Azad Hind
| History of South Asia |
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Arzi Hukumat-e-Azad Hind (Urdu: عارضی حکومتِ آزاد ھند, the Provisional Government of Free India), was a puppet state established by Indian nationalists-in-exile in areas of British India and Southeast Asian British colonial territory occupied by Imperial Japan during the Second World War. It was founded by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose on October 21, 1943 in Singapore with the fiscal and political assistance of the Axis Powers, namely Japan. With Bose as its leader, the government of Azad Hind had its own currency, court and civil code, and in the eyes of many Indians its existence gave a greater legitimacy to the independence struggle against the British. However, while it possessed all the nominal requisites of a legitimate government, it lacked both universal political recognition and large and definite areas of sovereign territory until the government assumed theoretical control of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands from Japan in 1943: even thereafter it remained heavily dependent on Japanese support. [1]
Immediately after the formation of the government-in-exile, Azad Hind declared war against the Anglo-American allied forces on the Indo-Burma Front. [2].Its army, the "Azad Hind Fauj", (Indian National Army or the INA) went into action against the British Indian Army and the allied forces alongside the Imperial Japanese Army in the Imphal-Kohima sector. The INA was to make its mark in the battle of Imphal where along with the Japanese 15th Army it breached the British defences in Kohima, reaching the salient of Moirang before Allied air dominance and compromised supply lines forced both the Japanese and the INA to lift the siege. [3] It survived in a limited legal form until the collapse of the Japanese war effort, and Japan's surrender, in 1945.
The existence of Azad Hind was essentially coterminous with the existence of the Indian National Army. While the government itself continued until the civil administration of the Andaman Islands was returned to the jurisdiction of the British towards the end of the war, the limited power of Azad Hind was effectively ended with the surrender of the last major contingent of INA troops in Rangoon. The supposed death of Bose is seen as culmination of the entire Azad Hind Movement.
The legacy of Azad Hind is, however, open to judgement. After the war, the Raj observed with alarm the turnaround in the perception of Azad Hind and its army as traitors and collaborators to the greatest among the patriots. [4] [5] Given the tide of militant nationalism that swept through India and the resentment and revolts it inspired, it is arguable that its overarching aim- to germinate public resentment and revolts within the Indian forces of the British Indian Army to overthrow the Raj was ultimately, if belatedly for Azad Hind, successful. [6]
Establishment
The direct origins of Azad Hind can be linked to two conferences of Indian expatriates from across Southeast Asia, the first of which was held in Tokyo in March of 1942. At this conference, convened by Rash Behari Bose, an Indian expatriate living in Japan, the Indian Independence League was established as the first move towards an independent Indian state politically aligned with the Empire of Japan. Rash also moved to create a sort of liberation army that would assist in driving the British from India - this force would later become the Indian National Army. The second conference, held later that year in Bangkok, invited Subhas Chandra Bose to participate in the leadership of the League. Bose was living in Germany at the time and made the trip to Japan via submarine.
Rash Behari Bose, who was already aging by the time the League was founded, struggled to keep the League organized and failed to secure resources for the establishment of the Indian National Army. He was replaced as president of the Indian Independence League by Subhas Chandra Bose; there is some controversy as to whether he stepped down of his own volition or by pressure from the Japanese who needed a more energetic and focused presence leading the Indian nationalists. [citation needed]
Bose arrived in Tokyo on June 13, 1943, and declared his intent to make an assault against the eastern provinces of India in an attempt to oust the British from control of the subcontinent. Bose arrived in Singapore on July 2nd, and in October of 1943 formally announced the establishment of the Provisional Government of Free India. In defining the tasks of this new political establishment, Subhas declared: “It will be the task of the Provisional Government to launch and conduct the struggle that will bring about the expulsion of the British and their allies from the soil of India.” [1] Bose, taking formal command of the demoralized and undermanned Indian National Army from Rash Bose, turned it into a professional army with the help of the Japanese. He recruited Indian civilians living in Japanese-occupied territories of South-east Asia, and incorporated vast numbers of Indian POWs from British forces in Singapore, Malaya and Hong Kong to man the brigades of the INA.
Ministers
The Provisional Government of Free India consisted of a Cabinet headed by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose as the Head of the State, The Prime Minister and the Minister for War and Foreign Affairs.
Captain Doctor Lakshmi Swaminathan (later married as Lakshmi Sehgal) was the Minister in Charge of Women's Organization. She held this position over and above her command of the Rani Jhansi Regiment, a brigade of women soldiers fighting for the Indian National Army. For a regular Asian army, this women's regiment was quite visionary; it was the first of its kind established on the continent. Dr. Lakshmi was one of the most popular and prosperous gynecologists in Singapore before she gave up her fabulous practice to lead the troops of the Rani Jhansi Regiment.
Other public administration ministers of the Provisional Government of Free India included:
- Mr. S. A. Ayer - the Minister of Broadcasting and Publicity
- Lt. Col. A. C. Chatterji - the Minister of Finance
The Indian National Army was represented by Armed Forces ministers, including:
- Lt. Col. Aziz Ahmed
- Lt. Col. N. S . Bhagat
- Lt. Col. J. K. Bhonsle
- Lt. Colonel Guizara Singh
- Lt. Col. M.Z. Kiani
- Lt. Col. A. D. Loganathan
- Lt. Col. Ehsan Qadir
- Lt. Col. Shahnawaz Khan
The Provisional Government was also constituted and administered by a number of Secretaries and Advisors to Subhas Chandra Bose, including:
- A.N. Sahay - Secretary
- Karim Ghani
- Debnath Das
- D.M. Khan
- A. Yellapa
- J. Thivy
- Sirdar Isher Singh
- A. N. Sarkar - the government's official Legal Advisor
All of these Secretaries and Advisory officials held Ministerial rank in the Provisional Government. The extent of the Provisional Government's day-to-day management of affairs for Azad Hind is not entirely well-documented, so their specific functions as government officials for the state outside of their positions as support ministers for Subhas Chandra Bose is not entirely certain.
Recognition
Azad Hind was recognized as a legitimate and independent successor state to British rule in India by only a small number of countries, limited almost solely to Axis powers and their affiliate states and puppet regimes. Azad Hind had diplomatic relations with nine countries: Nazi Germany, the Empire of Japan, Fascist Italy, the Independent State of Croatia, Wang Jingwei's Government in Nanjing, Thailand, Burma, Manchukuo and the Philippines. On the declaration of its formation in Singapore, President Eamon de Valera of the Irish Free State sent a note of congratulations to Bose. Vichy France, however, although being an Axis collaborator, never gave formal political recognition to Azad Hind.
Government Administration and the War
The same night that Bose declared the existence of Azad Hind, the government took action to declare war against the United States and Britain. The government consisted of a Cabinet ministry acting as an advisory board to Subhas Bose, who was given the title "Netaji" (translating roughly to "leader") and was no doubt the dominant figure in the Provisional Government. He exercised virtual authoritarian control over the government and the army. With regards to the government's first issuances of war declarations, the "Cabinet had not been unanimous about the inclusion of the U.S.A. Bose had shown impatience and displeasure - there was never any question then or later of his absolute authority: the Cabinet had no responsibility and could only tender advice..." [2]
At the end of October of 1943, Bose flew to Tokyo to participate in the Greater East Asia Conference as an observer to Japan's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere; it could not function as a delegate because India had technically fallen outside the jurisdiction of Japan's definition of "Greater East Asia", but Bose gave speeches in opposition to Western colonialism and imperialism at the conference. By the end of the conference, Azad Hind had been given a limited form of governmental jurisdiction over the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which had been captured by the Imperial Japanese Navy early on in the war.
Once under the jurisdiction of Azad Hind, the islands formed the government's first claims to territory. The islands themselves were renamed "Shaheed" and "Swaraj", meaning "martyr" and "self-rule" respectively. Bose placed the islands under the governorship of one Lieutenant-Colonel Loganathan, and had limited involvement with the official governorship of the territory, instead involving himself largely with the leadership of the INA and assisting in Japan's plans for the invasion of India. In theory the government itself had the power to levy taxes on the local populace, and tomake and enforce laws: in practice they were enforced by the police force under Japanese control. Indians were willing to pay these taxes at first, but became less inclined to do so towards the end of the war when the Provisional Government enacted legislation for higher war-time taxes to fund the INA. During his interrogation after the war Loganathan admitted that he had only had full control over the islands' vestigial education department, as the Japanese had retained full control over the police force, and in protest he had refused to accept responsibility for any other areas of Government. He was powerless to prevent the Homfreyganj massacre of the 30th January 1944, where forty-four Indian civilians were shot by the Japanese on suspicion of spying. Many of them were members of the Indian Independence League, whose leader in Port Blair, Dr. Diwan Singh, had already been tortured to death in the Cellular Jail after doing his best to protect the islanders from Japanese atrocities during the first two years of the occupation. [7]
Azad Hind's military forces in the form of the INA saw some successes against the British, and moved with the Japanese army to lay siege to the town of Imphal in eastern India. Plans to march towards Delhi, gaining support and fresh recruits along the way, stalled both with the onset of monsoon season and the failure to capture Imphal. British bombing seriously reduced morale, and the Japanese along with the INA forces began their withdrawal from India.
In addition to these setbacks, the INA was faced with a formidable challenge when the troops were left to defend Rangoon without the assistance of the Japanese in the winter of 1944-1945. Loganathan was relocated from the Andaman Islands to act as field commander. With the INA garrison about 6,000 strong, he manned the Burmese capital in the absence of any other police force or troops during the period between the departure of the Japanese and the arrival of the British. Due to his experience administering the limited sovereign territory of Azad Hind with the Japanese troops, he was successful in maintaining law and order to the extent that there was not a single case of dacoity or of loot during the period from April 24th to May 4th, 1945.
Indian areas under the Administration of the Provisional Government
Almost all of the territory of the Provisional Government lay in the Andaman Islands, although the Provisional Government was allowed some authority over Indian enclaves in Japanese-occupied territories. Provisional Government civil authority was never enacted in areas occupied by the INA; instead, Japanese military authority prevailed and responsibility for administration of occupied areas of India was shared between the Japanese and the Indian forces.
The Defeat of the INA and the Collapse of the Provisional Government
Left to defend Rangoon from the British advance without support from the Japanese, the INA was soundly defeated. Bose had fled Burma and returned to Singapore before the fall of Rangoon; the government Azad Hind had established on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands collapsed when the island garrisons of Japanese and Indian troops were defeated by British troops and the islands themselves retaken. Bose himself was killed in a plane crash departing from Taiwan attempting to escape to Russia. The Provisional Government of Free India ceased to exist with the deaths of the Axis, the INA, and Netaji Bose in 1945.
The troops who manned the brigades of the Indian National Army were taken as prisoners of war by the British. A number of these prisoners were brought to India and tried by British courts for treason, including a number of high ranking officers such as Colonel Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon. The defense of these individuals from prosecution by the British became a central point of contention between the British Raj and the Indian Independence Movement in the post-war years.
Relations with Japan and View of Azad Hind as Axis Collaborator
Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, while an ally of Japan throughout the war, has become a controversial figure for his stances against racism and imperialism which would run in opposition against what was generally recognized as Japanese imperialism in Asia during World War II. Bose himself opposed all manner of such colonial practices, but saw Britain as hypocritical in "fighting a war for democracy" but refusing to extend the same respect for democracy and equal rights to their colonial subjects in India. As such, he is sometimes cited by revisionist Japanese historians as proof of the legitimacy of Japanese assertions that their brand of imperialism was in the best interests of Asian nations oppressed by Western colonialists. Criticism of Bose remains, with some accusing him of fascism, citing his strict control over the Provisional Government as evidence of this; some accused him of wanting to establish a totalitarian state in India with the blessings of the Axis powers. It is inaccurate to term Bose solely as a fascist, but it is true that Bose openly admired fascism in the Axis countries and used it as a way to organize the Provisional Government; he believed that parliamentary democracy was unsuitable for India, and that a centrally organized, self-sufficient, semi-socialist India under the firm control of a single party was the best course for Indian government. Some of his ideas would help shape Indian governmental policy in the aftermath of the country's independence from Britain.
The fact that Azad Hind was aligned politically with Japan may have little to do with explicit agreement and support for Japanese policy in Asia, and more with what Bose saw as a pragmatic approach to Indian independence. Disillusioned with Gandhi's philosophies of non-violence, Bose was clearly of the camp that supported exploiting British weakness to gain Indian independence. Throughout the existence of Azad Hind, Bose sought to distance himself from Japanese collaboration and become more self-sufficient, but found this difficult since the existence of Azad Hind as a governmental entity had only come about with the support of the Japanese, and on whom the government and army of Azad Hind were entirely dependent. Bose, however, remains a hero in present-day India and is remembered as a man who fought fiercely for Indian independence. [3]
Although Japanese troops saw much of the combat in India against the British, the INA was certainly by itself an effective combat force, having faced British and allied troops and making their mark in the Battle of Imphal. On 18 April , 1944 the suicide squads led by Col. Shaukat Malik broke through the British defence and captured Moirang in Manipur. The Azad Hind administration took control of the this independent Indian territory.[8]. Following Moirang, the advancing INA breached the Kohima road, posing a threat to the British positions in both Silchar and Kohima. Col. Gulzara Singh's column had penetrated 250 miles into India. The Azad Brigade advanced, by outflanking the Anglo-American positions. However, INA's most serious, and ultimately fatal, limitaltions were the reliance on Japanese logistics and supplies and the total air-dominance of the allies, -which, along with a supply line deluged by torrential rain, frustrated the INA'S and the Japanese bid to take Imphal.
With the siege of Imphal failing, the Japanese began to shift priority for resource allocation from South Asia to the Pacific, where they were fighting United States troops advancing from island to island against Japanese holdings there. When it had become clear that Bose's plans to advance to Delhi from the borders of Burma would never materialize due to the defeat of the INA at Imphal and the halt of Japanese armies by British aerial and later naval superiority in the region, Japanese support for Azad Hind declined.
Contributions to the Indian Independence
The true judgment of success or failure of the movement remains open to historians. However, the true extent to which the INA's activities influenced the decesion to leave India is mirrored by the views of Clement Atlee, the British Prime Minister at the time of India's Independence. Attlee cites several reasons, the most important of which were the INA activities of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, which weakened the very foundation of the British Empire in India, and the RIN Mutiny which made the British realise that the support of the Indian armed forces could no longer be relied upon [9]
What Indians feel about Azad Hind, The Azad Hind Fauj and its legacy
During the war, Indians had only intermittent information (through radio broadcasts) about the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army. The Azad Hind Radio broadcasts were estimated to have regularly been received by 30,000 Indians who possessed the requisite receiver. [10]However, it was during the trials of the INA's officers in 1945-6 that they really burst upon the public consciousness, and Congress and the Muslim League allied for the last time to secure their release [11]. Independent India's attitude to the soldiers remain however, mired in controversy within its own population. The ex-soldiers of the INA were not allowed to enlist in the Indian Army of independent India, ostensibly at Nehru's decision on the advice of Mountbatten [12] A pension was awarded to the ex-soldiers of INA only in 1972 [13]. Bose himself remains a cult figure in India, widely seen as a man whose leadership of the INA was a crucial factor in shaking the foundations of the British Empire in India.[4] Had India been under Bose's leadership during and after Independence in 1947 the history of modern India and its society would have been very different [5] [14]
Those who experienced the rule of the Provisional Government of Free India, namely the population of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, had largely bitter memories of the Japanese occupation, during which 2,000 people, or 10% of the population of the Andamans, died, about half of whom were tortured and killed by the Japanese. The Arzi Hukumat-e Azad Hind was powerless to prevent this, which gives a true sense of its impotence. [15]
Many historians have, however, argued that it was the INA and the mutinies it inspired among the British Indian Armed forces that was the true driving force for India's independence [16][17] [18]. The stories of the Azad Hind movement and its army, that came into public limelight during the trials of soldiers of the INA in 1945 were seen as so inflammatory that, fearing mass revolts and uprisings- not just in India, but across its empire, the British Government forbade the BBC from broadcasting their story.[19]. Newspapers reported at the time of summary execution of INA soldiers held at Red Fort [20]. During and after the trial, mutinies broke out in the British Indian Armed forces, most notably in the Royal Indian Navy which found public support throughout India, from Karachi to Bombay and from Vizag to Calcutta. [21]. [22].A wave of nationalist sentiments swept through the Indian troops who had fought with the allies and were in the process of being de-mobillised. The navy mutiny was followed up by another among the ground crew in the Royal Indian Air Force. Another Army mutiny took place at Jabalpur during the last week of February 1946, soon after the Navy mutiny at Bombay. This was suppressed by force, including the use of the bayonet by British troops. It lasted about two weeks. After the mutiny, about 45 persons were tried by court martial. 41 were sentenced to varying terms of imprisonment or dismissal. In addition, a large number were discharged on administrative grounds.[23]
In the after-effect of the mutiny, Weekly intelligence summary issued on the 25th of March, 1946 admitted that the the Indian army, navy and air force units were no longer trust worthy, and, for the army, "only day to day estimates of steadiness could be made". [24]. It was decided that; if wide-scale public unrest took shape, the armed forces (including the airforce- for Quit India had shown how it could turn violent) could not be relied upon to support counter-insurgency operations as they had been during the Quit India movement of 1942, and drawing from experiences of the Tiger Legion and the INA, their actions could not be predicted from their oath to the King emperor [25].
These suggest that the ultimate goal of the Azad Hind Movement, to germinate public resentment and revolts within the Indian forces of the British Indian Army to ultimately overthrow the Raj was , if belatedly for Azad Hind, successful.
Notes
- ^ C. Bayly & T. Harper Forgotten Armies. The Fall of British Asia 1941-45 (London: Allen Lane) 2004 pp323-327
- ^ Pandit, HN. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’’ Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1988, p.331
- ^ Das S. Indian National Army in South East Asia. The Hindustan Times. Special Edition. http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/specials/Netaji/enlisting3.htm. URL Accessed on 13 Aug 06.
- ^ Edwardes, Michael, The Last Years of British India, Cleveland, World Pub. Co.,1964, p. 93.
The Government of India had hoped, by prosecuting members of the INA, to reinforce the morale of the Indian army. It succeeded only in creating unease, in making the soldiers feel slightly ashamed that they themselves had supported the British. If Bose and his men had been on the right side — and all India now confirmed that they were — then Indians in the Indian army must have been on the wrong side. It slowly dawned upon the Government of India that the backbone of the British rule, the Indian army, might now no longer be trustworthy. The ghost of Subhas Bose, like Hamlet’s father, walked the battlements of the Red Fort (where the INA soldiers were being tried), and his suddenly amplified figure overawed the conference that was to lead to independence.
- ^ Encyclopedia Britannica. Article on Indian National army. After returning to India the veterans of the INA posed a difficult problem for the British government. The British feared that a public trial for treason on the part of the INA members might embolden anti-British sentiment and erupt into widespread protest and violence.http://www.britannica.com/ebi/article-9311795. URL Accessed on 19 Aug 06.
- ^ ibid.
- ^ Jayant Dasgupta Japanese in Andaman & Nicobar Islands. Red Sun over Black Water (Delhi: Manas Publications) 2002 pp67, 87, 91-5; L.P. Mathur Kala Pani. History of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands with a study of India's Freedom Struggle (Delhi: Eastern Book Corporation) 1985 pp249-51.
- ^ The Hindustan Times.http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/specials/Netaji/enlisting9.htm
- ^ Majumdar, R.C., Jibanera Smritideepe (Bengali), Calcutta, General Printers and Publishers, 1978, pp. 229-230
- ^ James L. Raj; Making and unmaking of British India. Abacus. 1997. p555.
- ^ Nirad C. Chaudhuri "Subhas Chandra Bose-His Legacy and Legend" Pacific Affairs Vol. 26, No. 4 (Dec. 1953), pp. 349-350
- ^ The Tribune, India, Spectrum Suppl. June 12, 2005. Interview with Col Lakshmi Sahgal
- ^ Rediff news article What we are seeing today is not the country of our dreams, it is some injustice of God.It was only in 1972, after many of their comrades-in-arms had died in abject poverty, that INA veterans were awarded a pension
- ^ Sisir K. Bose & Sugata Bose, The Essential Writings of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Delhi: Oxford University Press 1997 pp319-20.
- ^ Dasgupta Red Sun over Black Water pp131-3; Mathur Kala Pani pp254-5, p77
- ^ "RIN mutiny gave a jolt to the British" by Dhanjaya Bhat, The Tribune, February 12, 2006, retrieved July 17, 2006
- ^ Majumdar, R.C., Three Phases of India's Struggle for Freedom, Bombay, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1967, pp. 58-59.
- ^ Edwardes, Michael Op. Cit/
- ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3684288.stm, Last Section: Mutinies
- ^ Many I.N.A. men already executed, Lucknow . The Hindustan Times,November 2, 1945. http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/specials/Netaji/images/nov_2_45.gif URL Accessed 11-Aug-06.
- ^ Wikipedia entry on the RIN mutiny.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bombay_Mutiny#Legacy_and_assessments_of_the_effects_of_the_Mutiny. Legacy and assessment of the effects of the mutiny.
- ^ Wikipedia Entry on the Indian National Army. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_National_Army#Consequences_of_the_I.N.A._Trials. Consequences of the I.N.A. Trials http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060212/spectrum/main2.htm.URL accessed on 17-Jul-2006
- ^ India Office Library and Records, London, Letters, War Staff, 1/1/1029,71;234; James L. Raj; Making and unmaking of British India. Abacus. 1997.p597
- ^ Public Relations Office, London. War Office. 208/761A; James L. Raj; Making and unmaking of British India. Abacus. 1997. p598.
- ^ Public Relations Office, London. War Office. 208/819A 25C;James L. Raj; Making and unmaking of British India. Abacus. 1997. p571, p598
