|Albanian Embassy, Ankara||Turkish Embassy, Tirana|
|Ambassador: Genti Gazheli||Ambassador: Hidayet Bayraktar|
Albanian–Turkish relations (Albanian: Marrëdhëniet mes Shqipërisë dhe Turqisë, Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-turke; Turkish: Arnavutluk-Türkiye ilişkileri) are the bilateral foreign relations between Albania and Turkey. Albania has an embassy in Ankara and a general consulate in Istanbul. Turkey has an embassy in Tirana. Both nations are predominantly Muslim and part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). In addition, they are full members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Union for the Mediterranean (UfM). Turkey and Albania are candidates for accession in the European Union (EU).
Albanian–Turkish relations have traditionally been friendly due to pragmatic, geographical, historical and religious factors and the existence of a large Albanian diaspora in Turkey. During the interwar and Cold War periods, bilateral relations at times experienced tensions and disagreements due to ideological and geopolitical circumstances of either country. In a post Cold War environment, both nations are bound by an alliance treaty of military cooperation and other agreements relating to economic, political and cultural fields. Disagreements at times have encompassed bilateral relations in relation to international affairs or the Turkish Gülen movement and its presence in Albania. Turkey is one of Albania's largest investors and trading partners being a main donor contributing to much infrastructure investment and development that strongly supported Albanian membership in NATO, achieved in 2009.
- 1 Country Comparison
- 2 History
- 3 Cultural relations
- 4 Economic relations
- 5 See also
- 6 References
- 7 External links
|Coat of Arms|
|Population||2,821,977 (2011 census)||79,814,871 (2016 census)|
|Area||28,748 km2 (11,100 sq mi)||783,356 km2 (302,455 sq mi)|
|Population density||98/km2 (98.7/sq mi)||102/km2 (13.2/sq mi)|
|Largest city||Tiranë – 418,495 (802,523 Metro)||Istanbul – 14,100,000 (14,657,434 Metro)|
|Government||Unitary parliamentary constitutional republic||Unitary parliamentary constitutional republic|
|First leader||Ismail Qemali||Mustafa Kemal Atatürk|
|Current leader(s)||President Bujar Nishani||President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan|
|Main religions||58.79% Muslim (Sunni and Bektashi)
16.91% Christian (Catholic, Orthodox & Evangelical)
24.03% Non-Religious/Without domination/Other
|95.6% Muslim (Sunni and other sects including Alevi and Bektashi)
0.9% Christian (mainly Orthodox)
|GDP (nominal)||$12.876 billion (2017 estimate)||$861 billion (2015 estimate)|
|GDP (nominal) per capita||$4,470 (2017 estimate)||$11,014 (2015 estimate)|
|GDP (PPP)||$36.241 billion (2017 estimate)||$1.756 trillion (2017 estimate)|
|GDP (PPP) per capita||$12,582 (2017 estimate)||$22,021 (2017 estimate)|
|Real GDP growth rate||3.46% (2016 estimate)||6.1% (2015)|
|Military expenditure||$138 million (2017)||$18.2 billion (2016)|
Relations between Albania and Turkey date back from the arrival of the Ottomans to the region in the 15th century. Many Albanians during the Ottoman period converted to the official religion Islam and contributed through administrative, political and military positions to the Ottoman empire and culturally to the wider Muslim world. Albania was also deeply culturally influenced by Turkey and to a lesser extent other Ottoman territories during the period, and much of this influence remains visible today in culinary traditions, architecture, music and many other forms of cultural expression.
Towards the end of the Ottoman era in the 19th century, relations between the Albanian territories and the Ottoman center rapidly deteriorated due to a number of factors. The swelling of Albanian nationalism, perceived betrayal by the Ottomans in defending Albanian-inhabited lands from encroachment, the weakening of the empire causing increased stridency among Christian populations, Ottoman actions against Muslim Albanian nobles, and the refusal to allow the opening of Albanian-language education. Although many Albanians backed the Young Turk reformer movement, they revolted against the new Young Turk government when it tried to impose centralization and a Turkish identity upon Albania, with the last of these revolts in 1912 ultimately leading to the independence of Albania and the First Balkan War.
The Albanian diaspora in Turkey was formed during the Ottoman era and early years of the Turkish republic through migration for economic reasons and later sociopolitical circumstances of discrimination and violence experienced by Albanians in Balkan countries. Turkey has an estimated 1.3 to 5 or 6 million citizens of full or partial Albanian descent, and some still feel a connection to Albania.
Balkan Wars, WWI, Interwar period, WWII (1912-1944)
Albania's modern relations with Turkey commenced after the declaration of independence (28 November 1912) from the Ottoman Empire. International recognition of Albanian independence entailed the imposition of a Christian monarch which alongside internal political power struggles generated a failed Muslim uprising (1914) in central Albania that sought to restore Ottoman rule. During the First World War contacts between Albania and the Ottoman Empire were limited. In 1921 the Ottoman Empire officially recognised the Republic of Albania while the Turkish National Movement under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk fighting for a Turkish republic cultivated contacts with Albanian representatives through former Ottoman Albanian officials for establishing future bilateral relations. During the 1920s Albania adopted an approach to strengthen relations with neighboring states and other international powers to conserve Albanian independence and territorial integrity. The pursuit of developing and furthering interstate relations with the Turkish state was within that context and for Albania dealings with Ankara concerned safeguarding the interests of the large Albanian population in Turkey who were experiencing economic and political problems. Albania also wanted to develop political and economic relations with Turkey. The aftermath of war, the Lausanne Treaty and tenuous international recognition by international powers motivated Turkey to pursue bilateral relations with Albania and other countries to secure support for the new status quo.
Agreements were signed from 1923 onward such as the Friendship Treaty setting the guidelines for political and state relations between both countries which were conducted at a consulate level. The Albanian government maintained a consulate in Istanbul. The Citizenship Agreement (1923) contained provisions for safeguarding property and citizenship rights of Turkish citizens in Albania and of Albanian nationals in Turkey while due to the Lausanne Treaty Ankara did not uphold those protocols in relation to Christian Albanians. Albania tried and failed to convince Ankara to omit Orthodox Albanians who were regarded as Greeks from the population exchange with Greece and to safeguard their property and assets in Turkey. Turkey claimed that conventions in the Lausanne treaty defined automatically all Orthodox people as Greeks and could not be undone for individual groups or cases. Tirana was also concerned about the forced removal of Muslim Albanians during the population exchange with Greece who had arrived to Turkey and were living in difficult economic circumstances to be permitted migration to Albania if they so wished. Granted that right for Albanians from Chameria, the arrangement also covered Albanians arriving to Turkey from Yugoslavia to migrate to Albania. From 1925 onward Yugoslavia sought an agreement with Turkey to allow for the migration of Muslims while Albania was concerned that it entailed the removal of Albanians from the Balkans to be resettled in depopulated parts of Turkey. Turkey reiterated its disinterest in Albanians from Yugoslavia coming to Anatolia and that the matter mainly related to ethnic Turks of Vardar Macedonia. With large numbers of Albanian refugees present in Turkey by the mid 1920s an understanding had arisen with Albania to cooperate and stem Albanian migration from Yugoslavia which decreased substantially during the remainder of the 1920s.
Between 1925-1928 Turkey and Albania agreed to and signed a Trade Agreement, Extradition Treaty and Consular Convention. Other issues involved failed attempts by Albania to attain Ottoman cadastre records from Turkey to update property information and Turkish failure to get Albania to take on part of its share of Ottoman financial debt. In 1925 a Turkish consulate was opened in Vlorë, southern Albania and in 1926 a Turkish embassy was opened in Tirana, Albania and an Albanian ambassador was sent to Ankara. In 1929, prime minister Ahmet Zog declared and installed himself as king due to his concerns that republican governments were unstable to counter possible geopolitical threats of larger neighbours to Albanian sovereignty. The new regime was recognised by most countries while Turkey's republican leader Atatürk refused recognition due to hard won Turkish republicanism and condemned the Albanian move on grounds that it violated republican principles and went against the interests of the Albanian people. A crisis in bilateral relations between Tirana and Ankara occurred with most diplomatic staff recalled from Albanian consulates in Turkey and the Turkish embassy in Albania. Italy, friendly with Zog and increasingly influential in Albanian affairs under fascist leader Benito Mussolini along with Albania pressured Turkey to recognise the new monarchist regime. Attempted overtures by Albania were made to restore interstate relations with Turkey at various regional and other gatherings involving exchanges of letters and pleasantries invoking friendship and common interests of both countries by high ranking diplomatic staff. After previous agreements entered into were reinstated and others ratified by parliaments of both countries during 1933 state relations had been restored and conducted at an ambassadorial level. In 1936 a sister of Ahmet Zog married a son of former Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II and bilateral relations once again went into crisis after Turkey expressed its displeasure at the event by recalling its ambassador and Albania closed its embassy in Ankara claiming budgetary issues. With the Italian and later German occupation of Albania during the Second World War, the Turkish embassy remained closed while the consulate in Vlorë remained open until 1944 when Enver Hoxha, the Albanian communist leader (1944-1985) closed it down.
Cold War (1945-1989)
During the 1950s Albanian officials representing the communist regime expressed a desire restore bilateral ties with Turkey. The Turkish embassy in Albania was reopened in 1958 and state relations between both countries were limited, due to sociopolitical effects in the aftermath of the 1960 coup in Turkey. Due to the Albanian-Soviet split Turkish intelligence took interest in Albanian affairs in 1961 expressing support for Albanian territorial integrity and Turkey lobbied some of its Western allies, in particular the USA to do the same. The Albanian communist government distanced its dealings with Ankara as it was distrustful of NATO member and Western allied Turkey due to concerns that it might overthrow the regime or undermine it by spreading Western economic and cultural influences in Albania. Albania's position of isolation within Europe and Balkans during the Cold War alongside territorial issues with Greece motivated it to cast a negative UN vote on the Cyprus question regarding the island's future geopolitical status in the hope of being recognised by Turkey. As such a UN resolution (1965) on the Cyprus question received Albania's support backing Turkey that generated an atmosphere of closeness between the two countries. Albania felt threatened by its larger neighbours Yugoslavia and Greece and looked to Ankara for support with Hoxha himself preferring Turkey over Greece. In 1966 high level visits occurred and bilateral relations remained marginal. In the field of economics Albanian-Turkish relations developed during the 1970s in addition to bilateral talks on the establishment of air traffic services between both nations. These and other agreements on bilateral cooperation and exchange were signed into by Albania and Turkey that earned disapproval from Greece. In 1988 high level contacts were resumed through a Turkish foreign ministerial visit to Albania.
Military cooperation and geopolitical issues (1990s)
The collapse of communism in Albania led to a deepening of interstate relations and cooperation with Turkey in economic, political and especially military fields. Turkey in the 1990s sought to have an expanded role in the Balkans through bilateral relations with Albania and other countries in the region. The Europeans and Americans encouraged closer Turkish relations with Albania as Turkey's presence in the region during the period was considered an element for stability. The United States, Germany along with Turkey considered the country to be of strategic value and allowed it privileged NATO treatment before other more formal agreements of the alliance such as the Partnership for Peace were adopted by Albania. Factors motivating Albania toward seeking closer interstate relations with Ankara were Ankara's experience in dealings with the EU, a shared history and the large and influential Albanian diaspora in Turkey. Turkey provided humanitarian support in the fields of policing, military and judiciary along with diplomatic assistance for Albania to apply for membership in European organisations and join others such as the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC). Turkey in the 1990s supported Albania's membership to join the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
Albania and Turkey have been viewed to be natural allies due to both states having disputes with Greece and the former Yugoslavia. Due to geo-political complexities and conflicts in the region Albania sought a protector power in Turkey who is a NATO member and has a modernised military. During the 1990s state relations between Albania with Turkey were marked by high level visits, military agreements and the deployment of some Turkish soldiers. An Albanian-Turkish military cooperation agreement was signed on 29 July 1992. The military agreement entailed education and training of personnel, bilateral cooperation in weapons production, joint military exercises, the exchange of military delegations and joint commissions on expanding further military ties into the future. The agreement also encompassed rebuilding Albania's Pasha Liman Base in the Bay of Vlorë on the Adriatic Sea by the Turks, in return for granting Turkey access and use. Albania welcomed increased pledges for Turkish military and economic assistance. A month after the military cooperation agreement was signed, a Turkish warship was dispatched to the port of Durrës. The action was regarded as signifying Turkey's commitment to Albanian security which was warmly received by the Albanian population. Turkey and Albania have undertaken joint naval exercises off the Albanian coast. Turkey partook in restructuring the Albanian army and providing military aid while the Turkish leadership has expressed that Albania's security is closely bound to that of Turkey's. Turkey has trained Albanian Armed Forces, in particular officers and commando units. During Albania's unrest in 1997, Turkey alongside other countries participated in Operation Alba by providing a brigade of 800 Turkish troops to restore order and its involvement served mainly as a stabilising force.
Overall bilateral relations during the 1990s between Albania and Turkey continued to be good. Turkey considers its friendship with Albania as important due to the context of state relations with Greece and through policy have exploited difficulties arising in Albanian-Greek relations. Having a powerful ally in Turkey has suited Albania at times regarding difficult interstate relations with Greece. Relations with Albania allow Turkey to potentially exert pressure on Greece on two fronts. Reports during the 1990s alluded to Turkey obtaining military bases in Albania along the border with Greece allowing Turkey to encircle that country and such developments are viewed as a threat by the Greek side. The military alliance during the 1990s between Turkey and Albania was also aimed against Serbia in case a war over Kosovo had a wider regional spread. Greece has expressed concerns regarding Turkish relations with Albania and interpreted them as an anti-Greek measure to isolate Greece within the wider context of Albania being a potential outlet for expanding Muslim influence and Turkey allying with Muslim populations in the Balkans. Turkey on the other hand claimed Greece increased tensions within the region and conveyed concerns relating to Albanian and Greek polemics with Ankara expressing a partial bias on Albania's side angering the Greeks. Greece, aware of Albanian-Turkish military agreements denounced Turkey's interference in Greek affairs. Some conservative Serbs expressed concerns over Albanian-Turkish relations while some Greeks feared that Turkey was attempting to revive the Ottoman era. Turkey denied those charges and its activist approach in Albania during those years was toward generating stable and secular approaches with localised solutions for problems in the region and to safeguard economic interests in the Balkans. Though not officially considered in Turkey as a rival within Albania, during the unrest of 1997 Greece was able to become an influential actor in Albania and the early period of the Kosovo crisis (1998-1999) when Albanian officials looked to Greece for assistance. Turkey viewed the government (1997-1998) of Fatos Nano as having a pro-Greek orientation and expressed some dissatisfaction though during that time still maintained close military relations with Albania in rebuilding its armed forces and a military base. The resumption of closer Albanian-Turkish relations ensured during the Kosovo crisis that made both countries act along the same policy lines toward Slobodan Milošević and the issue of Greater Serbia.
Deepening of relations and sociopolitical differences (2000s-present)
Interstate relations between Albania and Turkey after the Kosovo crisis were toward upholding military and economic cooperation. High level visits by Turkish and Albanian presidents and prime ministers to Turkey and Albania occurred with issues such as Kosovo alongside other regional and international matters of mutual interests being discussed. Minor differences have arisen over the years in the Albanian-Turkish relationship. In 2012 the Albanian government planned to vote no regarding UN recognition of Palestinian statehood and pressure from Turkey for Albania to vote yes was applied with the end result being an Albanian abstention and Turkish dissatisfaction. The presence and influence of the Turkish Gülen movement in Albania has recently been a source of tension with the Turkish government headed by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan since it has blamed the movement for attempting to destabilize Turkey. The Turkish government which classifies the movement as a terrorist organisation has asked Albania to close down Gülen run schools, however the Albanian government to date has refused those requests stating it is an internal matter. In 2013 during the Turkish Gezi Park demonstrations, small Albanian protests supporting the Turkish opposition and rallies in support of President Erdogan were held in Tirana. State relations overall are friendly and close, due to the Albanian population of Turkey maintaining some links with Albanians of Albania and vice versa as Ankara maintains close socio-political, cultural, economic and military ties with Tirana. Turkey has been supportive of Albanian geopolitical interests within the Balkans. The Turkish state is seen as a traditional ally of the Albanians and the West and one of the main reasons for Albanian friendship with Turkey is due to its support for Kosovan independence. Turkey's foreign policy supports the market economy and democracy in Albania alongside prioritising state relations with Western European countries and the USA regarding Tirana while supporting pan-Balkan Albanian issues such as Albanian sociopolitical rights in Macedonia and Serbia.
Albania's emergence in the Balkans as a key NATO partner contributed to good and stronger Albanian-Turkish relations, in particular relating to military matters. Turkey supported Albania's membership to become part of NATO. Military cooperation between Albania and Turkey is viewed by NATO as a stabilising factor within the volatile region of the Balkans. Albania has come to depend heavily on Turkish assistance and a high amount of military security. Turkey remains for Albania an important military ally alongside the USA. Through its military personal Turkey continues to train Albanian armed forces and also to provide assistance in logistics and modernisation efforts of the Albanian military. Radar systems for the surveillance of Albanian airspace in addition to telecommunication equipment have been supplied by Turkey to Albania. Albania receives Turkish assistance for police training. Turkey has also cooperated with Albania in the NATO mission to Afghanistan. Turkey has continuously supported Albania from the 1990s on EU related matters as both countries view EU membership as an eventual final goal and common objective. The current AKP Turkish political leadership has acknowledged that there are large numbers of people with Albanian origins within Turkey, more so than in Albania and neighbouring Kosovo combined and are aware of their influence and impact on domestic Turkish politics. Turkey's interstate relations with Albania are shaped mostly on considerations of common heritage and historical ties dating from the Ottoman period. Contemporary Turkish policy in the Balkans is based upon peoples that share common interests such as the Bosniaks and Albanians with Albania viewed as a barometer of its Balkan policy. Turkey considers a failure to support the security and stability of Albania as undermining its ability to be as influential in the region as it would prefer to be.
In Albania opposition has arisen from some commentators such as Piro Misha expressing opinions that closer state relations with Turkey is neo-Ottomanism and a "danger" that makes non-Muslim communities in the country uncomfortable due to their negative historic experience of the Ottoman period. In debates over Albanian school textbooks where some historians have asked for offensive content regarding Turks to be removed, some Christian Albanian historians protested this, referring to negative experiences of the Ottoman period and argued that Turkey should apologise for the "invasion" of Albania and Islamisation of Albanians. Though many Albanians hold (nationalist) interpretations of history with a dichotomy of "bad" Ottomans versus "good" anti-Ottoman Albanian forces like Skanderbeg, interstate relations of Albanians and Turkey are very good. In a Gallup poll conducted in 2010, Turkey is viewed as a friendly country with a positive image among a large majority (73 percent) of people in Albania. Visa-free travel was instituted between Albania and Turkey during November 2009 and as of 2 February 2010, citizens of either state may freely visit the other country for up to 90 days without visas.
In a post-Ottoman environment, Albanian independence and the establishment of the Turkish republic caused changes due to nationalism to Islamic religious institutions that became independent in both respective countries. An Islamic congress held in 1923 and supervised by the Albanian government was convened by Sunni Muslim representatives to consider reforms which adopted a measure that broke ties with the Caliphate in Istanbul to establish local Muslim structures and institutions loyal to Albania. The Albanian branch of the Sufi Bektashi order in 1922 at an assembly of 500 delegates in Albania renounced ties with Turkey. In 1925 the Bektashi Order whose headquarters were in Turkey moved to Tiranë to escape Atatürk's secularising reforms and Albania would become the center of Bektashism.
In a post-communist environment, Albanians from the Muslim community have expressed appreciation toward the efforts of Turkish Muslim organisations like the Gülen movement's Sema foundation being involved in areas such as schools. The Turkish Gülen movement based on Muslim values of preacher Fethullah Gülen has been present in Albania from 1992 onward with its institutions viewed by Albanians as a counterweight to more conservative Muslim organisations from Arab countries, especially during the early 1990s. Of the 7 Albanian madrasas (Muslim colleges containing complementary religious instruction) the Gülen movement administers 5 alongside other schools that hold a reputation for high quality and mainly secular education based on Islamic ethics and principles. Some 3,000 Albanian students study in Turkish run schools within Albania. In April 2011, Bedër University, Albania's first Muslim university was opened in Tiranë and is administered by the Gülen movement. Turkey funds scholarship programs and allows for large numbers of Albanians to study there. The main state run Turkish Muslim organisation Diyanet has cooperated with Albanian institutions and officials in assisting students and imams with opportunities to pursue Islamic theological studies in Turkey. The Diyanet has also organised for Albanians to conduct the hajj or pilgrimage to Mecca. Currently the Diyanet has funded and started construction of the Great Mosque of Tiranë in 2015. The mosque will be the Balkans largest with minarets 50 meters high and a dome of 30 meters built on a 10,000-square-meter parcel of land near Albania's parliament building able to accommodate up to 4,500 worshipers. From 1990 onward Turkey has funded renovations and restorations of Ottoman era mosques in Albania through a Turkish government organisation, the Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency (TIKA). In other areas relating to cultural influences, Turkish soap operas have increased in popularity within Albania.
Albanian-Turkish economic relations began in the late 1980s after both countries signed the Agreement on Trade and the Agreement on Industrial, Commercial, Technical and Economic Cooperation. In the aftermath of the collapse of Albanian communist regime (1992), Turkey provided Albania with substantial monetary aid, energy supplies in the form of electricity and assisted Albania toward transitioning into a market based economy. Turkey, undertaking strategic economic investments entered the Albanian economy through Islamic banks and aggressively invested in it, however economic relations during the 1990s were more limited as Turkish companies had to compete in Albania with Italian and Greek businesses. Two additional agreements, the Agreement on Mutual Promotion and Protection of Investments (1996) and the Agreement for the Prevention of Double Taxation (1998) were entered into by Albania with Turkey outlining the legal parameters of economic relations in a post communist era. Turkey's involvement and leverage within a political and economic context has deepened in Albania and the wider Balkans from the 2000s onward, due to the endeavours of the ruling AKP party wanting closer relations with countries that have Ottoman heritage and geo-political relevancy. Turkey has become an important trading partner for Albania with its trade turnover being 6 percent. Turkey has invested in Albania's construction industry and contributed to 15 percent of all foreign investment in the country. Turkish construction projects and investments have been toward key areas such as the building of strategic highways and airports while construction contracts in the early 2010s totaled $580 million in Albania. Additional Turkish investments have been toward institutions and projects related to mining, banking, energy, manufacturing and telecommunications with Turkey being one of the top three investors in Albania. Other investments by private Turkish companies and businesses have been toward Albanian shops, restaurants, dental clinics and a shoe factory. Turkey overall has invested an estimated €1.5 billion in the Albanian economy.
- Albanians in Turkey
- Accession of Turkey to the European Union
- Accession of Albania to the European Union
- Foreign relations of Albania
- Foreign relations of Turkey
- Islamization of Albania
- Islam in Albania
- Kosovo–Turkey relations
- OIC - Member States. Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Retrieved 20 November 2015.
- UfM - Member States. Union for the Mediterranean. Retrieved 12 April 2017.
- NATO - Member States. NATO. Retrieved 12 April 2017.
- European Neighbourhood Policy And Enlargement Negotiations: Albania. European Commission. Retrieved 22 March 2017.
- European Neighbourhood Policy And Enlargement Negotiations: Turkey. European Commission. Retrieved 22 March 2017.
- Xhudo 1996, pp. 50–53.
- Manahasa & Kolay 2015, p. 70.
- Emecen 2012, p. 190.
- Vickers 2011, pp. 17–24.
- Norris 1993, pp. 61–81.
- Nezir-Akmese 2005, pp. 96-97.
- Jordan 2015, p. 1583.
- Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 183.
- Shaw & Shaw 1977, p. 288.
- Gawrych 2006, pp. 177–179, 190–196.
- Geniş & Maynard, pp. 553–555.
- Saunders 2011, p. 98.
- Yenigun 2009, p. 184.
- Öktem 2011, p. 158. "This assertion holds particularly true for Kosovo and Macedonia, where most remaining Albanians and Turks are in close contact with family members living in Turkey, and even more so for Bulgaria and Greece, where channels of interaction with Turkey are very intensive. It is less so the case for Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina, where emigration to Turkey occurred mostly in earlier stages, not between the post-war years and the 1990s."
- Vickers 2011, pp. 82–86.
- Brisku 2013, p. 35.
- Polat 2005, p. 1.
- Polat 2005, p. 2.
- Musaj 2013, pp. 232, 248.
- Musaj 2013, p. 232.
- Musaj 2013, pp. 232-233.
- Shpuza 1997, p. 303.
- Musaj 2013, p. 234.
- Musaj 2013, pp. 234-236.
- Musaj 2013, pp. 237-239.
- Musaj 2013, p. 241.
- Musaj 2013, p. 236-237, 240.
- Gingeras 2009, p. 164.
- Musaj 2013, pp. 244-246.
- Musaj 2013, p. 247.
- Musaj 2013, p. 250.
- Musaj 2013, pp. 250-251.
- Polat 2005, p. 4.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 186.
- Bello 2012, pp. 47-48.
- Bello 2012, pp. 49-52.
- Polat 2005, p. 6.
- Shpuza 1997, pp. 305-309, 311.
- Bello 2012, pp. 53, 55-59.
- Polat 2005, p. 7.
- Shpuza 1997, pp. 308-310.
- Bello 2012, p. 52.
- Shpuza 1997, pp. 304-305, 307.
- Bello 2012, pp. 59-67.
- Bello 2012, pp. 66-69.
- Polat 2005, p. 8.
- Shpuza 1997, p. 312.
- Meta 2004, pp. 133-134.
- Meta 2004, p. 135.
- Karpat 1975, p. 31.
- Ekinci 2013, pp. 186-187.
- Uzgel 2001, pp. 54–56.
- Lani & Schmidt 1998, p. 90. "Hoxha did not conceal the fact that he preferred Turkey to its hostile brother Greece... But one cannot help noticing that whereas Athens is an important political and economic partner, Turkey remains, as it was before, Tirana's most important military partner, next to Washington.... In a broader Balkan context, Turkey has always seen the Albanians as its natural allies in the Balkans. If the Greeks and Serbs have stood on one side of the scale, the Turks and the Albanians have stood on the other. Although some kind of dissatisfaction with Nano's government is felt in Ankara over what is seen in the Turkish capital as Tirana's pro-Greek orientation, Turkey continues to have close military ties with Tirana; indeed, it is playing an important role in the re-organization of the disintegrated Albanian army. Albania's most important military base, which was destroyed during the armed uprising last year, will be rebuilt by Turkey."
- Ekinci 2013, p. 187.
- Ekinci 2013, pp. 187, 191.
- Réti 1983, p. 196.
- Robins 1994, p. 113.
- Larrabee & Lesser 2003, p. 94.
- Sayari 2000, p. 178. "The 1990s also witnessed efforts by Turkey to develop closer political, economic and military ties with a number of Balkan states. Turkey's search for a larger regional role through expanded bilateral ties with Albania..."
- Constantinides 1996, p. 329. "The Turkish policy exploited the difficulties between Albania and Greece but also the fact that Islam is the main religion of the country. Furthermore, close relations with Albania were encouraged by the Americans and Europeans considering the Turkish presence in the area as a factor of stability."
- Deliso 2007, p. 38.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 191.
- Ekinci 2013, pp. 193-194.
- Sayari 2000, pp. 178-179."Following the downfall of their communist regimes, Albania and Bulgaria sought closer relations with Turkey. During the early part of the 1990s, there was intense diplomatic activity between Ankara and Tirana that included visits by high-ranking political and military officials. As a predominantly Muslim state that had once been part of the Ottoman Empire, Albania welcomed Turkish pledges of greater economic and military aid. Turkey provided considerable military assistance to Albania that included the training of officers for the Albanian military and the construction of a naval base on the Adriatic Sea. But economic relations between the two countries remained limited, especially in comparison with the growth of Italian and Greek business interests in Albania."
- Soler i Lecha 2013, p. 41.
- Kut & Șirin, p. 14.
- Ağir & Arman, pp. 149–150.
- Athanasopulos 2001, pp. 115, 140.
- Vickers 1998, pp. xvi. "But the essential factor is that Kosovo borders on the Republic of Albania which is militarily allied with Turkey against Serbia, and the mountains separating the Kosovo plain from Albania and from Macedonia are the only natural protection in case of conflict with these countries."
- Sönmezoğlou & Gülden 2003, p. 38.
- Hodge 2006, p. 229.
- Xhudo 1995, pp. 132-133. "Turkish links with Albania... Greece felt that Turkey was allying itself with the area's Muslims (perhaps with aims to revive the heyday of the Ottomans) and seeking to isolate Greece. Turkey denied those charges and claimed that Greece was exacerbating tensions in the Balkans. Given its historic ties to Albania, coupled with the positive relations established between Turkey and Albania, Ankara has begun to express concern over the polemics between Greece and Albania. Turkey has voiced such concern with slight bias on Albania's behalf much to the anger of the Greeks. Greece, aware of military treaties between Turkey and Albania naturally denounced Turkey's meddling in Greek affairs souring regional relations further."
- Ekinci 2013, pp. 193, 195-196.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 196.
- "Albania refused to bow down to PM's pressure on Palestine vote: Report". Hurriyet. Retrieved 2 February 2017.
- Likmeta, Besar (14 May 2015). "Erdogan Takes War on Gulen Movement to Albania". Balkan Insight.
- Likmeta, Besar (19 May 2015). "Albania Ignores Erdogan's Tirade Against Gulen". Balkan Insight.
- Mejdini, Fatjona (22 December 2016). "Erdogan Prods Albanian President To Fight 'Gulenists'". Balkan Insight.
- Likmeta, Besar (20 Jun 2013). "Turkish Unrest Sparks Rival Rallies in Tirana". Balkan Insight.
- "Albanians in Turkey celebrate their cultural heritage Archived 31 October 2015 on Wayback Machine.". Today's Zaman. 21 August 2011. Retrieved 17 July 2015.
- Tabak, Hüsrev (03 March 2013). "Albanian awakening: The worm has turned! Archived 17 July 2015 on Wayback Machine.". Today's Zaman. Retrieved 17 July 2015.
- Petrović & Reljić 2011, p. 162.
- "Genci Muçaj: Albania enjoys magnificent relations with Turkey". Koha Jonë. 14 Mars 2015. Retrieved 17 July 2015.
- Karaosmanoğlu 2006, p. 192.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 193.
- Bishku 2013, pp. 95-96. "In recent years, the efforts of Turkish organizations — such as the Gülen movement's Sema Foundation — have been more appreciated by Albanians than those from Arab countries or other parts of the Islamic world as they have established secular (as well as religious) schools that provide good discipline and high academic standards. In addition, Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs has been cooperating with officials and institutions in Albania and providing students the opportunity to study theology in Turkey and to help arrange for Albanians to perform the hajj, the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca." p. 97. "Furthermore, given its historical connections and geographical proximity, Turkey is a major trading partner of Albania. According to 2012 CIA figures it ranks third in terms of receiving exports from that country, of Albanian exports receiving 6.7 percent, just ahead of Greece at 5.6 percent. Turkey ranks fourth in terms of sending imports to Albania, accounting for 6 percent of the latter's imports... Turkey is also the largest source of imports arriving in Albania, accounting for 34.8 percent, followed by Greece (12.9 percent) and China (6.2 percent)... Turkey is also the largest source of imports arriving in Albania, accounting for 34.8 percent, followed by Greece (12.9 percent) and China (6.2 percent)."; p. 98. "Turkish military personnel train their counterparts in Albania and offer support in logistics and modernization efforts as well as cooperate in NATO's mission in Afghanistan. Also, Turkey has invested an estimated €1.5 billion in Albania's economy, in projects or institutions engaged in construction, telecommunications, banking, mining, energy, and manufacturing, among others... Turkey and Albania instituted visa-free travel in November 2009."
- Ekinci 2013, pp. 196, 201.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 201.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 192.
- Demirtaş 2015, p. 130. "Davutoğlu, as the main architect of Turkish foreign policy from the very beginning of the JDP government, first as chief advisor to the prime minister, then as foreign minister, has written extensively on the Balkans. However, as regards to his publications on the region one should draw a thin line between those published before his political career and those during his posts during the reign of the JDP. In his pioneering book Stratejik Derinlik (Strategic Depth), he argued that Turkey should base its Balkans policy on the two important Muslim peoples of the region: Bosniaks and Albanians. He argued that if Turkey wants to establish a sphere of influence in the Balkans, it can only be through cultivating close relations with these communities, because of the fact that Turkey has historical and heartful closeness to these communities (‘tarihi ve kalbi yakınlık’). After becoming foreign minister, however, he tried to develop Turkey’s relations not only with Muslim communities, but with countries like Macedonia and Serbia that consist of Christian majorities."
- Petrović & Reljić 2011, p. 169.
- T.J. (18 July 2010). "Correspondent's diary, Day two: Albania and the Ottoman legacy". Economist.
- Jazexhi 2012, p. 14.
- Schmidt-Neke 2014, p. 15.
- Petrović & Reljić 2011, p. 170.
- "Albania, Turkey launch visa-free travel". SETimes. 10 February 2010. Retrieved 17 August 2010.
- Massicard 2013, p. 18.
- Babuna 2004, p. 300.
- Vickers 2011, pp. 108–109.
- Ezzati 2002, p. 450.
- Doja 2006, pp. 86–87.
- Young 1999, p. 9.
- Blumi & Krasniqi, pp. 480–482.
- Esposito & Yavuz, pp. 66–68.
- Clayer 2003, pp. 14–24.
- Jazexhi 2014, pp. 19–34.
- Bošković 2016, p. 113.
- Petrović & Reljić 2011, p. 166.
- Jazexhi 2013, p. 27.
- "Islamic university opens in Tirana". Southeast European Times. Tirana, Albania. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
- Korkut 2010, p. 132.
- "Mosqued objectives:Turkey is sponsoring Islam abroad to extend its prestige and power". Economist. Retrieved 23 January 2016."
- Return to Instability: How migration and great power politics threaten the Western Balkans (PDF) (Report). European Council on Foreign Relations. 2015. pp. 5, 9–11.
- "Turkey's mosque project in Albania on schedule, says engineer". Hurriyet. Retrieved 17 March 2016.
- "Namazgja mosque, Berisha: The denied right was made just". Albanian Screen TV. April 20, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2015.
- Jazexhi 2013, pp. 24–26.
- Özerdem 2015, p. 66.
- Ekinci 2013, p. 197.
- Balcer 2012, p. 227.
- Bobić 2015, p. 100.
- Ağir, Bülent Sarper; Arman, Murat Necip (2016). "Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkans in the Post War Era: Political and Security Dimensions". In Demir, Sertif. Turkey's Foreign Policy and Security Perspectives in the 21st Century. Brown Walker Press. pp. 143–166. ISBN 9781627345866.
- Athanasopulos, Haralambos (2001). Greece, Turkey and the Aegean Sea: A case study in international law. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland. ISBN 9780786409433.
- Babuna, Aydin (2004). "The Bosnian Muslims and Albanians: Islam and Nationalism". Nationalities Papers. 32 (2): 287–321.
- Balcer, Adam (2012). "Turkey as a Stakeholder and Contributor to Regional Security in the Western Balkans". In Canan-Sokullu, Ebru. Debating security in Turkey: Challenges and changes in the twenty-first century. Lanham: Lexington Books. pp. 64–83. ISBN 9780739148716.
- Bello, Hasan (2012). "Marrëdhëniet e Tensionuara të Mbretërisë Shqiptare me Republikën Turke (1928-1933) [The tense relations between the Albanian Monarchy and the Turkish Republic (1928-1933)]". Studime Historike (1-2): 47–70.
- Bishku, Michael (2013). "Albania and the Middle East". Mediterranean Quarterly. 24 (2): 81–103. doi:10.1215/10474552-2141908.
- Blumi, Isa; Krasniqi, Gëzim (2014). "Albanians' Islam". In Cesari, Jocelyne. The Oxford Handbook of European Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 475–516. ISBN 9780191026409.
- Bobić, Marinko (2015). "Congruous or Conflicting? Great Power Configurations in the Balkans". In Klieman, Aharon. Great Powers and Geopolitics: International Affairs in a Rebalancing World. Cham: Springer. pp. 87–112. ISBN 9783319162898.
- Bošković, Marija Mitrović; Reljić, Dušan; Vračić, Alida (2016). "Elsewhere in the neighbourhood: Reaching out to the Western Balkans". In Cevik, B. Senem; Seib, Philip. Turkey’s Public Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 99–120. ISBN 9781137466983.
- Brisku, Adrian (2013). Bittersweet Europe: Albanian and Georgian Discourses on Europe, 1878–2008. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 9780857459855.
- Meta, Beqir (2004). "Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-greke në vitet 1960-1962 [Greek-Albanian relations in the years 1960-1962]". Studime Historike (1-2): 125–141.
- Clayer, Nathalie (2003). "God in the 'Land of the Mercedes.' The Religious Communities in Albania since 1990". In Jordan, Peter; Kaser, Karl; Lukan, Walter. Albanien: Geographie - historische Anthropologie - Geschichte - Kultur - postkommunistische Transformation [Albania: Geography - Historical Anthropology - History - Culture - postcommunist transformation]. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. pp. 277–314. ISBN 3-631-39416-0.
- Constantinides, Stephanos (1996). "Turkey the emergence of a new foreign policy the neo-Ottoman imperial model". Journal of Political and Military Sociology. 24 (2): 323–334.
- Deliso, Christopher (2007). The Coming Balkan Caliphate: The Threat of Radical Islam to Europe and the West. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275995256.
- Demirtaş, Birgül (2015). "Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Balkans: A Europeanized Foreign Policy in a De-Europeanized National Context?". Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies. 17 (2): 123–140.
- Ekinci, Didem (2013). "Europeanization Process and Bilateral Relations in the Balkans: Turkey and Albania" (PDF). International Conference on European Studies. 9: 184–205.
- Emecen, Feridun M. (2012). "Vështrim historik i marrëdhënieve turko-shqiptare [Historical overview of Turkish-Albanian relations]". Përpjekja (28-29): 190–197.
- Esposito, John; Yavuz, M. Hakan (2003). Turkish Islam and the secular state: The Gülen movement. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 9780815630401.
- Ezzati, Abul-Fazl (2002). The Spread of Islam: The Contributing Factors. London: Islamic College for Advanced Studies Press. ISBN 9781904063018.
- Gawrych, George (2006). The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874–1913. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9781845112875.
- Geniş, Şerife; Maynard, Kelly Lynne (2009). "Formation of a Diasporic Community: The history of migration and resettlement of Muslim Albanians in the Black Sea Region of Turkey". Middle Eastern Studies. 45 (4): 553–569.
- Hodge, Carole (2006). "Albania, Italy and Greece: Some geopolitical considerations". In Blitz, Brad K. War and change in the Balkans: nationalism, conflict and cooperation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 224–239. ISBN 9780521677738.
- Jazexhi, Olsi (2012). "Albania". In Nielsen, Jørgen; Akgönül, Samim; Alibašić, Ahmet; Racius, Egdunas. Yearbook of Muslims in Europe: Volume 4. Leiden: Brill. pp. 1–16. ISBN 9789004225213.
- Jazexhi, Olsi (2013). "Albania". In Nielsen, Jørgen; Akgönül, Samim; Alibašić, Ahmet; Racius, Egdunas. Yearbook of Muslims in Europe: Volume 5. Leiden: Brill. pp. 21–36. ISBN 9789004255869.
- Jazexhi, Olsi (2014). "Albania". In Nielsen, Jørgen; Akgönül, Samim; Alibašić, Ahmet; Racius, Egdunas. Yearbook of Muslims in Europe: Volume 6. Leiden: Brill. pp. 19–34. ISBN 9789004283053.
- Jordan, Peter (2015). "An exception in the Balkans: Albania's multi confessional identity". In Brunn, Stanley D. The changing world religion map: Sacred places, identities, practices and politics. Dordrecht: Springer. pp. 1577–1598. ISBN 9789401793766.
- Karaosmanoğlu, Ali (2006). "Turkey Southeastern Europe and Russia". In Blitz, Brad K. War and change in the Balkans: nationalism, conflict and cooperation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 188–223. ISBN 9780521677738.
- Karpat, Kemal H. (1975). Turkey's foreign policy in transition: 1950-1974. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 9789004043237.
- Korkut, Şenol (2010). "The Diyanet of Turkey and its activities in Eurasia after the Cold War" (PDF). Acta Slavica Iaponica. 28: 117–139.
- Kut, Şule; Șirin, N. Asli (2002). "The bright side of Balkan politics: Cooperation in the Balkans". In Veremes, Thanos; Soteropoulos, Demetres A. Is Southeastern Europe doomed to instability?: A regional perspective. Routledge. pp. 10–22. ISBN 9781135289942.
- Lani, Remzi; Schmidt, Fabian (1998). "Albanian foreign policy between geography and history". The International Spectator. 33 (2): 79–103.
- Larrabee, F. Stephen; Lesser, Ian O. (2003). Turkish foreign policy in an age of uncertainty. Santa Monica: Rand Corporation. ISBN 9780833034045.
- Manahasa, Edmond; Kolay, Aktuğ (2015). "Observations on the existing Ottoman mosques in Albania" (PDF). ITU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture. 12 (2): 69–81.
- Massicard, Élise (2013). The Alevis in Turkey and Europe: Identity and managing territorial diversity. London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415667968.
- Musaj, Fatmira (2013). "Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-turke (1925-1928) [Albanian-Turkish relations (1925-1928)]". Gjurmime Albanologjike (43): 231–252.
- Nezir-Akmese, Handan (2005). The Birth of Modern Turkey: The Ottoman Military and the March to WWI. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9781850437970.
- Norris, Harry Thirlwall (1993). Islam in the Balkans: religion and society between Europe and the Arab world. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 9780872499775.
- Öktem, Kerem (2011). "Between emigration, de-Islamization and the nation-state: Muslim communities in the Balkans today". Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 11 (2): 155–171.
- Özerdem, Alpaslan (2015). "Turkey as a rising power: An emerging global humanitarian actor". In Sezgin, Zeynep; Dijkzeul, Dennis. The New Humanitarians in International Practice: Emerging Actors and Contested Principles. Routledge. pp. 64–82. ISBN 9781317570615.
- Petrović, Žarko; Reljić, Dušan (2011). "Turkish interests and involvement in the Western Balkans: A score-card" (PDF). Insight Turkey. 13 (3): 159–172.
- Polat, Anila (2005). "Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin Kurulduğu Yıllarda Arnavutluk Cumhuriyeti İle İlişkileri (1920-1938) [Relations established by the Republic of Turkey over the years with the Republic of Albania (1920-1938)]". Türk Kültürü ve Hacı Bektaş Velî Araştırma Dergisi. 33: 1–9.
- Puto, Artan; Maurizio, Isabella (2015). "From Southern Italy to Istanbul: Trajectories of Albanian Nationalism in the Writings of Girolamo de Rada and Shemseddin Sami Frashëri, ca. 1848–1903". In Maurizio, Isabella; Zanou, Konstantina. Mediterranean Diasporas: Politics and Ideas in the Long 19th Century. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 9781472576668.
- Réti, György (1983). "The Foreign Policy of Albania After the Break with China". In Carlton, David; Schaerf, Carlo. South-eastern Europe after Tito: A powder-keg for the 1980s?. London: Macmillan. pp. 189–199. ISBN 9781349062577.
- Robins, Philip (1994). "Copping with Chaos: Turkey and the Bosnian Crisis". In Gillespie, Richard. Mediterranean politics. Volume. 1. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. pp. 104–129. ISBN 9780838636091.
- Sayari, Sabri (2000). "Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era: The Challenges of Multi-Regionalism". Journal of International Affairs. 54 (1): 169–182.
- Saunders, Robert A. (2011). Ethnopolitics in Cyberspace: The Internet, Minority Nationalism, and the Web of Identity. Lanham: Lexington Books. ISBN 9780739141946.
- Schmidt-Neke, Michael (2014). "A burden of Legacies: The transformation of Albanian's political system". In Pichler, Robert. Legacy and Change: Albanian Transformation from Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Münster: LIT Verlag. pp. 13–30. ISBN 9783643905666.
- Shaw, Stanford J.; Shaw, Ezel Kural (1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey: Volume 2, Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey 1808-1975. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521291668.
- Shpuza, Gazmend (1997). "1928-1930 yıllarında arnavut-türk ilişkileri [Albanian-Turkish relations between 1928-1930]". Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi. 15 (9): 303–313.
- Soler i Lecha, Eduard (2013). "Turkey's potential (and controversial) contribution to the Global 'Actorness' of the EU". In Güney, Nurşin Ateşoğlu. Contentious issues of security and the future of Turkey. Ashgate Publishing. pp. 33–50. ISBN 9781409498070.
- Sönmezoğlou, Faruk; Gülden, Ayman (2003). "The roots of conflict and the dynamics of change in Turkish-Greek relations". In Kollias, Chrēstos G.; Günlük-Şenesen, Gülay; Ayman, Gülden. Greece and Turkey in the 21st Century: Conflict Or Cooperation, a Political Economy Perspective. New York: Nova Publishers. pp. 37–48. ISBN 9781590337530.
- Uzgel, Ilhan (2001). "The Balkans: Turkey's Stabilizing role". In Rubin, Barry; Kirişci, Kemal. Turkey in world politics: An emerging multiregional power. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. pp. 49–70. ISBN 9781555879549.
- Vickers, Miranda (1998). Between Serb and Albanian: a History of Kosovo. New York: Hurst and Company. pp. xvi. ISBN 9780231113823.
- Vickers, Miranda (2011). The Albanians: A modern history. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9780857736550.
- Xhudo, Gus (1995). "Tension among neighbors: Greek‐Albanian relations and their impact on regional security and stability". Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 18 (2): 111–143.
- Xhudo, Gazmen (1996). Diplomacy and crisis management in the Balkans: A US foreign policy perspective. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781349249473.
- Yenigun, Cuneyt (2009). "GCC Model: Conflict Management for the "Greater Albania"" (PDF). SDU Faculty of Arts and Sciences Journal of Social Sciences. 2: 175–186. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-09-27.