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Revision as of 10:32, 15 May 2020

Operation Gideon
Part of the Crisis in Venezuela and the Venezuelan presidential crisis

Top to bottom, left to right:
Venezuelan authorities intercepting a boat; SEBIN agents displaying captured militants; Nicolás Maduro holding the United States passports of captured former Green Berets
Date3–4 May 2020
Location
Result

Plot infiltrated and foiled by Maduro government

  • Government begins Bolivarian Shield military response.
  • 25 arrest warrants are issued by Maduro administration, including for Jordan Goudreau, J.J. Rendón and Sergio Vergara, on 8 May.[3]
  • United States federal investigation into Jordan Goudreau[4]
Belligerents

 Venezuela

Support:

Silvercorp USA

  • Venezuelan dissidents

Support:

Commanders and leaders

Nicolás Maduro

Jordan Goudreau

Strength
25,000[5]

300 (planned)[6]

approx. 60 (actual)[7][8]
Casualties and losses
Unknown
  • 8 killed (per Maduro government)[9][10][11][12]
  • 17 captured (including 2 American mercenaries)[11]

The Macuto Bay raid from 3 to 4 May 2020, code-named by its organizers Operation Gideon (Spanish: Operación Gedeón), was an unsuccessful attempt by Venezuelan dissidents and a Florida-based private military company, Silvercorp USA, to infiltrate Venezuela by sea. The operation occurred in the broader context of an ongoing international dispute beginning in January 2019 over who is the legitimate president of Venezuela; Nicolás Maduro or Juan Guaidó. Throughout the crisis, Maduro has maintained control of Venezuela's governmental and military institutions. The operation involved plans to enter the country by boat in order to take control of the Simón Bolívar International Airport, capture Maduro and other high-level figures in his government, and expel them from the country, with the overall aim of bringing an end to Maduro's rule.

Venezuelan intelligence agencies, as well as the Associated Press (AP), had advance knowledge of the plot, which was intercepted before the first boat reached land. The operation is widely regarded as poorly planned, under-resourced, bizarre, and doomed to fail from the start. The Maduro government stated that the operation had been infiltrated early on, claiming that police and military intelligence agencies had inside knowledge of the smallest details of the operation, even financing a portion of it.

The attack went forward despite the impracticality of the plan, with Silvercorp founder Jordan Goudreau possibly motivated by a multi-million dollar reward offered by the United States to capture or assist with the capture of Maduro and his high-ranking officials in connection with federal indictments filed in late March 2020 alleging involvement in drug-trafficking activity. The raid involved two fiberglass motorboats owned by Silvercorp which launched from eastern Colombia toward the Caribbean coast of Venezuela north of Caracas. The boats were carrying approximately 60 Venezuelan dissidents and two American former Green Berets employed as mercenaries by Silvercorp. Eight Venezuelan dissidents were killed and seventeen invaders were captured, including the two American security contractors, whose interrogations were aired on live state television in the hours following the event. After it came to light that there existed a formal written contract between Silvercorp and Guaidó's Strategy Committee, J.J. Rendón–a signatory to the agreement on behalf of Guaido–indicated that his team withdrew from the agreement and cut off ties with Silvercorp and Goudreau in November 2019. Juan Guaidó, his Strategy Committee, and officials of the Colombian and United States governments have all emphatically denied any role whatsoever in the incident.

Background

A power struggle concerning who is the legitimate president of Venezuela began on 10 January 2019, when the opposition-majority National Assembly declared that incumbent Nicolás Maduro's 2018 re-election was invalid; that the office of the president of Venezuela was therefore vacant; and declared its president, Juan Guaidó, to be acting president of the nation.[13] Guaidó has been officially recognized as the legitimate president of Venezuela by almost 60 governments internationally, including the governments of the United States and Canada; Colombia, Brazil, and the majority of Latin American countries; and the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Spain, among other European countries.[14] Other nations, including Russia, China, South Africa, Iran, Syria, Cuba, Nicaragua, North Korea and Turkey, have continued to recognize Maduro as the legitimate head of state.[13][15][16]

Planning

Operation Gideon was primarily planned by Clíver Alcalá Cordones and Jordan Goudreau.[6][12][17]

Alcalá was a Major General in the Venezuelan Army until he defected in 2013 and began gathering other defectors in Colombia, stationing them in the La Guajira Peninsula of Colombia.[6] Alcalá was sanctioned in September 2011 by the United States Department of the Treasury for allegedly helping FARC obtain weapons and smuggle drugs.[18][19]

Goudreau served in the Canadian Armed Forces after attending the University of Calgary from 1994 to 1998, where he studied computer science.[12][17] He later moved to Washington, D.C. and enlisted in the United States Army a few months prior to the September 11 attacks in New York City, eventually reaching the rank of Sergeant first class in the 10th Special Forces Group.[17] He became a naturalized US citizen and retired at the age of 40 due to injuries.[17] In 2018, Goudreau founded Silvercorp USA, a private security firm, and provided security at rallies for Donald Trump.[6][20][21] In February 2019, Silvercorp provided security services at Venezuela Aid Live, resulting in Goudreau turning his attention to Venezuela.[20] According to Drew White, a former business associate of Silvercorp, Goudreau saw an opportunity to overthrow Maduro after the Trump administration intensified its efforts to remove Maduro from power.[6]

Initial promotion

Through connections within the private security community, Goudreau was acquainted with Keith Schiller, President Trump's longtime director of security.[6] Schiller brought Goudreau to a March 2019 fundraising event hosted at the University Club of Washington, DC by consultant group Global Governments, with the conference focusing on security in Venezuela.[6][12] Lester Toledo [es], the director of humanitarian aid for Guaidó's government, was also in attendance.[6][22]

On 30 April 2019, Guaidó led an unsuccessful uprising attempt against Maduro, with troops who sided with Guaidó subsequently fleeing to Colombia following the effort.[6] Weeks later, Lester Toledo introduced Goudreau to Major General Clíver Alcalá Cordones at JW Marriott Bogotá, where groups of anti-Maduro politicians and dissident soldiers held conferences on strategies for accomplishing the removal of Maduro from power.[6] Toledo, Goudreau and Alcalá met for two days, with Alcalá initially sharing information that he had provided camps to 300 Venezuelans on the La Guajira Peninsula in Colombia and discussed attacking the city of Maracaibo, Venezuela's main oil hub near the country's western border with Colombia.[23][clarification needed] Alcalá's forces would then push on to Caracas to overthrow Maduro.[23] Goudreau presented an alternative approach, suggesting that his company, Silvercorp, could train and equip the soldiers for a rapid strike at a cost of US$1.5 million.[6] Goudreau bragged about having contacts with Trump administration officials, though he did not provide support for his statements.[6][12]

Goudreau eventually caught the attention of disputed Venezuelan leader Juan Guaidó[23][clarification needed] and in May 2019, Keith Schiller and Goudreau met with Guaidó administration officials in Miami, Florida, with Goudreau promoting the idea of providing security for Guaidó officials.[6] Schiller disassociated himself from Goudreau following the meeting, believing that Goudreau was incapable of providing the services he had promised.[6]

Colombia

In June 2019, Alcalá met with the National Intelligence Directorate of Colombia asking for support, claiming Goudreau was a former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operative. However, when the Colombians asked their CIA contacts in Bogotá, they reportedly denied that Goudreau had ever been a CIA agent.[citation needed] The Colombians allegedly threatened Alcalá with deportation if he continued discussing an invasion of Venezuela.[6] US officials learned of the militants in Colombia and discussed a plan to organize them to assist victims of the Venezuelan refugee crisis, thus diverting them from illegal activities.[23] When reports emerged that they might be used for an armed operation, one anonymous US official described the idea as being "completely insane".[23]

By 16 June 2019, Goudreau had compiled a list of required equipment, according to former United States Navy SEAL Ephraim Mattos, who met with Alcalá's troops while working in Colombia.[6] The list included "320 M4 assault rifles, an anti-tank rocket launcher, Zodiac boats, US$1 million in cash and state-of-the-art night vision goggles".[6] The trainees reportedly believed they had the backing of the U.S. government.[12]

They were all under the impression that everything was being supported by the U.S., that they’ve got special Delta Force commandos working with them and that were part of the presidential bodyguard detail,” he said. “I just looked up Jordan’s website and Instagram account, and I was like, ‘Guys, guys, guys, this guy is not who he says he is.’

— Ephraim Mattos, as reported in The Washington Post[12]

By August 2019, Maduro stated there was a "plan ... to get 32 mercenaries into Venezuela to kill me and to kill Venezuelan revolutionary leaders", with The Washington Post writing that Maduro "was well-informed of the effort virtually from its start".[12]

Guaidó-Goudreau agreement

The General Services Agreement document that was allegedly signed by Guaidó.[24] Guaidó has denied signing the agreement shown.[25][26][27][28][29][30]
The General Services Agreement Attachments signed between Guaidó government officials and Silvercorp USA in October 2019.

Guaidó established a Strategic Committee in August 2019,[24] with J.J. Rendón being nominated as the General Strategist,[23] tasked with exploring possibilities and testing scenarios for the removal of Maduro from office, with methods ranging from increased international condemnation of Maduro to armed action.[23] Among the scenarios considered by the group was the removal of Maduro by capturing him and his high-ranking officials and sending them to another country for prosecution, under the theory that the regime was hostis humani generis (an enemy of mankind, or universal enemy).[23] Additionally, the Committee studied the unsuccessful Bay of Pigs Invasion of Cuba in April 1961.[23]

[T]hey also studied the possibility of effectively kidnapping Maduro and his close associates. The effort involved speaking to more than a dozen attorneys about the legalities of such a mission, Rendón said. They looked at the “universal enemy” argument — once used to prosecute pirates — that formed the basis of some Nazi renditions after [World War II]]. They compiled a dossier on the failed Bay of Pigs attempt to liberate Cuba from the government of Fidel Castro.

— The Washington Post[23]

The Strategic Committee adopted the position that the Venezuelan Constitution, the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, and other treaties justified action against Maduro.[23] Rendón stated that his orders were to consider every option, quoting Guaido as "saying all options were on the table, and under the table".[23][26]

According to the report, Rendón stated that the Strategic Committee had contacted numerous groups about forcibly removing Maduro from office, but they demanded prices from US$500 million[23] to US$1.5 billion.[24] Goudreau then made contact with Rendón on 7 September 2019 at a condominium in Miami, where a sales pitch was presented that planned the capture of Maduro and his officials and their extraction from Venezuela.[23] Goudreau offered a self-financed plan at a cheaper cost of $212.9 million financing by future oil sales.[23][24] On 10 October 2019, Goudreau text messaged Rendón saying, "Washington is fully aware of your direct participation in the project and I don't want them to lose faith".[23] Further text messages displayed Maduro’s inner circle warehouses filled with US dollars; Goudreau was offered 14% of funds recovered during the operation.[23]

A 42-page document containing various attachments of the General Services agreement was signed in Washington, D.C., on 16 October 2019, between Silvercorp and representatives of Guaidó.[23][24][26][31] Rendón described the agreement as a "trial balloon" and a test of what Goudreau could do that was never officially implemented, but the language of the agreement of "Operation Resolution" was clear on the objective to forcibly remove Maduro and to install Guaidó as president of Venezuela.[23]

In the agreement's attachments, rules of engagement (ROE) were drafted that included the protection of Venezuela's cultural sites, unless used for illicit activity, and the targeting of infrastructure and economic objectives.[32][non-primary source needed] The ROE also designated numerous enemies: Nicolás Maduro, Diosdado Cabello, their supporters, colectivos, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and Hezbollah.[32][non-primary source needed] Also included in the agreement's ROE were riot control guidelines, permitting the use of non-lethal weapons such as rubber bullets, tear gas, shields and batons to combat Venezuela's populace if they became "unruly" and attacked operatives. Also permitted was permission to detain civilians with reasonable suspicion.[32][non-primary source needed] Finally a chain of command was established: Juan Guaidó as commander-in-chief, Sergio Vergara as overall project supervisor, and J.J. Rendón as chief strategy officer.[32][non-primary source needed] The agreement was signed by Guaidó[disputeddiscuss], Rendón, Vergara, Goudreau, and Manuel J. Retureta, a Cuban-born attorney based in Washington.[24][32]

According to Rendón, soon after the signing Goudreau began acting suspicious, failing to provide evidence of financial backing, the armed support of 800 men,[23] and demanded immediate payment of the $1.5 million retainer that was due within a five-day period according to the agreement.[32] Rendón transferred Goudreau $50,000 for “expenses” to buy more time, but the relationship between the two quickly deteriorated.[23] In early-November 2019, Goudreau met Rendón at the latter's condominium where an argument occurred, and according to Rendón, he and other opposition officials "considered the operation dead" at this point.[6][23][33]

Controversy over Guaidó's alleged signature

While Goudreau and the Maduro government allege that Guaidó personally signed the General Services Agreement, Guaidó and his supporters adamantly deny the allegation and have accused the Maduro government of falsifying evidence in order to justify persecuting him.[24][34][35][36][37][38]

A report in The Washington Post described the dispute over who signed the contract, or what parts of the contract, as follows:

Goudreau counters that the agreement — supplied in part to The Post by Goudreau, with a more complete version provided by Rendón — bound the opposition to his services and initial fee. A seven-page document provided by Goudreau carries Guaido’s signature, along with those of Rendón and fellow opposition official Sergio Vergara.[23]

External videos
video icon Alleged audio of Guaidó reportedly discussing his signing of the agreement, which was released by the Maduro government on YouTube.
Note: Juan Guaido has publicly alleged the audio is falsified and does not depict any conversation he participated in.[25]

In the days following the operation, Goudreau disclosed what purported to be a copy of a contract containing Guaidó's signature[35] along with a covert recording supposedly depicting Guaidó in a video call on 16 October 2019 with Goudreau.[23] On the recording, Guaidó purportedly says, "We are doing the right thing for our country" and "I'm about to sign".[23] Rendón insisted that the document Goudreau produced was never signed by Guaidó and provided previous and subsequent agreements to The Washington Post that did not bear Guaido’s signature, saying that Guaidó knew only the rough outlines of an “exploratory plan” but grew suspicious of Goudreau based on the reports of the committee. Rendón said that “We were all having red flags, and the president was not comfortable with this."[23] In a statement on EVTV following the incident, Guaidó stated "That is not my signature. The dictatorship makes great efforts to plant evidence."[39]

Alcalá and Goudreau resume preparations

Goudreau and Alcalá reportedly distanced themselves from the Venezuelan opposition due to their perception that the opposition was insincere and hypocritical because of alleged secret negotiations with the Maduro government.[6] Though Alcala and Goudreau no longer had the support of the opposition government, they resumed their preparations to go forward with the plot.[6]

There were concerns that Alcalá ... couldn’t be trusted. ... But Goudreau didn’t share the concerns about Alcalá, according to two people close to the former American solider. Over time, he would come to share Alcalá’s mistrust of the opposition, whose talk of restoring democracy was belied by what he saw as festering corruption and closed-door deal making with the regime, they said.

— Joshua Goodman, Associated Press[6]

Without aid from the US government, Goudreau and Alcalá did not have the means required for a successful operation.[33] Speaking after the attack, Goudreau stated that he had to raise funds through donations from Venezuelan migrants in Colombia.[40][better source needed]

By December 2019, Silvercorp had purchased a 41-foot (12 m) fiberglass boat in Florida that was later equipped with navigational equipment two months later.[33] In January 2020, two other former Green Beret operators, Airan Berry and Luke Denman, arrived in Colombia.[12] In March 2020, Goudreau traveled to Jamaica in the Silvercorp-owned fiberglass boat where he met with former special forces friends discussing Operation Gideon.[33] Over the next few months of preparation, militants began to abandon the effort after promises by Goudreau never came to fruition and due to rumors that Maduro had infiltrated the operation.[12]

Alcalá incident, United States offers rewards

Clíver Alcalá Cordones

A shipment of weapons and tactical gear was captured on 23 March 2020 by Colombian authorities tipped off by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), with former DEA officials initially believing that the equipment was being sent to leftist guerrillas.[6][33] The impounded truck was headed for Venezuela carrying 26 semi-automatic rifles, night vision goggles, radios, and 15 combat helmets produced by High-End Defense Solutions, a company owned by Venezuelan Americans.[6][41]

On 26 March 2020, the United States accused Maduro of narcoterrorism and through the Narcotics Rewards Program of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), offered a US$15 million reward for information leading to his arrest, plus an additional US$10 million each for information leading to the arrest of four close Maduro allies: Diosdado Cabello, Maikel Moreno, Tareck El Aissami, Vladimir Padrino López and Cilver Alcalá, one of the supposed leaders of the operation.[42][43][44][45] In response, Maduro called US president Donald Trump "miserable" and “a racist cowboy” and accuses him of managing international relations "like a New York mafia extortion artist."[43]

Alcalá assumed responsibility on 26 March for "a military operation against the Maduro dictatorship" that included the shipment of weapons captured in Colombia, stating that the United States, Colombia, and Guaidó officials had signed an agreement to overthrow Maduro.[41] Guaidó denied knowledge of the event while United States Special Representative to Venezuela Elliott Abrams described Alcalá's statement as "despicable and quite dangerous." Abrams later said that Alcalá "was put up to making those terrible charges by the [Maduro] regime".[41] Alcalá was subsequently extradited to the United States on drug trafficking charges.[46] The Venezuelan government said that Alcalá was a US agent and that, after the operation failed, the United States government used narcoterrorism charges as a way to transport him to the United States to prevent him from revealing more secrets.[41]

Con El Mazo Dando presentation

Following the Alcalá incident, Diosdado Cabello identified Jordan Goudreau as an adviser for Alcalá on 28 March during episode 294 of the show Con El Mazo Dando, which aired on state-owned media.[47][non-primary source needed][48][better source needed] Cabello also revealed the names of the two Americans who were later captured during the infiltrated plot, named as only as "Luke" and "Aaron" [phonetic spelling] as special forces operatives allegedly training dissidents in Colombia for an armed invasion into Venezuela, without specifying their last names.[47][non-primary source needed] Cabello did not mention Luke Denman and Airan Berry's last names during the broadcast.[47][non-primary source needed] Cabello also exhibited photographs purportedly showed multiple images related to Goudreau, Silvercorp and their social media profiles.[47][non-primary source needed] The program also identified the name of Goudreau's company as Silvercorp USA and showed photographs from his Instagram profile of Goudreau providing security services during the Venezuela Aid Live concert in Cucuta and at a Trump rally in Charlotte.[47][non-primary source needed] The purpose of showing the images was to show that the United States was allegedly behind the international effort to remove Maduro from power and was conspiring with narcotics traffickers, referring to Alcalá.[47][non-primary source needed] During the program, Cabello thanked "cooperating compatriots" for the information on Goudreau.[47][non-primary source needed] The program also exhibited an excerpts from various media organizations discussing the alleged contract between Guaidó and Silvercorp, with Patricia Poleo of the US-based Factores de Poder political analysis platform explicitly stating that she confirmed there existed a written contract of an operation organized from within Colombia, with the knowledge of the Colombian government, signed by Juan Guaidó, JJ Rendon, Sergio Vergara, and "American advisers" (asesores americanos), a statement Alcalá had made days earlier during a radio interview.[47][non-primary source needed]

Caribbean Sea incidents

The Naiguatá (GC-23), which sank after colliding with the RCGS Resolute while searching for mercenaries, according to the Maduro government

On 28 March as Goudreau was preparing the attack, the fiberglass boat was damaged and a emergency position-indicating radio beacon was triggered.[33] Authorities in Curaçao rescued Goudreau and returned him to Florida, with travel restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic preventing Goudreau from traveling again.[33]

Two days after Goudreau was rescued by authorities in Curaçao, the Venezuelan patrol boat Naiguatá sank after engaging and colliding with the RCGS Resolute cruise ship on 30 March.[49] Venezuela alleged that the Portuguese-flagged RCGS Resolute was carrying mercenaries to attack the country's military bases and that the ship's inflatable Zodiac boats were intended to transport them to shore.[50] According to its operator Columbia Cruise Services, the RCGS Resolute had a crew of 32 onboard, but was not carrying passengers.[51]

Maduro stated on 1 April that RCGS Resolute had "mercenaries" aboard destined to attack Venezuela.[52] The head of the Strategic Command Operations of Venezuela, Remigio Ceballos, tweeted on 2 April "The cruise ship RCGS Resolute has on board no fewer than 6 inflatable boats to move a minimum of seven commandos (42) to carry out incursions"[52] and later stated in an interview with Al Mayadeen on 12 April 2020 that the RCGS Resolute attempted to "plant mercenaries" in Venezuela.[53] The Maduro government's Misión Verdad would write in May 2020 that the RCGS Resolute incident was possibly linked to US operations in Curaçao and the attack.[53]

When discussing the attack, Bellingcat stated "While there is no evidence that the RCGS Resolute was in any way involved in 'Operación Gedeón', the Venezuelan government’s statements following the sinking of the Naiguatá suggest that they were on high alert for a seaborne incursion into Venezuela by one or more small teams of mercenaries".[52] Caracas Chronicles wrote that the RCGS Resolute incident "shows how tense the Venezuelan Navy has been around the idea of a maritime armed incursion".[54]

Final preparations, Associated Press article

In the final days of April 2020, Rendón was contacted by Silvercorp's legal advisors demanding a payment of US$1.45 million, with Guaidó's officials reacting to the demands in fear, believing they were being blackmailed for money with the threat of the cancelled plans being revealed to the public.[22][23]

The AP published an article on 1 May 2020 about Goudreau, his plan and its history, and his training camps, writing that the plans to attack Venezuela were "far-fetched" and that people who knew him believed he was "in way over his head".[7] The article suggested that the Maduro government may have known of the plan since late-March 2020, but certainly knew by 1 May.[7] Maduro confirmed that he knew of the plan by the evening of 1 May, and said that it had been initially planned for 10 March, but postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[55] By the time of the attack, many of the mercenaries had abandoned their camps following the arrest of Alcalá, investigations by Colombian authorities, and the growing pandemic.[6] It has been suggested that Goudreau went ahead with the attack despite its poor planning because he was seeking the US$15 million bounty that the US government placed on Maduro.[56][57]

Attack

File:Jordan Goudreau.png
Jordan Goudreau, seen in a video prior to the 3 May events

On 3 May, Diosdado Cabello, president of the National Constituent Assembly and vice-president of the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela, released a statement indicating that the government had “received information that there was going to be an attack on Venezuela by sea; some people in boats attempted it, an action which was repelled by our security agencies on the beaches of Macuto, with an unfortunate tally of eight deceased, two detained people who were there; a lot of significant weapons, in addition to vehicles that they had ready to carry out actions directly on institutions and authorities.”[58][59]

The boats had launched from Colombia at 17:00 the day before in two waves, with many of the soldiers experiencing motion sickness and vomiting while at sea.[7][60] According to Venezuelan state intelligence, the first boat, which was smaller and faster, arrived at Macuto, and the second boat arrived at Chuao in Aragua state.[55] The Venezuelan military reported that the mercenaries had "war materials" on their boats.[59] The naval attack force was composed of 60 soldiers,[59] including two former United States Army Special Forces members employed as private military contractors for Silvercorp USA.[61]"

An initial fight in the early morning of 3 May involved the first boat, and was fought against the Venezuelan Navy. Goudreau said that the second boat, yet to arrive at Venezuela, was running low on fuel at this point, but that refueling boats were sent from Aruba to help the incursion force. In the initial fight, eight soldiers were arrested on the shore. Another six were killed on the beach;[10] this had initially been reported as eight.[62] Goudreau said that he had safe houses along the coast for his men.[10] Videos of the fight, including gunshots, were shared on social media; the Venezuelan government first acknowledged the attack at 07:30, in an announcement from Interior Minister Néstor Reverol.[7] One of the men killed was former army captain Robert "Pantera" Colina.[54][55]

Goudreau and former Venezuelan National Guard officer Javier Nieto Quintero released a video in the afternoon claiming responsibility, calling the attack "Operation Gideon" and explaining that they intended to launch an army into Venezuela to overthrow Maduro; Goudreau said that as well as the naval attack, his forces had entered Venezuela by land and were still operating. Speaking on national television that day, Reverol said that the Venezuelan military's defensive operation was ongoing, and would be for several days.[59]

The second wave arrived on 4 May, but was intercepted by the navy.[54] The attackers were all captured in a move that involved local police, and two other suspects were detained in Puerto La Cruz later that day.[54] Venezuelan Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López later said that one of the landing boats had been sunk by the navy, and the country's military sent ships to look for survivors.[63]

Venezuelan authorities monitoring the nation's coast during the Bolivarian Shield mission

On 4 May, Maduro said Venezuelan forces had detained 13 mercenaries, including two Americans working with Goudreau; Airan Berry and Luke Denman.[5][8][61][64] Goudreau said that eight of his soldiers had been captured on 4 May, the two Americans and six Venezuelans, and that an unknown number had been captured on 3 May.[65]

Goudreau told the AP on 5 May "I’ve tried to engage everybody I know at every level ... Nobody’s returning my calls. It’s a nightmare".[24] while it was reported that "dozens" of mercenaries had been captured that day.[62] Another three mercenaries were arrested on 6 May.[11] Seized items from the mercenaries included weapons and uniforms embroidered with an American flag.[61] Venezuelan Prosecutor General Tarek William Saab later announced that 25,000 national troops were mobilized[66] in a Venezuelan military mission named "Bolivarian Shield" (Spanish: Escudo Bolivariano) to protect the country from similar attempts.[55]

Aftermath, indictments and arrests

Arrested militants detained by Venezuelan authorities in a prone position
Equipment allegedly brought into Venezuela by militants

Robert Colina Ybarra (alias Pantera), former captain alleged to have led the camps in Riohacha connected to part of the planning for the operation, was killed in action.[8][9][67] Adolfo Baduel, son of former Chávez Defense Minister, Raúl Baduel, was among the detainees.[8][68]

By 6 May, the Defense Minister announced an additional three arrests via his Twitter account, publishing a photo of the purported detainees with pixelated faces on their knees with their wrists zip-tied together without disclosing the names or any other additional details regarding the accused.[11] The same day, Trump announced his intent to appoint James B. Story as Ambassador of the United States to Venezuela.[69]

Venezuelan state television broadcast a video of an interrogation of one of the captured attackers, Luke Denman.[70] Denman has specialist military medical training and served in Iraq; two of his brothers also served in the military.[71] In the video, Denman states that his instructions were to seize Simón Bolívar International Airport in Maiquetía and fly Maduro to the United States, leading Maduro to say that these orders came directly from United States president Donald Trump. The video shows Denman answering questions that were asked in English, also indicating that he was hired through Goudreau and that they trained 50 combatants in Colombia in January 2020.[70] Ephraim Mattos, a Navy SEAL who had visited the rebel training camps in Colombia but was not involved in the operation, noted that Denman made an unusual and exaggerated gesture with his eyes, saying that it may have been a covert signal to spectators, that "special operation soldiers are trained to find creative ways to discredit any propaganda videos they are forced to make if captured by the enemy" and that the odd eye movement immediately after saying Trump was Goudreau's boss is "a clear sign from Luke that he is being forced."[72] One of his brothers, a lawyer, spoke to British news outlet Daily Mail on 5 May; the New York Post reports that he asked the US government to help get Denman released.[71]

Former Captain Javier Nieto Quintero, one of the organizers of the operation, said on 7 May that the events were only an "advanced tactical reconnaissance" and that the Carive group had 3,000 troops.[73] Venezuelan media and Reuters also reported that Russian Special Operations Forces were assisting Venezuelan soldiers with surveillance from unmanned aerial vehicles.[1][2]

On 8 May, Venezuelan prosecutor general Tarek William Saab announced that his office has requested arrest warrants for Jordan Goudreau, Juan José Rendón, and Sergio Vergara. Speaking on state television, he said that the three persons were involved in the "design, financing and execution of this war action against the territory, the authorities and the people of Venezuela." He elaborated that "given that they are outside the country, we will request their inclusion in the Interpol system, as well as their extradition to Venezuelan territory."[74] The same day, his office charged Luke Alexander Denman and Airan Berry with terrorism, conspiracy, "illicit trafficking of weapons of war" and "(criminal) association." These charges carry a maximum prison sentence of 25 to 30 years.[75]

Analysis

The event was described by numerous sources internationally as being an attempted "coup",[76][undue weight?discuss] with Vox's Alex Ward writing that the Guaidó and Silvercorp documents "explicitly outline what was agreed to: a coup".[24][undue weight?discuss] Ronal Rodríguez, Head of Del Rosario University's Observatory for Venezuela, stated "Operation Gideon is agreeing with Chavismo, which has always accused the opposition of being undemocratic and coup-mongering and of promoting exits outside constitutional frameworks".[77]

Ricardo Sucre Heredia, a political analyst of the Central University of Venezuela, stated that the opposition's strategy of promoting insurrection within the Venezuelan armed forces "is a strategy that has not yielded results" and that the Guaidó government's approach of "all options are on the table and under the table" suggests an opposition with criminal and dictatorial tendencies. He also explained that despite Guaidó's statements distancing himself from the operation, the fact that the opposition leader considered the option shows that he had abandoned an electoral solution to the Venezuelan political crisis.[78]

An analysis by Patricio Zamorano of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs wrote that the event showed that Guaidó controlled large amounts of funding despite his inexperience, that the opposition does not have support from the Venezuelan armed forces and that the Guaidó government was willing to use violence to fulfill political goals.[79] Zamorano states that the failed operation would possibly result with the end of the opposition's support for Guaidó.[79]

Regarding the head of Silvercorp, Jordan Goudreau, The New York Times wrote that Venezuelans alternatively saw him "as a huckster selling a suicide mission to desperate Venezuelans, as well as a hero committed to liberating the nation".[80] Some sources reported that Goudreau was inspired by the 26 March bounty offered by the United States of capturing Maduro and other "high value targets" (HVT's) and sending them to the United States, if the raid were successful.[81][82][83][84] Fulton Armstrong, former National Intelligence Officer for Latin America who was once among the most senior analysts within the United States Intelligence Community, stated "The United States has put incentives for this type of operation, ... although everything indicates that this operation was not directed by Washington, everything also indicates that it was approved there", concluding that "there is a pretext for direct military action by the United States, by labeling the former US military detainees as 'hostages' along with the six dual-national Citgo executives under house arrest in Venezuela".[85]

The Washington Office on Latin America wrote that documents revealed in the media "confirmed" that the Guaidó government signed documents with Silvercorp.[31] The organization also criticized the Trump administration for "maintaining that 'all options are on the table,' including a military option", explaining that such stances by the United States "has tacitly discouraged the Venezuelan opposition from prioritizing negotiations in favor of a theory of change that relies on creating an improbable rupture between the armed forces and the Maduro government".[31] The office's Venezuelan expert David Smilde stated that the failed operation "clearly contributes to the deterioration of the opposition’s national and international standing".[24]

In an article published in the PanAm Post, Venezuelan author Emmanuel Rincón observed that Diosdado Cabello himself publicly made statements indicating that the operation was partially financed by the Maduro administration, and that the administration even scheduled some of their meetings.[86] Rincón speculated that the events were a false flag operation to provide a pretext for neutralizing political opponents and making Maduro out to be a victim in the eyes of the international community.[86] Rincón compared the operation with the 1929 plot to overthrow dictator Juan Vicente Gómez planned by Román Delgado Chalbaud (which was financed by Vicente Gómez himself).[86] He suggested the operation was staged, noting Cabello's acknowledgment that the operation had been infiltrated, that it proceeded despite the Maduro administration's knowledge, that a multitude of news outlets made advance public disclosures about the operation and that that the invaders were able to initially enter Venezuelan territory unabated.[86][undue weight?discuss][unreliable fringe source?]

Reactions

Domestic

Maduro government

The Maduro administration accused the United States and Colombian governments of masterminding the attack, which both denied.[66][87] Goudreau has also denied any help for his operation from US and Colombian authorities.[88] Vice President Delcy Rodríguez called Goudreau "a supremacist fanatic" and warned that "the Venezuelan women are waiting for you, for free, but with deep homeland passion."[89]

Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza criticized foreign governments and international organizations (particularly Lima Group countries) for their "deafening silence in the face of the mercenary aggression against Venezuela" and claimed that "the same people who always condemn us immediately based on biased or false information, today remain silent in the face of such a serious and full case of evidence." He added that "all those involved in the armed aggression against Venezuela confess that they trained in Colombia, with the knowledge of the Bogotá government and the financing of drug traffickers from that country."[90]

Luis Parra, the president of Maduro's National Assembly, stated "The deputy Juan Guaidó must give an explanation to the parliament and the country, about his alleged participation in Operation Gideon, according to the testimonies of those involved in it and the contract with his alleged signature" and said that his National Assembly would investigate Guaidó regarding the allegations.[91]

Opposition

Guaidó's General Strategist J.J. Rendón, who resigned due to his interactions with Silvercorp

Juan Guaidó has accused the Maduro administration of "trying to create a state of apparent confusion, an effort to hide what's happening in Venezuela," citing recent events like the gasoline shortages, the Guanare prison riot, a violent gang battle in Caracas, and the COVID-19 pandemic in Venezuela.[87] Guaidó also demanded that the human rights of the detainees be respected.[92] The National Assembly also described a document shared by the Maduro government as a "false document as justification to try and kidnap and illegally detain the interim president Juan Guaidó".[33] Guaido and his allies have repeatedly insisted that Guaido did not sign any contract with Silvercorp and never spoke with Jordan Goudreau directly or in a video or telephone call.[26][25][27][28][29][30]

Iván Simonovis, Guaidó security and intelligence comissioner, declared that the events in Macuto would serve a pretext to harass opponents and deepen repression, saying that Guaidó's government would investigate the events and clarify its details.[93] J.J. Rendón declared that the operation was compromised for months and that intelligence gathered by the Maduro government allowed the Venezuelan armed forces to ambush the militants in order to create a "montage" of the events.[94]

Officials among the opposition demanded resignations of those involved with Silvercorp. The opposition political party Justice First demanded that Guaidó immediately dismiss the officials involved with the plot and charged that they "used his government's name for individual purposes".[95] Julio Borges, Guaidó's foreign minister, called for the dismissal of all officials related to the plot, stating "we worry that energies are put into the creation of a bureaucratic caste and not into political change." J.J. Rendón and Sergio Vergara, who initiated talks with Silvercorp about the operation, resigned from Guaidó's team on 11 May, with Guaidó thanking the two for "dedication and commitment to Venezuela".[96] According to a Guaidó aide, the two officials "sacrificed themselves" in order to prevent "further embarrassment" towards the opposition.

NGOs

The human rights NGO PROVEA asked about the well-being of the people arrested in Macuto and in Chuao and indicated that the Attorney General appointed by the Constituent Assembly, Tarek William Saab, and the Ombudsman appointed by Maduro, Alfredo Ruiz, would be responsible for possible forced disappearances or torture of the detainees, while stressing that it would only support and promote peaceful and constitutional means that lead to the "restoration of democracy in the country".[97] Maduro accused PROVEA of being "financed by the CIA" and giving coverage to "terrorists" as a response, accusations that PROVEA rejected.[98]

International

  •  Colombia: The Colombian government rejected the accusations, calling them an attempt by the "dictatorial regime of Nicolás Maduro" to divert attention from problems in the country.[99] President Iván Duque Márquez said that he did not sponsor invasions or tricks in response to the accusations and stated “I do things up front because I am a defender of democracy.”[74]
  •  Russia: The Russian Foreign Ministry said that United States' denial was "unconvincing" and pointed to earlier warnings made by the Trump administration that "all options" are on the table, including the possibility of military action. It also said that the actions of the mercenaries deserve "unequivocal and decisive condemnation."[100]
  •  United States: Various US officials have denied the accusations made by the Maduro administration.[87]
    • President Donald Trump said that the incident "has nothing to do with our government."[56][87] Speaking on Fox News, Trump said "If I wanted to go into Venezuela, I wouldn't make a secret about it." and said that the operation would be called an "invasion" if he sends an army into Venezuela.[101]
    • Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said that there was no US government direct involvement in this operation and added: "(If) we’d have been involved, it would have gone differently." Regarding the detention of two Americans, Pompeo said that the US will use "every tool" available to secure the return of Americans if they are being held in Venezuela.[102]
    • Secretary of Defense Mark Esper told reporters at the Pentagon that "the United States government had nothing to do with what's happened in Venezuela in the last few days."[103]
    • A State Department spokesperson said that Maduro government has been consistent in its use of misinformation in order to shift focus from its mismanagement of Venezuela. It also said that there was "little reason to believe anything that comes out of the former regime"[104]

See also

References

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