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James F. Byrnes

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James F. Byrnes
104th Governor of South Carolina
In office
January 16, 1951 – January 18, 1955
LieutenantGeorge Timmerman
Preceded byStrom Thurmond
Succeeded byGeorge Timmerman
49th United States Secretary of State
In office
July 3, 1945 – January 21, 1947
PresidentHarry Truman
Preceded byEdward Stettinius
Succeeded byGeorge Marshall
1st Director of the Office of War Mobilization
In office
May 27, 1943 – July 3, 1945
PresidentFranklin Roosevelt
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byJohn Snyder
1st Director of the Office of Economic Stabilization
In office
October 3, 1942 – May 27, 1943
PresidentFranklin Roosevelt
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byFred Vinson
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States
In office
July 8, 1941 – October 3, 1942[1]
Nominated byFranklin Roosevelt
Preceded byJames McReynolds
Succeeded byWiley Rutledge
United States Senator
from South Carolina
In office
March 4, 1931 – July 8, 1941
Preceded byColeman Blease
Succeeded byAlva Lumpkin
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from South Carolina's 2nd district
In office
March 4, 1911 – March 4, 1925
Preceded byJames Patterson
Succeeded byButler Hare
Personal details
Born
James Francis Byrnes

(1882-05-02)May 2, 1882
Charleston, South Carolina, U.S.
DiedApril 9, 1972(1972-04-09) (aged 89)
Columbia, South Carolina, U.S.
Political partyDemocratic (Before 1960s)
Republican (1960s–1972)
SpouseMaude Busch (1906–1972)

James Francis Byrnes (US: /ˈbɜːrnz/; May 2, 1882 – April 9, 1972) was an American politician from the state of South Carolina. During his career, Byrnes served as a U.S. Representative (1911–1925), a U.S. Senator (1931–1941), a Justice of the Supreme Court (1941–1942), Secretary of State (1945–1947), and 104th governor of South Carolina (1951–1955). He is one of very few politicians to serve in all three branches of the American federal government while also being active in state government. He was a confidant of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and was one of the most powerful men in American domestic and foreign policy in the mid-1940s. Historian George E. Mowry called Byrnes "the most influential Southern member of Congress between John Calhoun and Lyndon Johnson."[2]

Early life and career

James Francis "Jimmy" Byrnes was born at 538 King St. in Charleston, South Carolina[3] and reared in that city. Byrnes's father, James Francis Byrnes,[4] died shortly after Byrnes was born. His mother, Elizabeth McSweeney Byrnes, was an Irish-American dressmaker. At the age of fourteen, he left St. Patrick's Catholic School to work in a law office, and became a court stenographer. Notably, he transcribed the murder trial of then-Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina James H. Tillman, nephew of Benjamin Tillman, for the killing of Narciso Gener Gonzales, the editor of The State (newspaper).[5] In 1906, he married the former Maude Perkins Busch of Aiken, South Carolina. Though they had no children, he was the godparent of James Christopher Connor. Byrnes then converted from the Catholic Church to Episcopalianism.

In 1900, when Byrnes's cousin Governor Miles B. McSweeney appointed him as a clerk for Judge Robert Aldrich of Aiken, he needed to be 21. Byrnes, his mother, and Governor McSweeney just changed his date of birth to that of his older sister Leonora.[6] He later apprenticed to a lawyer – a not uncommon practice then – read for the law, and was admitted to the bar in 1903. In 1908, he was appointed solicitor for the second circuit of South Carolina, serving until 1910.[7] Byrnes was a protégé of Benjamin Tillman (who was known as "Pitchfork Ben") and often had a moderating influence on the fiery segregationist Senator.

In 1910, he narrowly won the state's Second Congressional District in the Democratic primary, then tantamount to election. Byrnes proved a brilliant legislator, working behind the scenes to form coalitions and avoiding the high-profile oratory that characterized much of Southern politics. He was a champion of the "good roads" movement that attracted motorists, and politicians, to large-scale road building programs in the 1920s. He became a close ally of President Woodrow Wilson, and Wilson often entrusted important political tasks to the capable young representative rather than to more experienced lawmakers.

United States Senate and Supreme Court

In 1924, Byrnes declined renomination to the House, and instead sought nomination for the Senate seat held by incumbent Nathaniel B. Dial, though both were former allies of the now-deceased "Pitchfork Ben" Tillman. Anti-Tillmanite and extreme racist demagogue Coleman Blease, who had challenged Dial in 1918, also ran again. Blease led the primary with 42 percent; Byrnes was second with 34 percent. Dial finished third with 22 percent.[8]

Byrnes was opposed by the Ku Klux Klan, which preferred Blease. Byrnes had been raised as a Roman Catholic, and the Klan spread rumors that he was still a secret Catholic. Byrnes countered by citing his support by Episcopalian clergy. Then, three days before the run-off vote, twenty Catholics who said they had been altar boys with Byrnes published a professed endorsement of him. The leader of this group was a Blease ally, and the "endorsement" was circulated in anti-Catholic areas.[9] Blease won the run-off 51% to 49%.[8]

After his House term ended in 1925, Byrnes was out of office. He moved his law practice to Spartanburg, in the industrializing Piedmont region. Between his law practice and investment advice from friends such as Bernard Baruch, Byrnes became a wealthy man, but he never took his eyes off of a return to politics. He cultivated the Piedmont textile workers, who were key Blease supporters. In 1930, he challenged Blease again. Blease again led the primary, with 46 percent to 38 percent for Byrnes, but this time Byrnes won the run-off 51 to 49 percent.[10]

During his time in the U.S. Senate, Byrnes was regarded as the most influential South Carolinian since John C. Calhoun.[11] He had long been friends with Franklin D. Roosevelt, whom he supported for the Democratic nomination in 1932, and made himself the President's spokesman on the Senate floor, where he guided much of the early New Deal legislation to passage. He won an easy reelection in 1936, promising:

"I admit I am a New Dealer, and if [the New Deal] takes money from the few who have controlled the country and gives it back to the average man, I am going to Washington to help the President work for the people of South Carolina and the country."

Since the colonial era, South Carolina's politicians had dreamed of an inland waterway system that would not only aid commerce, but also control flooding. By the 1930s, Byrnes took up the cause for a massive dam-building project, Santee Cooper, that would not only accomplish those tasks but also electrify the entire state with hydroelectric power. With South Carolina financially strapped by the Great Depression, Senator Byrnes managed to get the federal government to authorize a loan for the entire project, which was completed and put into operation in February 1942. The loan was later paid back to the federal government with full interest and at no cost to South Carolina taxpayers. Santee Cooper has continued to be a model for public-owned electrical utilities world-wide.

In 1937, Byrnes supported Roosevelt on the highly controversial court packing plan, but voted against the minimum wage law of 1938 that would have made, as he argued, the textile mills in his state uncompetitive. He opposed Roosevelt's efforts to purge conservative Democrats in the 1938 primary elections. On foreign policy, Byrnes was a champion of Roosevelt's positions of helping Great Britain and France against Nazi Germany in 1939–1941, and of maintaining a hard diplomatic line against Japan.

Byrnes played a key role in blocking anti-lynching legislation, notably the Castigan-Wagner bill of 1935 and the Gavagan bill of 1937.[12] Byrnes even claimed that lynching was necessary "in order to hold in check the Negro in the south", saying "rape is responsible, directly and indirectly, for most of the lynching in America".[13]

Byrnes despised his fellow South Carolina Senator Cotton Ed Smith, who strongly opposed the New Deal.[14] He privately sought to help his friend Burnet R. Maybank, then the mayor of Charleston, defeat Smith in the 1938 Senate primary. During the primary, however, Olin Johnston, who was limited to one term as governor, decided to run for the Senate. Because Johnston was also a pro-Roosevelt New Dealer,[14] he would have divided the New Deal vote with Maybank and ensured a victory for Smith. Johnston was also supportive of the New Deal's labor legislation,[15] while Byrnes' support was limited,[15] and following a series of labor strikes in the fall of 1937, Byrnes withdrew consideration for potentially endorsing Johnston.[16] Taking advice from Byrnes, Maybank decided to instead run for governor, and Byrnes made the reluctant decision to support Smith.[17] Byrnes envisioned that Smith would retire in 1944 and that Maybank would successfully run for Smith's Senate seat and build a strong political machine in the state with him.[17]

In part as a reward for his crucial support on many issues, Roosevelt appointed Byrnes an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court in July 1941. He was the last Justice appointed to the Supreme Court who had been admitted to practice by reading law. Byrnes resigned from the Court after only fifteen months to head the Office of Economic Stabilization.[7]

World War II and beginning of the Cold War

1946 newsreel
Potsdam Conference: Sitting (from left) Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, Vyacheslav Molotov, Joseph Stalin, William Daniel Leahy, James F. Byrnes and Harry S. Truman.
Sitting (from left): Clement Attlee, Harry S. Truman, Joseph Stalin; behind: William Daniel Leahy, Ernest Bevin, James F. Byrnes and Vyacheslav Molotov.
The Foreign Ministers: Vyacheslav Molotov, James F. Byrnes and Anthony Eden, July 1945.

Byrnes left the Supreme Court to head Roosevelt's Office of Economic Stabilization, which dealt with the vitally important issues of prices and taxes.[7] How powerful the new office would become depended entirely on Byrnes's political skills, and Washington insiders soon reported he was fully in charge. In May 1943, he became head of the Office of War Mobilization, a new agency that supervised the Office of Economic Stabilization.[18] Under the leadership of Byrnes, the program managed newly constructed factories across the country that utilized raw materials, civilian and military production, and transportation for U.S. military personnel and was credited with providing the employment needed to officially bring an end to the Great Depression.[19][20][21] Thanks to his political experience, his probing intellect, his close friendship with Roosevelt, and in no small part to his own personal charm, Byrnes was soon exerting influence over many facets of the war effort which were not technically under his departmental jurisdiction. Many in Congress and the press began referring to Byrnes as the "Assistant President."[22][23]

Many expected that Byrnes would be the Democratic nominee for vice president with Roosevelt in 1944,[24] replacing Henry A. Wallace, who party officials strongly felt was too eccentric to replace an ailing president who likely was going to die before his next term ended.[25] Roosevelt refused to endorse anybody other than Wallace, but preferred Byrnes as the best alternative to Wallace and sought to push Byrnes as the party's nominee for vice president if the party's delegates refused to renominate Wallace at the 1944 Democratic National Convention.[26] However, Byrnes was regarded as too conservative for organized labor, the big city bosses opposed him as an ex-Catholic who would offend Catholics, and blacks were wary of his opposition to racial integration.[27] The nomination went instead to U.S. Senator Harry S. Truman of Missouri. Roosevelt brought Byrnes to the Yalta Conference in early 1945, where he seemed to favor Soviet plans. Written in shorthand, his notes comprise one of the most complete records of the "Big Three" Yalta meetings.

Upon his succession to the presidency after Roosevelt's death on April 12, 1945, Truman relied heavily on Byrnes's counsel, Byrnes having been a mentor to Truman from Truman's earliest days in the U.S. Senate.[28][29] Indeed, Jimmy Byrnes was one of the first people whom Truman saw on the first day of his presidency.[30] It was Byrnes who shared information with the new president on the atomic bomb project (Truman had known nothing about the Manhattan Project beforehand).[31] When Truman met Roosevelt's coffin in Washington, he asked Byrnes and former Vice President Wallace, the two other men who might well have succeeded Roosevelt, to join him at the train station.[32] Truman originally intended that both men would play leading roles in his administration, signaling continuity with Roosevelt's policies. While Truman quickly fell out with Wallace, he retained a good working relationship with Byrnes and increasingly turned to him for support.[33]

Truman appointed Byrnes as Secretary of State on July 3, 1945.[34] He played a major role at the Potsdam Conference, the Paris Peace Conference, and other major postwar conferences. According to historian Robert H. Ferrell, Byrnes knew little more about foreign relations than Truman. He made decisions after consulting a few advisors, such as Donald S. Russell and Benjamin V. Cohen. Byrnes and his small group paid little attention to the State Department and similarly ignored the President.[35]

In 1945 Byrnes was elected an honorary member of the South Carolina Society of the Cincinnati.

Because Byrnes had been part of the US delegation at Yalta, Truman assumed that he had accurate knowledge of what had transpired. It would be many months before Truman discovered that this was not the case. Nevertheless, Byrnes advised that the Soviets were breaking the Yalta Agreement and that Truman needed to be resolute and uncompromising with them.[36] Although Byrnes's hard line against the Soviets paralleled the feelings of the President, personal relations between the two men grew strained, particularly when Truman felt that Byrnes was attempting to set foreign policy by himself, and only informing the President afterward. An early instance of this friction was the Moscow Conference in December 1945. Truman considered the “successes” of the conference to be “unreal” and was highly critical of Byrnes’s failure to protect Iran, which was not mentioned in the final communiqué. “I had been left in the dark about the Moscow conference,” Truman told Byrnes bluntly.[37] In a subsequent letter to Byrnes, Truman took a harder line in reference to Iran, saying in part, "Without these supplies furnished by the United States, Russia would have been ignominiously defeated. Yet now Russia stirs up rebellion and keeps troops on the soil of her friend and ally— Iran... Unless Russia is faced with an iron fist and strong language another war is in the making. Only one language do they understand—“how many divisions do you have?” I do not think we should play compromise any longer ...I am tired of babying the Soviets".[38] This led to the Iran crisis of 1946, and Byrnes took an increasingly hardline position in opposition to Stalin, culminating in a speech in Stuttgart on September 6, 1946. The "Restatement of Policy on Germany", also known as the "Speech of Hope", set the tone of future U.S. policy as it repudiated the Morgenthau Plan, an economic program that would permanently deindustrialize Germany. Byrnes was named TIME Man of the Year. Truman and others believed that Byrnes had grown resentful that he had not been Roosevelt's running mate and successor, and in his resentment he was disrespecting Truman. Whether this was true or not, Byrnes felt compelled to resign from the Cabinet in 1947 with some feelings of bitterness.

Governor of South Carolina

At an age when most of his contemporaries retired from politics, Byrnes was not yet ready to give up public service. At age sixty-eight, he was elected governor of South Carolina, serving from 1951 to 1955, in which capacity he vigorously criticized the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Supporting segregation in education, the Democratic governor stated in his inaugural address:

Whatever is necessary to continue the separation of the races in the schools of South Carolina is going to be done by the white people of the state. That is my ticket as a private citizen. It will be my ticket as governor.

— James F. Byrnes[39]

Ironically, Byrnes was initially seen as a relative moderate on race issues. Recognizing that the South could not continue with its entrenched segregationist policies much longer but fearful of Congress imposing sweeping change upon the South, he opted for a course of change from within. To that end, he sought to fulfill at last the "separate but equal" policy which the South had put forward in Supreme Court civil rights cases, particularly in regard to public education. Byrnes poured state money into improving Negro schools, buying new textbooks and new buses, and hiring additional teachers. He also sought to curb the power of the Ku Klux Klan by passing a law that prohibited adults from wearing a mask in public on any day other than Halloween; he knew that many Klansmen feared exposure, and would not appear in public in their robes unless their faces were hidden as well. Byrnes hoped to make South Carolina an example for other Southern states to follow in modifying their "Jim Crow" policies. Nonetheless, the NAACP sued South Carolina to force the state to desegregate its schools. Byrnes requested Kansas, a Midwestern state which also segregated its schools, to provide an Amicus curiae brief in supporting the right of a state to segregate its schools. This gave the NAACP's lawyer, Thurgood Marshall, the idea to shift the suit from South Carolina over to Kansas, which led directly to Brown v. Board of Education.

The South Carolina state constitution limited governors to one four-year term, and Byrnes retired from active political life following the 1954 election.

Later political career

In his later years, Byrnes foresaw that the American South could play a more important role in national politics. To hasten that development, he sought to end the region's nearly automatic support of the Democratic Party, which Byrnes believed had grown too liberal and took the "Solid South" for granted at election time, yet otherwise ignored the region and its needs.

Byrnes endorsed Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1952, segregationist candidate Harry Byrd in 1956, Richard M. Nixon in 1960 and 1968 and Barry Goldwater in 1964.[40] He gave his private blessing to U.S. Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina to bolt the Democratic Party in 1964 and declare himself a Republican, but Byrnes himself remained a Democrat at the time.

In 1965, Byrnes spoke out against the "punishment" and "humiliation" of South Carolina U.S. Representative Albert W. Watson, who had been stripped of his congressional seniority by the House Democratic Caucus after endorsing Goldwater for president. Byrnes openly endorsed Watson's retention in Congress as a Republican in a special election held in 1965 against Democrat Preston Callison. Watson secured $20,000 and the services of a GOP field representative in what he termed "quite a contrast" to his treatment from Democratic House colleagues.[41][42]

In 1968, Byrnes secretly advised Nixon on how to win old-time Southern Democrats to the Republican Party.[citation needed]

Following Byrnes' death on April 9, 1972, at the age of 89, he was interred in the churchyard at Trinity Episcopal Church in Columbia, South Carolina.

Legacy

Byrnes is memorialized at several South Carolina universities and schools.

In 1948, Byrnes and his wife established the James F. Byrnes Foundation Scholarships and since then more than 1,000 young South Carolinians have been assisted in obtaining a college education. His papers are in Clemson University's Special Collections Library.

Electoral history

Main article: Electoral history of James F. Byrnes

See also

Footnotes

  1. ^ "Timeline of the Court - James F. Byrnes". Supreme Court Historical Society. Retrieved July 10, 2012.
  2. ^ David Robertson, Sly and Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes (1994) p. 126
  3. ^ "Do You Know Your Charleston?". Charleston News & Courier. p. 8. Retrieved September 16, 2012.
  4. ^ http://www.carolana.com/SC/Governors/jfbyrnes.html
  5. ^ James L. Underwood. "Deadly Censorship". The University of South Carolina Press. p. Note 4. Retrieved February 11, 2016.
  6. ^ "SC Governors - James Francis Byrnes, 1951 - 1955". SCIWAY. Retrieved July 10, 2012.
  7. ^ a b c "BYRNES, James Francis". Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress. Office of the Clerk. Retrieved January 9, 2012.
  8. ^ a b "Report of the Secretary of State to the General Assembly of South Carolina. Part II." Reports of State Officers Boards and Committees to the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina. Volume I. Columbia, SC: 1925, p. 59.
  9. ^ Pope, Thomas H. The History of Newberry County, South Carolina: 1860–1990 p. 110
  10. ^ "Supplemental Report of the Secretary of State to the General Assembly of South Carolina." Reports of State Officers Boards and Committees to the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina. Volume I. Columbia, SC: 1931, p. 3.
  11. ^ "Book Reviews and Notes - Sly and Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes". South Carolina Historical Magazine. South Carolina Historical Society. April 1995. Retrieved July 10, 2012.
  12. ^ Walter Francis White#Anti-Lynching Legislation
  13. ^ https://books.google.com/books?id=RCD6ZezE_3YC&lpg=PA271&ots=dzR1aqgVS2&dq=james%20f%20byrnes%20lynching&pg=PA271#v=onepage&q=james%20f%20byrnes%20lynching&f=false
  14. ^ a b "ELECTIONS: Curtains for Cotton Ed". Time. August 7, 1944.
  15. ^ a b Storrs, Landon R. Y. (2000). Civilizing Capitalism: The National Consumers' League, Women's Activism, and Labor Standards in the New Deal Era. Univ of North Carolina Press. Retrieved July 10, 2012.
  16. ^ Simon, Bryant. A fabric of defeat: the politics of South Carolina millhands, 1910–1948, p. 208-210
  17. ^ a b Simon, Bryant. A fabric of defeat: the politics of South Carolina millhands, 1910–1948, p. 212
  18. ^ Wallace, David Duncan. South Carolina: A Short History (University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill, 1951) p. 677.
  19. ^ "| Economic History Services". Eh.net. Retrieved September 6, 2012.
  20. ^ "Research & Articles on Economy, World War II by". BookRags.com. Retrieved September 6, 2012.
  21. ^ "Economy in World War II: Home Front". Shmoop.com. Retrieved September 6, 2012.
  22. ^ Ibid.
  23. ^ Herman, Arthur. Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II, pp. 189-90, 247, 330, Random House, New York, NY. ISBN 978-1-4000-6964-4.
  24. ^ Ibid.
  25. ^ LeRoy Ashby (September 2, 2012). "American Dreamer: The life and times of Henry A. Wallace". Jah.oxfordjournals.org. Retrieved September 6, 2012.
  26. ^ "Harry S. Truman, 34th Vice President (1945)". U.S. Senate. Retrieved July 10, 2012.
  27. ^ Ibid.
  28. ^ Messer, Robert L. 'The End of an Alliance: James F. Byrnes, Roosevelt, Truman, and the Origins of the Cold War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 13. Cited in reliance on citation in Robert J. Lifton and Greg Mitchell, Hiroshima in America, Fifty Years of Denial (G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1995), 136 (footnote, Byrnes "as a kindly 'older brother' to Truman" in the Senate).
  29. ^ Gar Alperovitz, "The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb" (New York: Vintage Books, 1996)
  30. ^ David McCullough, Truman (Simon & Schuster:New York, 1992)p. 352.
  31. ^ Ibid
  32. ^ Ibid.
  33. ^ Ibid. p. 388.
  34. ^ Ibid. "A revealing moment during Byrnes' swearing-in ceremony as secretary of state offers insight into the relationship [between President Harry S. Truman and Byrnes]: The diary of Byrnes' friend and assistant Walter Brown records that 'when the oath was completed, the President said, "Jimmy, kiss the Bible." He did and then handed it over to the President and told him to kiss it, too. The President did so as the crowd laughed..." (Gar Alperovitz, The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb and the Architecture of an American Myth (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995, p. 197).
  35. ^ Ferrell, Robert H. Harry S. Truman: a Life (1995), ISBN 0-8262-1050-3, pp. 236–237.
  36. ^ Robert H. Ferrell, ed. "Off the Record: The Private Papers of Harry S. Truman" (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1980), 17.
  37. ^ Harry S. Truman, Memoirs, Vol. 1: Years of Decision (1955), p.547,550, cited in George Lenczowski, American Presidents and the Middle East, p.10
  38. ^ Harry S. Truman, Memoirs, Vol. 1: Years of Decision (1955), p.551–552, cited in Lenczowski, American Presidents, p.11
  39. ^ https://books.google.com/books?id=POhHuoGILNYC&pg=PA51&lpg=PA51&dq=%22the+Democratic+Party+means+that+the+white+man+is+supreme%22&source=bl&ots=iD7nFXAQ_N&sig=PzFIHIdRdwSjckxr9aWXTodgdTg&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CC4Q6AEwA2oVChMIw8_BmNC0xwIVRnY-Ch0DpQAQ#v=onepage&q&f=false
  40. ^ Lamis, Alexander (1988). The Two-Party South. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 15–16.
  41. ^ Billy Hathorn, "The Changing Politics of Race: Congressman Albert William Watson and the South Carolina Republican Party, 1965-1970", South Carolina Historical Magazine Vol. 89 (October 1988), p. 230
  42. ^ Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, Vol. 23 (June 18, 1965), p. 1185; Bernard Cosman and Robert J. Huckshorn, eds., Republican Politics: The 1964 Campaign and Its Aftermath for the Party (New York: Praeger, 1968), pp. 147–148

References

Primary sources

  • Byrnes, James. Speaking Frankly (1947)
  • Byrnes, James. All in One Lifetime (1958).

Further reading

  • Abraham, Henry J., Justices and Presidents: A Political History of Appointments to the Supreme Court. 3d. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). ISBN 0-19-506557-3.
  • Cushman, Clare, The Supreme Court Justices: Illustrated Biographies,1789–1995 (2nd ed.) (Supreme Court Historical Society), (Congressional Quarterly Books, 2001) ISBN 1-56802-126-7; ISBN 978-1-56802-126-3.
  • Frank, John P., The Justices of the United States Supreme Court: Their Lives and Major Opinions (Leon Friedman and Fred L. Israel, editors) (Chelsea House Publishers: 1995) ISBN 0-7910-1377-4, ISBN 978-0-7910-1377-9.
  • Martin, Fenton S. and Goehlert, Robert U., The U.S. Supreme Court: A Bibliography, (Congressional Quarterly Books, 1990). ISBN 0-87187-554-3.
  • Urofsky, Melvin I., The Supreme Court Justices: A Biographical Dictionary (New York: Garland Publishing 1994). 590 pp. ISBN 0-8153-1176-1; ISBN 978-0-8153-1176-8.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to James Francis Byrnes.
U.S. House of Representatives
Preceded by Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from South Carolina's 2nd congressional district
1911–1925 		Succeeded by
Party political offices
Preceded by Democratic nominee for U.S. Senator from South Carolina
(Class 2)
1930, 1936 		Succeeded by
Preceded by Democratic nominee for Governor of South Carolina
1950 		Succeeded by
U.S. Senate
Preceded by United States Senator (Class 2) from South Carolina
1931–1941
Served alongside: Ed Smith 		Succeeded by
Preceded by Chairperson of the Senate Contingent Expenses Audit Committee
1933–1941 		Succeeded by
Legal offices
Preceded by Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States
1941–1942 		Succeeded by
Political offices
New office Director of the Office of Economic Stabilization
1942–1943 		Succeeded by
Director of the Office of War Mobilization
1943–1945 		Succeeded by
Preceded by United States Secretary of State
1945–1947 		Succeeded by
Preceded by Governor of South Carolina
1951–1955 		Succeeded by

Template:Start U.S. Supreme Court composition Template:U.S. Supreme Court composition court lifespan Template:U.S. Supreme Court composition 1941–1942 Template:End U.S. Supreme Court composition

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