the basis of selection (by a father from among several sons), character, and learning. In contrast to Alevi rhetoric on the equality of the sexes, it is generally assumed that only males may fill such leadership roles.

Traditionally dedes did not merely lead rituals, but led their communities—often in conjunction with local notables, such as the Agas (large landowners) of the Dersim region. They also acted as judges or arbitors, presiding over village courts called (in Turkish) Dushkunluk Meydani. Ordinary Alevi would owe allegiance to a particular dede lineage (but not others) on the basis of pre-existing family or village relations. Some fall instead under the authority of Bektashi dargah (lodges).

In the wake of 20th century urbanization (which removed young laborers from the villages) and socialist influence (which looked upon the dedes with suspicion), the old hierarchy has largely broken down. Many dedes now receive salaries from Alevi cultural centers, which arguably subordinates their role. Such centers no longer feature community business or deliberation, such as the old ritual of reconciliation, but emphasize musical and dance performance to the exclusion of these. Dedes are now approached on a voluntary basis, and their role has become more circumscribed—limited to religious rituals, research, and giving advice.

Women in Alevism

According to Australian anthropologist Dr. Sevgi Kilic, while Alevi women do not experience gender segregation in the private and public domain they are subject to traditional male values about women's sexuality and constructed within the honour/shame paradigm. Dr. Sevgi Kilic is of Alevi heritage and her family migrated to Australia some 40 years ago. Growing up in a western society she was unaware of the rich culture and traditions and the unique identity of the Alevi, and she poignantly reveals how she "learnt to be an Alevi" through the narratives of the women in her study. This ethnography is the first on Alevi women in Turkey and argues that Alevi identity is complex, diverse and rich in its theory and practice.

Hence, while rural Alevi women ascribe to traditional conservative views about women's status in the family these ideas are rapidly changing within an urban environment, where many are compelled to work as domestic servants and in other low paid jobs. Unlike Sunni women in Turkey, Alevi women are not required to wear a headscarf or other bodily coverings. According to Kilic this is because Alevi identity is very much focused on the internal rather than the external representation and covering women's hair or concealing the female body in and of itself cannot legitimize women's moral, social, political and economic worth. Thus an unveiled Alevi woman cannot impugn her honour or her communities. Thus Alevi women's bodies are what Kilic calls paradoxically 'neutral' and acts as an "ideology of difference."

Relations with other Muslim groups

The relationship between Alevis and Sunnis is one of mutual suspicion and prejudice dating back to the Ottoman period. Sunnis have accused Alevis of heresy, heterodoxy, rebellion, betrayal and immorality. Alevis, on the other hand, have argued that the original Quran does not demand five prayers, nor mosque attendance, nor pilgrimage, and that the Sunnis distorted early Islam by omitting, misinterpreting, or changing important passages of the original Quran, especially those dealing with Ali and ritual practice.

Alevis see Sunni narrowmindedness as originating in Arabia and as contrary to the Turkish national character. Sunna and Hadith were Arab elite innovations, created to ensure Arab dominance of Islam and to enslave the masses through manipulation. All evil developments in Islam are seen as the fault of Arab society and character. Sunnism, according to the Alevis, is not true Islam but an aberration that by its strict legalism opposes free and independent thought and is seen as reactionary, bigoted, fanatic, and antidemocratic. Alevis believe Sunni nationalism is intolerant, domineering, and unwilling to recognize Alevi uniqueness.

The ideals of equality, justice, and respect for all are prominent in Alevi society and give Alevi women a more respected status than that of Sunni women. Alevi women do not need to be veiled and are not as segregated, nor must they fear polygamy or one-sided divorce as Alevis practice monogamy and divorce is forbidden. Women also partake equally in the religious life of the community.

In today's political arena Alevis see themselves as a counterforce to Sunni fundamentalism, ensuring the continued secularism of Turkey. Alevis, who have a great interest in blocking the rising fundamentalist influence, are the main allies of the secularist forces, and are also searching for alliances with moderate Sunnis against the extremists. They are demanding that the state recognize Alevism as an official Islamic community equal to, but different from, Sunnism.

There is some tension between folk tradition Alevism and the Bektashi Order, which is a Sufi order founded on Alevi beliefs. In certain Turkish communities other Sufi orders ( the Halveti-Jerrahi and some of the Rifa'i) have incorporated significant Alevi influence. Though generally regarded as a Sunni group historically, some Rifa'is accept the Alevi identity. This is particularly common among Turkish teacher Sherif Baba's Rifa'i Marufi Order, whose worship combines elements of typical Alevi traditions with Sunni practices. They have sometimes identified with the Alevi, with whom they share secularist principles, a general scepticism of extreme orthodoxy, an emphasis on men and women worshipping together, a common group of revered saints such as Hajji Bektash Veli and Pir Sultan Abdal and a deep devotion to the family of the Prophet Muhammad.

Like many of the so-called "ghulat" groups, Alevis praise Ali beyond what mainstream Shi‘ites would allow. He and Muhammad are likened to the two sides of a coin, or the two halves of an apple. Some even speak of a trinity of Allah, Muhammad, and Ali. According to Shi'a belief, whoever says the Shahadah is considered a Muslim. Accordingly, Ayatollah Khomeini put an end to excluding Alevis from the ranks of Muslims. He pronounced that they are technically considered Muslims even if they have differing beliefs to the Usoolis.

Alevi music

Alevi religious services, referred to collectively as cem or âyîn, include spiritual exercises that incorporate elements of zikr ("remembrance" or recitation of God's names, in this case without controlled breathing, but with some elements of body posturing) and sema (ritual dance). The latter is accompanied by sung mystical poetry in the vernacular, and by the sacred ritual instrument known as baglama or saz (a plucked folk lute with frets).

Such music is performed by specialists known as zâkir, aik, sazende or güvende, depending on regional usage. They are recruited from Alevi communities and descended from dede lineages. Many are also known to be poet/minstrels (aik, ozan) who perpetuate the tradition of dervish-lodge (tekke) poets such as Yunus Emre (13th century), Nesîmî (14th century), Pir Sultan Abdal, Hata'î and Genç Abdal (16th century) and Kul Himmet and Kul Hüseyn (17th century). The poetry was composed in the Turkish vernacular and follows the principles of folk prosody known as hece vezne in which the focus is the number of syllables.

The specialized sacred musical repertoire of Alevi musicians includes

• Deyiş (songs of mystical love)
• Nefes (hymns concerning the mystical experience)
• Düvaz or düvâzdeh imâm (hymns in honor of the 12 Alid imams)
• Mersiye (laments concerning the martyrdom of Imam Huseyn at Karbala)
• Miraclama (songs about the ascent of the Prophet Muhammad to heaven)
• Sema (ritual dance accompanied by folk lutes and sung poetry)

The dances are performed with dignity by couples, and choreographies employ circle and line formations as well as arrangements where couples face one another, thus synchronizing their movements more closely. As the tempo of the music increases, the figures become more complex and intense. There are many regional variants of sema, but the most widespread and important are the Dance of the Forty (Kırklar Semah) and the Dance of the Cranes (Turnalar Semah).

The âyîn-i-cem can be heard on the JVC CD Turkey. An Esoteric Sufi Ceremony. Unfortunately for non-specialists, the notes are very vague and give no indication of location, performers, musical genres or poetic forms. The recording was made in Istanbul in 1993, and the ceremony includes in an order typical of a cem: a deyi that reiterates the line of descent of the sect in a historical framework, two düvaz (one based on the poetry of Hatayi, and the other on the poetry of Kul Himmet), prayer formulas, the illâllâh genre that incorporates the tahlîl formula into the poem to create an atmosphere of zikr while sect members create rhythmic intensity by hitting their knees in time to the music and sway their bodies slightly, the Dance of the Forty (Kırklar Semah), the Dance of the Cranes (Turnalar Semah) and prayer formulas.

Alevis have a significant role in Turkish music and poetry. Pir Sultan Abdal, a 16th century Alevi poet whose poems and songs often contain spiritual themes, is revered as a saint and hero. Important figures are the Sufi poet Yunus Emre, widely regarded as having been Alevi, and Kaygusuz Abdal. Their poems shape Turkish culture up to now, and are also performed by modern artists. Songs attributed to these poets have been embraced by left-wingers in the 20th century. The aşık bards are also influenced by Alevi tradition.

Many of the major traditional musicians in Turkey are Alevi, including Arif Sağ, Musa Eroğlu, Erdal Erzincan, Neşet Ertaş, Muharrem Ertaş, Aşık Mahzuni Şerif, Aşık Feyzullah Çınar, Aşık Veysel Şatıroğlu, Ali Ekber Çiçek, Sabahat Akkiraz, Belkıs Akkale, and Ulaş Özdemir. Other non-Alevis, such as Ruhi Su and Zülfü Livaneli, have recorded many Alevi songs. Mercan Dede, an artist whose music combines electronic and traditional Sufi elements, has made some songs involving Alevi themes in cooperation with singer Sabahat Akkiraz. [1]

Below are a series of videos from Turkish television showing a cem service:

Part One

Part Two

Part Three

Part Four

Part Five

Part Six

Part Seven

See also:

Sema video

Amateur video, Part One

Amateur video, Part Two

Amateur video, Part Three

A cem in the Zaza tradition

See also

• Alians
• Taqiyya
• Yazdânism
• Yazidism
• Bektashism
• Qizilbash (Kizilbash)
• Ismailism
• Alawism

External links

• Alevitisme.startpagina.nl Dutch / Turkish.
• Alevi Yolu Internet Gazetesi Turkish only.
• Alevi Bektasi Turkish / English. Site edited by Alevi scholar Ali Yaman and others. Much reference material available here.
• Aleviweb Turkish only.
• Turkish Cem Vakfi Turkish only.
• Turkish Aleviyol Gazate Turkish only. Devoted to Taktaci subgroup?
• Alevi Bektaşi Research Site Turkish/English.
• Hacı Bektaş Veli Araştırma Sitesi Turkish only. Site from Gazi Üniversitesi (University). Focuses on Hajji Bektash, some Alevi discussion.
• Karaca AhmetTurkish only. A well-known Alevi center in Istanbul.
• Tahtacilar Türkmenler Devoted to a subgroup within Alevism, the Tahtaci or "Woodcutters."
• Alevi Linkleri (Alevilerin Sesi) Turkish only.
• European & German Alevi Federation German /Turkish.
• Alevi.Org - Alevi Portal ve Forum Turkish only.
• Biggest Alevi and Alevism Board Turkish only.
• Americans Alevi and Alevism Board English/Turkish .
• A radio station for alevi music
• Alevi Birlik Forumu , www.alevibirlikforumu.com

Literature

I. General introductions

• Kehl-Bodrogi, Krisztina (1992). Die Kizilbas/Aleviten. Untersuchungen uber eine esoterische Glaubensgemeinschaft in Anatolien. Die Welt des Islams, (New Series), Vol. 32, No. 1.

• Kjeilen, Tore (undated). "Alevism," in the (online) Encyclopedia of the Orient.

• Shankland, David (2003). The Alevis in Turkey: The Emergence of a Secular Islamic Tradition. Curzon Press.

• Shindeldecker, John (1996). Turkish Alevis Today. Istanbul: Sahkulu.

• White, Paul J., & Joost Jongerden (eds.) (2003). Turkey’s Alevi Enigma: A Comprehensive Overview. Leiden: Brill.

• Yaman, Ali & Aykan Erdemir (2006). Alevism-Bektashism: A Brief Introduction, London: England Alevi Cultural Centre & Cem Evi. ISBN 975-98065-3-3

• Zeidan, David (1999) "The Alevi of Anatolia." Middle East Review of International Affairs 3/4.

II. Kurdish Alevis

• Bumke, Peter (1979). "Kizilbaş-Kurden in Dersim (Tunceli, Türkei). Marginalität und Häresie." Anthropos 74, 530-548.

• Van Bruinessen, Martin (1997). "Aslını inkar eden haramzadedir! The Debate on the Kurdish Ethnic Identity of the Kurdish Alevis." In K. Kehl-Bodrogi, B. Kellner-Heinkele, & A. Otter-Beaujean (eds), Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Near East (Leiden: Brill).

• Van Bruinessen, Martin (1996). Kurds, Turks, and the Alevi revival in Turkey. Middle East Report, No. 200, pp. 7-10. (NB: The online version is expanded from its original publication.)

• White, Paul J. (2003), “The Debate on the Identity of ‘Alevi Kurds’.” In: Paul J. White/Joost Jongerden (eds.) Turkey’s Alevi Enigma: A Comprehensive Overview. Leiden: Brill, pp. 17-32.

III. Alevi / Bektashi history

• Birge, John Kingsley (1937). The Bektashi order of dervishes, London and Hartford.

• Brown, John (1927), The Darvishes of Oriental Spiritualism.

• Küçük, Hülya (2002) The Roles of the Bektashis in Turkey’s National Struggle. Leiden: Brill.

• Mélikoff, Irène (1998). Hadji Bektach: Un mythe et ses avatars. Genèse et évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie. Leiden: Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts, volume 20, ISBN 90-04-10954-4.

• Shankland, David (1994). “Social Change and Culture: Responses to Modernization in an Alevi Village in Anatolia.”In C.N. Hann, ed., When History Accelerates: Essays on Rapid Social Change, Complexity, and Creativity. London: Athlone Press.

• Yaman, Ali (undated). "Kizilbash Alevi Dedes." (Based on his MA thesis for Istanbul University.)

IV. Ghulat sects in general

• Halm, H. (1982). Die Islamische Gnosis: Die extreme Schia und die Alawiten. Zurich.

• Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi, Krisztina, & Barbara Kellner-Heinkele, Anke Otter-Beaujean, eds. (1997) Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Near East. Leiden: Brill, pp. 11-18.

• Moosa, Matti (1988). Extremist Shiites: The Ghulat Sects, Syracuse University Press.

• Van Bruinessen, Martin (2005). "Religious practices in the Turco-Iranian world: continuity and change." French translation published as: "Les pratiques religieuses dans le monde turco-iranien: changements et continuités", Cahiers d'Études sur la Méditerranée Orientale et le Monde Turco-Iranien, no. 39-40, 101-121.]

V. Alevi Identity

• Erdemir, Aykan (2005). "Tradition and Modernity: Alevis' Ambiguous Terms and Turkey's Ambivalent Subjects", Middle Eastern Studies, 2005, vol.41, no.6, pp.937-951.

• Koçan, Gürcan/Öncü, Ahmet (2004) “Citizen Alevi in Turkey: Beyond Confirmation and Denial.” Journal of Historical Sociology, 17/4, pp. 464-489.

• Olsson, Tord & Elizabeth Özdalga/Catharina Raudvere, eds. (1998). Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives. Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute.

• Stokes, Martin (1996). “Ritual, Identity and the State: An Alevi (Shi’a) Cem Ceremony.”In Kirsten E. Schulze et al. (eds.), Nationalism, Minorities and Diasporas: Identities and Rights in the Middle East, , pp. 194-196.

• Vorhoff, Karin (1995). Zwischen Glaube, Nation und neuer Gemeinschaft: Alevitische Identität in der Türkei der Gegenwart. Berlin.

VI. Alevism in Europe

• Geaves, Ron (2003) “Religion and Ethnicity: Community Formation in the British Alevi Community.” Koninklijke Brill NV 50, pp. 52- 70.

• Kosnick, Kira (2004) “‘Speaking in One’s Own Voice’: Representational Strategies of Alevi Turkish Migrants on Open-Access Television in Berlin.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 30/5, pp. 979-994.

• Massicard, Elise (2003) “Alevist Movements at Home and Abroad: Mobilization Spaces and Disjunction.” New Perspective on Turkey, 28, pp. 163-188.

• Rigoni, Isabelle (2003) “Alevis in Europe: A Narrow Path towards Visibility.” In: Paul J. White/Joost Jongerden (eds.) Turkey’s Alevi Enigma: A Comprehensive Overview, Leiden: Brill, pp. 159-173.

• Sökefeld, Martin (2002) “Alevi Dedes in the German Diaspora: The Transformation of a Religious Institution.” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 127, pp. 163-189.

• Sökefeld, Martin (2004) “Alevis in Germany and the Question of Integration” paper presented at the Conference on the Integration of Immigrants from Turkey in Austria, Germany and Holland, Boğaziçi University, Istanbul, February 27-28, 2004.

• Sökefeld, Martin & Suzanne Schwalgin (2000). “Institutions and their Agents in Diaspora: A Comparison of Armenians in Athens and Alevis in Germany.” Paper presented at the 6th European Association of Social Anthropologist Conference, Krakau.

• Thomä-Venske, Hanns (1990). “The Religious Life of Muslim in Berlin.” In: Thomas Gerholm/Yngve Georg Lithman (eds.) The New Islamic Presence in Western Europe, New York: Mansell, pp. 78-87.

• Wilpert, Czarina (1990) “Religion and Ethnicity: Orientations, Perceptions and Strategies among Turkish Alevi and Sunni Migrants in Berlin.” In: Thomas Gerholm/Yngve Georg Lithman (eds.) The New Islamic Presence in Western Europe. New York: Mansell, pp. 88-106.

VII. Bibliographies

• Vorhoff, Karin. (1998), “Academic and Journalistic Publications on the Alevi and Bektashi of Turkey.” In: Tord Olsson/Elizabeth Özdalga/Catharina Raudvere (eds.) Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives, Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute, pp. 23-50.

VIII. Turkish-language works

• Coşkun, Zeki (1995) Aleviler, Sünniler ve … Öteki Sivas, Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları.

• Tosun, Halis (2000) Alevi Kimliği ile Yaşamak, İstanbul: İtalik Yayınları.

• Vergin, Nur (2000, [1981]) “Din ve Muhalif Olmak: Bir Halk Dini Olarak Alevilik.” In: Nur Vergin (ed.) Din, Toplum ve Siyasal Sistem, İstanbul: Bağlam, pp. 66-83.

• Yaman, Ali (2000) "Anadolu Aleviliği’nde Ocak Sistemi Ve Dedelik Kurumu.” Alevi Bektaşi.

• Kaya, Ayhan (2000) Berlin’deki Küçük İstanbul: Diyaspora Kimliğinin Oluşumu, Istanbul: Büke Yayınları.

• Kaleli, Lütfi (2000) Alevi Kimliği ve Alevi Örgütlenmeri, Istanbul: Can Yayınları.

• Şahhüseyinoğlu, H. Nedim (2001) Alevi Örgütlerinin Tarihsel Süreci Ankara: İtalik Yayınları.

• Burhan Kocadağ, Alevi Bektaşi Tarihi, Can Yayınları, 1996.

• Irene Melikoff, Uyur İdik Uyardılar, Cem Yayınevi, 1993.