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==Croatia==
==Croatia==
{{seealso|Neo-Nazism in Croatia}}
{{seealso|Neo-Nazism in Croatia}}
Since gaining independence, Croatia has often been criticized for ignoring its past and erasing evidence of former [[Ustasha]] Fascist and [[National Socialism|Nazi]] crimes.[http://www.iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=246286&apc_state=henibcr1999] In one prominent case, [[Zagreb]]'s "Square of the Victims of Fascism" was renamed "The Square of The Great Men of Croatia", provoking widespread criticism of Croatia's attitude toward the [[Holocaust]].[http://www.iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=246286&apc_state=henibcr1999] Many streets in Croatia have been renamed after [[Mile Budak]], a prominent Ustasha figure, which provoked outrage in the Serbian minority, that still numbered 12% in 1991, despite a WWII genocide.[http://www.balkanpeace.org/cib/cro/cro16.shtml] The memory of the [[Ustasha]] genocide was still very vivid when Croatia started secession from the [[SFRY]], and Serbs in Croatia often expressed fear at the new developments.
Neo-Ustashism is the term used to describe the [[neo-fascist]] movement in Croatia, which is influenced by the [[Ustasha]], an organization supported by the Nazis during World War II. Support for this movement mainly arose from residual hatred from the Yugoslav wars, and from Croatian nationalism. Ustashe still has a party headquarters in Zagreb. [http://www.christusrex.org/www1/news/haaretz-1-15-06a.html]
A plaque in [[Slunj]] with the inscription "Croatian Knight Jure Francetić" was erected to commemorate the notorious [[Ustasha]] leader of the [[Black Legion (Neo-Nazi paramilitary group)|Black Legion]], [[Jure Francetic]]. The plaque remained there for four years, and was eventually removed by the authorities. Since 2002 there has been a reversal of this movement, and streets with the name of Mile Budak or other persons involved or connected with the Ustasha movement are few or non-existent, and with the new legislation this is illegal. Neo-Nazism in [[Croatia]] is restricted by the law as of 2006 and public display of fascist symbols and paraphernalia is now formally banned, however imprisonment and fines for such acts are generally minor.
To many of their modern supporters, the Ustaše are considered to have been merely victims of the [[Bleiburg massacre]] and there were even proposals by the late President Tudjman to rebury them together with victims of the [[Jasenovac concentration camp]] as a sign of national reconciliation, although it should be noted that Croatian partisans were only a very small proportion of the casualties at Jasenovac. Although many view Croats during the WWII primarily as supporters of right-wing ideology, it must be noted that Croats, not Serbs, were the first organizers of the [[Partisan]] Movement in [[Yugoslavia]]. Croatian Serbs, whose cousins died in the Jasenovac concentration camp and other concentration camps in Croatia, often felt insulted by such proposals. The resurgence of the Ustase movement in present-day Croatia is partly due to the financial support of Ustase members who emigrated to the HDZ during the 1990s. [http://www.jasenovac.org/pressreleases_read.php?nID=16]


In 1998-9, an attempt was made to bring to justice Nada Sakic - who was a guard at the Stara Gradiska concentration camp. Nada Sakic, according to her accusers, was known for her cruelty towards the prisoners which is reflected in diverse testimonies that were the basis for her extradition in November 1998 to Croatia [http://www.wiesenthal.com/site/apps/s/content.asp?c=fwLYKnN8LzH&b=253162&ct=286050], [http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/ap/609064801.html?did=609064801&FMT=ABS&FMTS=FT&date=Feb+1%2C+1999&author=EUGENE+BRCIC%2C+Associated+Press+Writer&pub=Associated+Press&desc=Croatia+drops+case+against+World+War+II+war+crimes+suspect],
Such sentiments and actions have been restricted by law since 2003, and the display of Ustasha or Nazi symbols is illegal.{{fact}} The most common method of expressing pro-Ustasha views is graffiti targeting ethnic [[Serbs]].{{fact}} Croatia has no laws against [[historical revisionism]] or [[holocaust denial]].{{fact}}
[http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/ap/609064301.html?did=609064301&FMT=ABS&FMTS=FT&date=Feb+1%2C+1999&author=SNJEZANA+VUKIC%2C+Associated+Press+Writer&pub=Associated+Press&desc=Croatia+drops+case+against+World+War+II+war+crimes+suspect],
[http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/ap/613287261.html?did=613287261&FMT=ABS&FMTS=FT&date=Nov+2%2C+1998&author=SNJEZANA+VUKIC%]. The Croatian government granted her Croatian citizenship. Mrs. Sakic, then 72, was never indicted by the Croatian authorities. The Croatian government claimed that no evidence or witnesses exist to indict Mrs. Sakic. However, the New York based Jasenovac Research Institute was in contact with Survivors living in Yugoslavia who had given eyewitness testimony to Mrs. Sakic's crimes at Stara Gradishka (part of the Jasenovac camps). At the First International Conference on Jasenovac in New York City in 1997 one of these Survivors, Mara Vejnovic, gave an eyewitness account of Nada Sakic's activities as a camp commander. [http://www.israelfaxx.com/webarchive/1998/11/8fax1106.html], [http://www.vho.org/News/GB/SRN5_99.html#14], [http://www.jasenovac.org/pressreleases_read.php?nID=16]


In November 1999 a lawsuit was filed in Federal Court, San Francisco, CA where the plaintiffs are of Serb, Jewish and Ukrainian background. The plaintiffs are also survivors of the WWII Ustashe concentration camps. The defendants are the Vatican Bank, the Franciscan Order and the Croatian Liberation Movements who allegedly concealed assets looted by the Croatian Nazis from their concentration camp victims (Serbs, Jews, Ukrainians) between 1941-1945. As per Jonathan Levy, one of the plaintiffs' lawyers, many of the plaintiffs have been reluctant to be photographed, and are still terrified of the Ustashe. Among Serbs, fear of the Ustashe is still particularly strong as the Ustashe still exists and has a party headquarters in Zagreb.[http://www.christusrex.org/www1/news/haaretz-1-15-06a.html]
The serif letter U (sometimes embellished with a cross, and/or the letters NDH) representing Ustasha) is the most common, while there are also instances of much more explicit hate speech. The phrase [[Srbe na vrbe!]] (meaning "hang Serbs on the willow trees!") also appears in [[graffiti]] and as slogans of Croatian football hooligans.{{fact}}


The publication of Hitler's book [[Mein Kampf]] in 1999, caused the then German foreign minister [[Joschka Fischer]] to summon his Croatian opposite number Mate Granic, and press him to have the book banned in Croatia [http://www.iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=246286&apc_state=henibcr1999]; however, this did not happen.
An Orthodox church was sprayed with pro-Ustasha graffiti in 2004. [http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id=279919][http://www.spc.org.yu/Vesti-2004/04/28-4-04-e01.html#usta] Police have sped up responses to the appearance of extreme right wing graffiti and other hate vandalism. [http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id=253042]
In a number of protests, it has been reported that supporters of [[Ante Gotovina]] and other suspected war criminals often carry nationalist symbols and pictures of [[Ante Pavelic]]. [http://www.novilist.hr/default.asp?WCI=Pretrazivac&WCU=285A285B2863285D2863285A28582858285E2863286328632859285F2859285F2861285828632863286328592863M]There were several public appearances of Ustashe veterans wearing Ustashe uniforms, for instance in Zadar and Slunj. [http://www.novilist.hr/default.asp?WCI=Pretrazivac&WCU=285A285B2863285D2863285A28582858285E286328632863285A2858285E2860285928632863286328592863S], [http://www.novilist.hr/default.asp?WCI=Pretrazivac&WCU=285A28582863285D2863285A28582858285E2863286328632859285A285B285C285A285C28632863286328592863K]. Also, a popular Croatian singer [[Thompson (band)|Thompson]] has been singing the ''[[Jasenovac i Gradiska Stara]]'' in his concerts, a song which glorifies the Ustashe and their genocide of Serbs, Jews and Gypsies. [http://www.pavelicpapers.com/archive/0101/5.html].

Occasionally [[graffiti]] with Ustashe slogans appears in present-day Croatia, even an Orthodox church was sprayed with such graffiti in 2004 [http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id=279919],[http://www.spc.org.yu/Vesti-2004/04/28-4-04-e01.html#usta] and the police have stepped up measures to prevent this from occurring by speeding up responses to the appearance of extreme right wing graffiti and other hate vandalism. [http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id=253042]
It has been reported that during some protests in Croatia, supporters of [[Ante Gotovina]] and other suspected war criminals often carry nationalist symbols and pictures of [[Ante Pavelic]]. [http://www.novilist.hr/default.asp?WCI=Pretrazivac&WCU=285A285B2863285D2863285A28582858285E2863286328632859285F2859285F2861285828632863286328592863M]

A popular Croatian singer [[Thompson (band)|Thompson]] has been singing the ''[[Jasenovac i Gradiska Stara]]'' in his concerts; a song which glorifies the Ustashe and their genocide of Serbs, Jews and Gypsies. [http://www.pavelicpapers.com/archive/0101/5.html].


==Germany==
==Germany==

Revision as of 00:07, 27 November 2006

Neo-Nazism is the ideology of post-World War II political movements seeking to revive Nazism or a racist form of fascism.

Those who are part of such movements often do not use the term to describe themselves. They eschew terms such as neo-Nazism and neo-fascism for a variety of reasons: avoidance of the stigma associated with these terms; avoidance of legal consequences in countries where Nazi and fascist organizations are banned; ideological differences from Nazism and fascism; or a rejection of the neo prefix, based on a wish to project unequivocal commitment to fascism or Nazism. In many European countries, there are laws that prevent the expression of Nazi, racist or anti-semitic ideology, thus no significant political party will describe itself as neo-Nazi.

The exact ideals adopted by a neo-Nazi movement can vary, but it often includes an allegiance to Adolf Hitler and the use of insignia of Nazi Germany (e.g. the swastika, Sig Runes, and the red-white-black color scheme). Their ideology usually includes anti-Semitism, racism, xenophobia, nationalism, militarism, and homophobia. These groups often draw membership from people who blame their society's problems on Jews, non-white immigrants and liberalism.

Current knowledge of neo-Nazi activity indicates that it is a global phenomenon, with organized representation in almost every Western country, as well as international networks. Despite this, modern Nazi groups are extremely marginalized by the stigma inherent in their politics.

Individuals who have attempted to revive Nazism include Colin Jordan, George Lincoln Rockwell, Savitri Devi, Francis Parker Yockey, William Pierce, Eddy Morrison, David Myatt

Holocaust denial and minimization

File:Mass Grave Bergen Belsen May 1945.jpg
Mass graves at Bergen-Belsen in 1945; neo-Nazis claim such evidence is either counterfeit or misrepresented.

Many neo-Nazis promote Holocaust denial. They claim that the intentional mass murder — often in gas chambers — of about 6,000,000 Jews (and millions of others, including Poles, Roma, Sinti, the disabled, Freemasons, communists, anarchists, homosexuals and Jehovah's Witnesses) is a lie or grossly exaggerated. These claims are unsupported by reputable historians.

Some doubt that Holocaust deniers actually believe their own claims, and accuse them of using Holocaust denial to make Nazism more palatable by removing its association with genocide. Some Holocaust deniers don't identify as neo-Nazis, although many of their works are quoted and distributed by neo-Nazis.

Some neo-Nazis who don't deny the Holocaust have pointed out alleged immoral equivalencies (e.g. the bombing of Dresden and the Expulsion of Germans after World War II), or have justified executions by the Nazis as retaliations for sabotage, terrorism and subversion.

Austria

Immediately after the Allies liberated Austria in 1945, the anti-Nazi parties - Socialists (SPÖ), Conservatives (ÖVP) and Communists (KPÖ) - passed legislation to overcome the effects of Nazi rule. A law passed on May 8, 1945, banned the NSDAP and Nazi activities.

The denazification program designed to purge the state apparatus and society of Nazi followers was not successful, mainly because of the size of the problem and the bureaucratic shortcomings of the program. This failure was reflected primarily in the fact that ex-members and sympathizers of the NSDAP did not change their beliefs.

Over 500,000 registered Nazis were allowed to vote in the 1949 general election.[citation needed] A considerable number of ex-Nazis were integrated into the SPÖ and the ÖVP, and several concessions were made to appease them, such as suppression of the history of the Nazizeit; a fall-off in the prosecutions of Nazi war criminals; and the reinstatement of Nazi civil servants, teachers, professors, lawyers and police officers.

In the 1949 Austrian elections, ex-Nazis in the Verband der Unabhängigen (VdU) put up candidates and won seats, and the Austrian right wing went through a process of growth. The withdrawal of Allied troops from Austria in 1955 encouraged the consolidation of right-wing groups, ranging from neo-Nazis to moderate Pan-Germans.

The VdU split in 1955, but re-formed itself one year later as the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ). The first leaders of the FPÖ were former Nazis, such as Anton Reinthaller, who had been a government minister in the Nazi era, and Friedrich Peter, who had been a Schutzstaffel (SS) officer.

The Austrian public saw itself confronted with the organized right for the first time in 1959, during the Schiller Celebrations, when Pan-German youth, sport and cultural organizations took to the streets. The Burschenschaften and schlagende Verbindungen (fraternities of male uniformed students), the FPÖ's students' organization RFS and its graduate equivalent Freiheitliche Akademikerverbände (FAV) attained considerable influence within student and university bodies.[citation needed]

1960s and later

In 1960, during the South Tyrol Crisis, right-wing extremists, along with German Kameraden, gained notoriety by involvement in terrorist acts in South Tyrol, Italy.[citation needed] Prominent among these was Norbert Burger, the ex-RFS leader and subsequent chairman of the neo-Nazi Nationaldemokratische Partei (NDP). The influence that the extreme right had gained in the universities became dramatically apparent five years later, during the Borodajkewycz Affair. Hundreds of students demonstrated in favor of the anti-semitic university professor Borodajkewycz, and were involved in street battles — in the course of which Ernst Kirchweger, a former concentration camp inmate, was beaten to death.[citation needed]

During the 1960s and 1970s, Friedrich Peter, Chairman of the FPÖ, started establishing his party within the democratic party system — leading up to the entry of the FPÖ into a coalition government with the Socialists in 1983. This development led to the formation of a group around Norbert Burger (condemned in absentia by an Italian court for terrorist offenses in South Tyrol), which split from the FPÖ in 1966 and set up the NDP. In contrast to its German counterpart of the same name, the Austrian NDP found little resonance in an electorate moving to the left in the late 1960s.

The volume "Rechtsextremismus in Österreich seit 1945", issued by DÖW in 1979, listed nearly 50 active extreme right-wing organizations in Austria. Their influence waned gradually, partly due to liberalization programs in secondary schools and universities that emphasized Austrian identity and democratic traditions. Votes for the RFS in student elections fell from 30% in the 1960s to 2% in 1987.[citation needed] In the 1995 elections for the student representative body Österreichische Hochschülerschaft, the RFS got 4% of the vote. The FPÖ won 22% of the votes at the General Election in the same year.[citation needed]

In the 1980s, in the province of Carinthia, border issues with Slovenia — and disagreements over the rights of Carinthia's Slovenian minority — were used to orchestrate support for the far right organization Kärntner Heimatdienst.

Belgium

A Belgian neo-Nazi organization, Bloed-Bodem-Eer-Trouw (Blood, Land, Honour and Faithfulness), was created in 2004 after splitting from the international network Blood and Honour). The group rose to public prominence in September 2006, after 17 members (including 11 soldiers) were arrested under the December 2003 anti-terrorist laws and laws against racism, anti-semitism and negationism. According to Justice Minister Laurette Onkelinx and Interior Minister Patrick Dewael, the suspects (11 of whom were members of the military) were preparing terrorist attacks in order to "destabilize" Belgium.[1][2]

According to journalist Manuel Abramowicz, of the Resistances network, the ultras of the radical right have always had as aim to "infiltrate the state mechanisms," including the army in the 1970s and the 1980s, through Westland New Post and the Front de la Jeunesse.[3]

A police operation, which mobilized 150 agents, searched five military barracks (in Leopoldsburg near the Dutch border: Kleine-Brogel, Peer, Brussels (Royal military school) and Zedelgem — as well as 18 private addresses in Flanders. They found weapons, munitions, explosives, and a homemade bomb large enough to make "a car explode." The leading suspect, B.T., was organizing the trafficing of weapons, and was developing international links, in particular with the Dutch far right movement De Nationale Alliantie[4][5][6][7][8][9]

Croatia

Since gaining independence, Croatia has often been criticized for ignoring its past and erasing evidence of former Ustasha Fascist and Nazi crimes.[1] In one prominent case, Zagreb's "Square of the Victims of Fascism" was renamed "The Square of The Great Men of Croatia", provoking widespread criticism of Croatia's attitude toward the Holocaust.[2] Many streets in Croatia have been renamed after Mile Budak, a prominent Ustasha figure, which provoked outrage in the Serbian minority, that still numbered 12% in 1991, despite a WWII genocide.[3] The memory of the Ustasha genocide was still very vivid when Croatia started secession from the SFRY, and Serbs in Croatia often expressed fear at the new developments. A plaque in Slunj with the inscription "Croatian Knight Jure Francetić" was erected to commemorate the notorious Ustasha leader of the Black Legion, Jure Francetic. The plaque remained there for four years, and was eventually removed by the authorities. Since 2002 there has been a reversal of this movement, and streets with the name of Mile Budak or other persons involved or connected with the Ustasha movement are few or non-existent, and with the new legislation this is illegal. Neo-Nazism in Croatia is restricted by the law as of 2006 and public display of fascist symbols and paraphernalia is now formally banned, however imprisonment and fines for such acts are generally minor. To many of their modern supporters, the Ustaše are considered to have been merely victims of the Bleiburg massacre and there were even proposals by the late President Tudjman to rebury them together with victims of the Jasenovac concentration camp as a sign of national reconciliation, although it should be noted that Croatian partisans were only a very small proportion of the casualties at Jasenovac. Although many view Croats during the WWII primarily as supporters of right-wing ideology, it must be noted that Croats, not Serbs, were the first organizers of the Partisan Movement in Yugoslavia. Croatian Serbs, whose cousins died in the Jasenovac concentration camp and other concentration camps in Croatia, often felt insulted by such proposals. The resurgence of the Ustase movement in present-day Croatia is partly due to the financial support of Ustase members who emigrated to the HDZ during the 1990s. [4]

In 1998-9, an attempt was made to bring to justice Nada Sakic - who was a guard at the Stara Gradiska concentration camp. Nada Sakic, according to her accusers, was known for her cruelty towards the prisoners which is reflected in diverse testimonies that were the basis for her extradition in November 1998 to Croatia [5], [6], [7], [8]. The Croatian government granted her Croatian citizenship. Mrs. Sakic, then 72, was never indicted by the Croatian authorities. The Croatian government claimed that no evidence or witnesses exist to indict Mrs. Sakic. However, the New York based Jasenovac Research Institute was in contact with Survivors living in Yugoslavia who had given eyewitness testimony to Mrs. Sakic's crimes at Stara Gradishka (part of the Jasenovac camps). At the First International Conference on Jasenovac in New York City in 1997 one of these Survivors, Mara Vejnovic, gave an eyewitness account of Nada Sakic's activities as a camp commander. [9], [10], [11]

In November 1999 a lawsuit was filed in Federal Court, San Francisco, CA where the plaintiffs are of Serb, Jewish and Ukrainian background. The plaintiffs are also survivors of the WWII Ustashe concentration camps. The defendants are the Vatican Bank, the Franciscan Order and the Croatian Liberation Movements who allegedly concealed assets looted by the Croatian Nazis from their concentration camp victims (Serbs, Jews, Ukrainians) between 1941-1945. As per Jonathan Levy, one of the plaintiffs' lawyers, many of the plaintiffs have been reluctant to be photographed, and are still terrified of the Ustashe. Among Serbs, fear of the Ustashe is still particularly strong as the Ustashe still exists and has a party headquarters in Zagreb.[12]

The publication of Hitler's book Mein Kampf in 1999, caused the then German foreign minister Joschka Fischer to summon his Croatian opposite number Mate Granic, and press him to have the book banned in Croatia [13]; however, this did not happen. In a number of protests, it has been reported that supporters of Ante Gotovina and other suspected war criminals often carry nationalist symbols and pictures of Ante Pavelic. [14]There were several public appearances of Ustashe veterans wearing Ustashe uniforms, for instance in Zadar and Slunj. [15], [16]. Also, a popular Croatian singer Thompson has been singing the Jasenovac i Gradiska Stara in his concerts, a song which glorifies the Ustashe and their genocide of Serbs, Jews and Gypsies. [17]. Occasionally graffiti with Ustashe slogans appears in present-day Croatia, even an Orthodox church was sprayed with such graffiti in 2004 [18],[19] and the police have stepped up measures to prevent this from occurring by speeding up responses to the appearance of extreme right wing graffiti and other hate vandalism. [20]

Germany

A militant Neo-Nazi in Germany.

In Germany immediately after World War II, Allied forces and the new German government attempted to prevent the creation of new Nazi movements through a process known as denazification. There was little overt neo-Nazi activity in Europe until the 1960s. However, some former Nazis retained their political beliefs, and passed them down to new generations.

After German reunification in the 1990s, neo-Nazi groups gained more followers, mostly among disaffected teenagers in the former East Germany. Many were new groups that arose amidst the economic collapse and high unemployment in the former East Germany. Many neo-Nazis from the east disliked communism, but many of them have held socialist economic views.[citation needed] They have also had an aversion to people from Slavic countries (especially Poland) and people of other national backgrounds who moved from the former West Germany into the former German Democratic Republic after Germany was reunited. Their ideology was similar to that of Otto Strasser.

Neo-Nazi activities

German neo-Nazis have engaged in several violent attacks on immigrants and ethnic minorities. These actions have included attacks on accommodations for refugees in Hoyerswerda (September 17-September 22, 1991); Rostock-Lichtenhagen (August 23-August 27, 1992); and Schwedt, Eberswalde, Eisenhüttenstadt, Elsterwerda (October 1991). A neo-Nazi arson attack on the house of a Turkish family in Solingen (May 29, 1993), resulted in the deaths of two women and three girls, and in severe injuries for seven other people. Neo-Nazis were involved in the murders of three Turkish girls in an arson attack in Mölln (November 23, 1992), in which nine other people were injured.[citation needed] These events preceded demonstrations with hundreds of thousands of participants protesting against extreme right violence in many German cities.[citation needed] These protests precipitated massive neo-Nazi counter-demonstrations. The demonstrations have often erupted in violent clashes between neo-Nazis and anti-fascists.

Official German statistics record 178 violent crimes motivated by right-wing extremism in 1990.[citation needed] Statistics show that in 1991, there were 849 crimes, and in 1992 there were 1,485 (with a significant concentration in the eastern Bundesländer). After 1992, the numbers went down, although they have risen sharply in subsequent years. In the former East Germany, an average of 17 people have been murdered every year by far right groups. [21]

Anti-Nazi legislation

German law forbids the production of pro-Nazi materials, so such items are smuggled into the country mostly from the United States, Scandinavia, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Italy.[citation needed] Neo-Nazi rock bands such as Landser have been outlawed in Germany, yet bootleg copies of their albums printed in the US and other countries are still sold in the country.

After the swastika became banned in Germany, some neo-Nazis began to display the older German Empire flag.

An American neo-Nazi group called NSDAP/AO runs an illegal smuggling ring, for supplying pro-Nazi materials to neo-Nazis in Europe and other locations where such materials are banned by law. NSDAP/AO supplies items such as magazines, CDs, posters, portraits, clothing, patches, stickers, pamphlets. [citation needed]

German neo-Nazi websites mostly depend on Internet servers in the US and Canada, and use other terms for Nazi ideas and symbols. They also invent new symbols reminiscent of the swastika and adopt other symbols used by the Nazis, such as the sun disc, sun wheel, hooked cross, wolf's cross, wolf's hook, black sun, and dark star.

A trial was held before the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany over the prohibition of the National Democratic Party (NPD), considered (though not proven to be) a neo-Nazi party.[citation needed] In the course of the trial, it was discovered that some high-ranking party members worked as informants for the domestic intelligence service, the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz. The trial was temporarily suspended, and then rejected by the court because of the unclear influence of informants within the NPD.

In 2004, NPD received 9.1% of the vote in the parliamentary elections for Saxony, thus earning the right to seat local parliament members.[citation needed] The other parties refused to enter discussions with the NPD. In the 2006 parliamentary elections for Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the NPD received 7.3% of the vote and six seats in the local parliament.

Greece

File:Imia06 2.jpg
Neo-Nazi march in Athens, 2006

Despite its minor electoral importance, neo-Nazism in Greece is visible through swastikas and anti-Semitic slogans in graffiti all over the country (especially in Peloponnese).[citation needed]

The most notable Greek neo-Nazi political organization was Hrisi Avgi, which stopped its activities in late 2005. Hrisi Avgi held 10 offices across Greece, and published a monthly youth magazine.[citation needed] Members of Hrisi Avgi have continued their activities through the Patriotic Alliance, a nationalist party formed two months before the 2004 European Parliament elections (in which it gathered 10,000 votes, corresponding to 0,17% of the general vote).[citation needed]

Neo-Nazis in Greece are influenced by the Metaxas quasi-fascist dictatorship, the Security Battalions during the Second World War, and the collaborationist regimes which were placed in power by the Nazis during the German occupation of Greece (1940-1944) — such as those of Tsolakoglou, Ioannis Rallis and Logothetopoulos.

Neo-nazis in Greece have been tied to hate-driven attacks on immigrants, homosexuals and leftists. One of the most deadly attacks was the murder of three immigrants in central Athens by racist Pandelis Kazakos.[citation needed] Twelve Greek neo-Nazis participated as volunteers in the Yugoslav wars in Bosnia, aiding the Serbian Army in capturing the town of Srebrenica.[citation needed]

Greek neo-Nazis have been active in football hooliganism. In September 2004, during a football match between Albania and Greece, Albanian hooligans set the Greek flag on fire, so members of Hrisi Avgi and The Blue Army (a nationalist group of football fans) launched a series of riots. They targetted Albanian immigrants in Greece, killing one and wounding seven.

Russia

File:Bookcover The ABC of a Russian Nationalist.jpg
Bookcover of The ABC of a Russian Nationalist by A.P. Barkashov

The post-Soviet era has seen the rise of a variety of extreme nationalist movements in Russia, some of which are openly neo-fascist or neo-Nazi. These organizations are characterized by extreme xenophobia and anti-Semitism. A few of these groups support overthrowing the government and taking power by force.

Social roots

The collapse of the Soviet economic system in the early 1990s caused great economic and social problems,including widespread unemployment and poverty.

This discontent found its main outlet in the major political parties that opposed the Boris Yeltsin government, especially the Communist Party of the Russian Federation — which supported a return to some of the Soviet-era economic policies — and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia — a xenophobic and chauvinist party without a clear agenda beyond the opposition to the ruling political factions allied to Yeltsin. It became clear that neither of these two parties was capable of accomplishing any serious changes in national policies, and they came to be widely seen as selling out to the anti-people regime (a label widely used by the Communists to refer to Yeltsin's government).

Several far right paramilitary organizations were able to tap into popular discontent, particularly among the marginalized, lesser educated, and habitually unemployed youth. Of the three major age groups — youths, adults, and the elderly — youths may have been hit the hardest. The elderly suffered due to inadequate (or unpaid) pensions, but they found effective political representation in the Communists, and generally had their concerns addressed through better budget allocations.

Adults, although often suffering financially and psychologically due to job losses, were generally able to find new sources of income. Moreover, Soviet-era indoctrination into the ideals of egalitarianism predisposed most against the message of right-wing extremists. The youths generally had no such prior inclinations, and had only experienced the final days of the Communist regime, largely consisting of brutal crackdowns without the presence of communist ideals.

Ideology

Russian neo-Nazi organizations have generally defined themselves as standing outside of the political process, disdaining the electoral system and advocating the overthrow of the government by force. Their ideology has centered on defending Russian national identity against what they perceive as a takeover ethnic minority groups, notably Jews and Caucasian immigrants. Cleansing the nation by killing or expelling the non-Russians has been a generally accepted goal. Their ideology became epitomized in the slogan "Russia for the Russians", a catchphrase also adopted by less extreme factions. Russian neo-Nazis have generally not outlined discernible economic programs.

Russian neo-Nazis have openly admired and imitated the German Nazis and Adolf Hitler, and the book Mein Kampf stood high on their reading list. The most prominent organization, Russian National Union, led by Aleksandr Barkashov, adopted a three-ray swastika as its emblem (the Nazi swastika can be thought of consisting of two rays; the Z shaped segments). In order to harmonize Hitler's notion of the Germanic master race with the Russian national feeling, the doctrine was updated to include all Aryans or Indo-Europeans, both Germanic and Slavic. This definition explicitly excluded Jews and the people from the Caucasus, who are widely seen as alien and black because of a slightly darker skin tone. Russian neo-Nazis have considered the Russians to be a special and chosen nation, while looking down on others, including the non-Russian Slavic peoples.

Activities

Russian neo-Nazis have made it an explicit goal to take over the country by force, and they did put serious effort into preparing for this.[citation needed] Paramilitary organizations operating under the guise of sports clubs have trained their members in squad tactics and weapons handling. They have stockpiled weapons, often illegally. Reputedly, many were interested in martial arts and unarmed combat, and have organized realistic hand-to-hand combat classes. Neo-Nazis in Russia have also used legallly-obtained weapons when confronting opponents. For example, Russian neo-Nazis once used bats to beat two lightly-armed African American US Marines guarding the wife of a congressman.[citation needed]

Russian neo-Nazis' most notable action so far was the participation in the armed defense of the Supreme Soviet building against government forces during the standoff between Yeltsin and the Communist-dominated parliament in 1993.[citation needed]

United States

In the United States, neo-Nazi groups are a sub-type of a wider array of anti-semitic and white supremacist groups. American neo-Nazi groups tend to pay homage to — but are often less focused on — the specific tenets of the NSDAP than some neo-Nazi groups in other countries.

Neo- Nazi groups in the United States can be traced back to the 1920s, with the US branch of the National Socialist German Workers Party. This organization merged with Free Society of Teutonia to form the German-American Bund. The Bund and other groups achieved a limited popularity in the 1930s (at one point staging a rally with over 20,000 people), but rapidly faded with the onset of World War Two. The groups either disbanded or were dismantled by force during the war period.

After the war, new organizations formed, with varying degrees of support for Nazi principles. It is difficult to determine the extent of neo-Nazi organizations in the United States, because these groups are aware that public opinion concerning them is negative, and there are organizations dedicated to monitoring their activities (such as the Anti-Defamation League and Southern Poverty Law Center). While a small minority of neo-Nazis draw public attention, most operate underground, so they may recruit, organize and raise funds without interference or harassment.

The United States Constitution guarantees freedom of speech, which allows political organizations great latitude in expressing Nazi, racist and anti-semitic views. American neo-Nazi groups often operate websites, occasionally stage public demonstrations, and maintain ties to groups in Europe and elsewhere. However, neo-Nazis are a tiny percentage of the national population. More often than not, neo-Nazis are outnumbered by counter-protesters at public demonstrations, and are quickly prosecuted for any crimes, such as hate crimes. In addition to targetting Jews and African Americans, neo-Nazi groups are known to harass and attack Asian Americans, Catholics, Latinos, Italian Americans, Arab Americans, homosexuals and people with different political or religious opinions.

Neo-Nazism and the law

Some American neo-Nazi groups espouse violence, however it is sometimes difficult for authorities to implicate them in violence or illegality in any meaningful way. In many cases, the organizations that neo-Nazis intend to be financially, politically and socially successful are made out to be professional and respectable, whereas other, less important groups and individuals are almost always the ones responsible for criminal acts. In this way, prominent neo-Nazis may inspire, incite or even order violent crimes without much fear that their involvement will be traced back to an official organization.

One notable North American exceptions to this fact are The Order, which had members convicted of crimes such as racketeering, conspiracy, violating civil rights and sedition. Other exceptions are Matthew F. Hale of the World Church of the Creator, who was imprisoned for soliciting the murder of a federal judge; and Richard Butler of Aryan Nations, which lost a $6.2 million dollar lawsuit after Aryan Nations members opened fire on a passing vehicle. Aryan Nations has since lost its headquarters and paramilitary training grounds, and has split into three separate organizations.

Neo-Nazi organizations

The Americas

File:Hailhitler.jpg
A Finnish neo-Nazi

Scandinavia

UK

Other European Countries

Other

Neo-Nazi bands

See also

References

Primary sources

Academic surveys

  • The Beast Reawakens by Martin A. Lee, (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1997, ISBN 0-316-51959-6)
  • Fascism (Oxford Readers) by Roger Griffin (1995, ISBN 0-19-289249-5)
  • Beyond Eagle and Swastika: German nationalism since 1945 by Kurt P. Tauber (Wesleyan University Press; [1st ed.] edition, 1967)
  • Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890 edited by Philip Rees, (1991, ISBN 0-13-089301-3)
  • Hitler's Priestess: Savitri Devi, the Hindu-Aryan Myth, and Neo-Nazism by Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (1998, ISBN 0-8147-3111-2 and ISBN 0-8147-3110-4)
  • Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International by Kevin Coogan, (Autonomedia, Brooklyn, NY 1998, ISBN 1-57027-039-2)
  • Hate: George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party by William H. Schmaltz (Potomac Books, 2000, ISBN 1-57488-262-7)
  • American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party by Frederick J. Simonelli (University of Illinois Press, 1999, ISBN 0-252-02285-8)
  • Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918-1985 by Richard C. Thurlow (Olympic Marketing Corp, 1987, ISBN 0-631-13618-5)
  • Fascism Today: A World Survey by Angelo Del Boca and Mario Giovana (Pantheon Books, 1st American edition, 1969)
  • Swastika and the Eagle: Neo-Naziism in America Today by Clifford L Linedecker (A & W Pub, 1982, ISBN 0-89479-100-1)
  • The Silent Brotherhood: Inside America's Racist Underground by Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt (Signet Book; Reprint edition, 1995, ISBN 0-451-16786-4)
  • "White Power, White Pride!": The White Separatist Movement in the United States by Betty A. Dobratz with Stephanie L. Shanks-Meile (hardcover, Twayne Publishers, 1997, ISBN 0-8057-3865-7); a.k.a. The White Separatist Movement in the United States: White Power White Pride (paperback, Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 2000, ISBN 0-8018-6537-9)
  • Encyclopedia of White Power: A Sourcebook on the Radical Racist Right by Jeffrey Kaplan (Rowman & Littlefield Pub Inc, 2000, ISBN 0-7425-0340-2)
  • Blood in the Face: The Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, Nazi Skinheads, and the Rise of a New White Culture by James Ridgeway (Thunder's Mouth Press; 2nd edition, 1995, ISBN 1-56025-100-X)
  • A Hundred Little Hitlers: The Death of a Black Man, the Trial of a White Racist, and the Rise of the Neo-Nazi Movement in America by Elinor Langer (Metropolitan Books, 2003, ISBN 0-8050-5098-1)
  • The Racist Mind: Portraits of American Neo-Nazis and Klansmen by Raphael S. Ezekiel (Penguin (Non-Classics); Reprint edition, 1996, ISBN 0-14-023449-7)
  • Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity by Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (2001, ISBN 0-8147-3155-4)
  • Free to Hate: The Rise of the Right in Post-Communist Eastern Europe by Paul Hockenos (Routledge; Reprint edition, 1994, ISBN 0-415-91058-7)
  • The Dark Side of Europe: The Extreme Right Today by Geoff Harris, (Edinburgh University Press; New edition, 1994, ISBN 0-7486-0466-9)
  • The Far Right in Western and Eastern Europe by Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson, and Michalina Vaughan (Longman Publishing Group; 2nd edition, 1995, ISBN 0-582-23881-1)
  • The Radical Right in Western Europe : A Comparative Analysis by Herbert Kitschelt (University of Michigan Press; Reprint edition, 1997, ISBN 0-472-08441-0)
  • Shadows Over Europe: The Development and Impact of the Extreme Right in Western Europe edited by Martin Schain, Aristide Zolberg, and Patrick Hossay (Palgrave Macmillan; 1st edition, 2002, ISBN 0-312-29593-6)
  • The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds: An Up-Close Portrait of White Nationalist William Pierce by Robert S. Griffin (Authorhouse, 2001, ISBN 0-7596-0933-0)
  • Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture by Jeffrey Kaplan, Tore Bjorgo (Northeastern University Press, 1998, ISBN 1-55553-331-0)
  • Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism by Mattias Gardell (Duke University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-8223-3071-7)

News reports and criticism

Supporters