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Don't ask, don't tell

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Don't ask, don't tell is the common term for the policy about homosexuality in the U.S. military mandated by federal law Pub. L. 103–160 (10 U.S.C. § 654). Unless one of the exceptions from 10 U.S.C. § 654(b) applies, the policy prohibits anyone who "demonstrate(s) a propensity or intent to engage in homosexual acts" from serving in the armed forces of the United States, because it "would create an unacceptable risk to the high standards of morale, good order and discipline, and unit cohesion that are the essence of military capability." The act prohibits any homosexual or bisexual person from disclosing his or her sexual orientation or from speaking about any homosexual relationships, including marriages or other familial attributes, while serving in the United States armed forces. The "don't ask" part of the policy indicates that superiors should not initiate investigation of a servicemember's orientation in the absence of disallowed behaviors, though mere suspicion of homosexual behavior can cause an investigation.

Beginning of the policy

The policy was introduced as a compromise measure in 1993 and approved by then President Bill Clinton who, while campaigning for the Presidency, had promised to allow all citizens regardless of sexual orientation to serve openly in the military, a departure from the then complete ban on those who are not heterosexual. The actual policy was crafted by Colin Powell and was maintained by Clinton's successor, George W. Bush.

Sexual orientation will not be a bar to service unless manifested by homosexual conduct. The military will discharge members who engage in homosexual conduct, which is defined as a homosexual act, a statement that the member is homosexual or bisexual, or a marriage or attempted marriage to someone of the same gender.

— quoted in "The Pentagon's New Policy Guidelines on Homosexuals in the Military", The New York Times (July 201993), p.A14.

More generally, "Don't ask, don't tell" has come to describe any instance in which one person must keep sexual orientation and any related attributes, including family, a secret, but where deliberate lying would be undesirable.

History

During the American Revolutionary War, the armed forces treated sodomy (then broadly defined as oral or anal sexual conduct) as grounds for being dishonorably discharged. The first such recorded discharge was in 1778, when Lieutenant Frederick Gotthold Enslin was (with the approval of General George Washington[1]) dishonorably discharged following a conviction of homosexual sodomy and perjury. The Articles of War maintained the crime of sodomy, but it was not until 1942 that the armed forces considered homosexual status (as assessed by the military through a process of recruitment screening or internal investigations) as grounds for being separated from the military. Thus, anyone in the armed forces labeled as gay or bisexual were subject to criminal sanctions under the sodomy prohibition, or could be given a blue discharge and returned to civilian life, where they were denied G.I. Bill benefits by the Veterans Administration[2] and often had difficulty finding employment because most civilian employers knew what a blue discharge meant.

Blue discharges were discontinued in May 1947, with discharges that would formerly have been blue now falling under one of two new headings, "general" and "undesirable".[3] A general discharge was considered to be under honorable conditions – which is distinct from an "honorable discharge" – and an undesirable discharge was under conditions other than honorable – which, again, is distinct from a "dishonorable discharge".[4] At the same time, however, the Army changed its regulations to ensure that homosexuals would not qualify for general discharges.[5] Under this system, a servicemember found to be homosexual but not to have committed any homosexual acts while in-service would receive an undesirable discharge. Those who were found guilty of engaging in homosexual conduct were dishonorably discharged.[6] By the 1970s, a gay servicemember who had not committed any homosexual acts while in-service would tend to receive a general discharge, while those found to have engaged in homosexual conduct would tend to receive undesirable discharges.[7] However, the reality remained that gay servicemembers received a disproportionate percentage of undesirable discharges issued.[8]

The success of the armed forces in pre-screening self-identified gay and bisexual people from the 1940s through 1981 remains in dispute; during the Vietnam War, some men pretended to be gay in order to avoid the draft. However, a significant number of gay and bisexual men and women did manage to avoid the pre-screening process and serve in the military, some with special distinction. For example, in the 1950s and 1960s, the Navy medical doctor Tom Dooley received national fame for his anti-Communist and humanitarian efforts in Vietnam. His homosexuality was something of an open secret in the Navy, but eventually he was forced to resign; the Navy subsequently conducted the first official study on sexual orientation and the Navy regulations and rules. The 1957 report, titled Report of the Board Appointed to Prepare and Submit Recommendations to the Secretary of the Navy for the Revision of Policies, Procedures and Directives Dealing With Homosexuals (better known as the Crittenden Report) found that gay-identified people were no more likely to be a security risk than heterosexual-identified people, and found there was no rational basis for excluding gay people from the Navy, although it stopped short of recommending a change in the regulations because of social mores.

Beyond the official regulations, gay people were often the target of various types of harassment by their fellow servicemen, designed to persuade them to resign from the military or turn themselves in to investigators. The most infamous type of such harassment was called a blanket party; during the night in the barracks, several service members first covered the face of the victim with a blanket and then committed assault, often quite severely and sometimes even fatally, as in the case of Allen R. Schindler, Jr.. When passing the "Don't ask, don't tell" bill, President Clinton cited U.S. Navy Radioman Third Class Schindler, who was brutally murdered by shipmate Terry M. Helvey (with the aid of an accomplice), leaving a "nearly-unrecognizable corpse".[9] The introduction of "Don't ask, don't tell" with the later amendment of "don't pursue, don't harass" has officially prohibited such behavior, but reports suggest that such harassment continues.[10]

The degree of official and unofficial attempts to separate gay people from the armed forces seems to be directly related to the personnel needs of the armed forces.[citation needed] Hence, during wartime, it has not been uncommon for the rules regarding homosexuality to be relaxed. Until 1981, it was the policy of all branches of the armed forces to retain, at their discretion, anyone suspected of homosexual activity, thus promoting the "queen for a day" rule, which allowed a person accused of homosexuality to remain in the armed forces if one could successfully claim that their behavior was only a singular occurrence.[citation needed] This especially became the case during the Vietnam War.[citation needed]

During the 1970s, several high-profile court challenges to the military's regulations on homosexuality occurred, with little success, and when such successes did occur it was when the plaintiff had been open about his homosexuality from the beginning or due to the existence of the "queen for a day" rule. In 1981, the Department of Defense issued a new regulation on homosexuality that was designed to ensure withstanding a court challenge by developing uniform and clearly defined regulations and justifications that made homosexual status, whether self-applied or by the military, and conduct grounds for discharge (DOD Directive 1332.14 (Enlisted Administrative Separations), January, 1981):

Homosexuality is incompatible with military service. The presence in the military environment of persons who engage in homosexual conduct or who, by their statements, demonstrate a propensity to engage in homosexual conduct, seriously impairs the accomplishment of the military mission. The presence of such members adversely affects the ability of the armed forces to maintain discipline, good order, and morale; to foster mutual trust and confidence among service members; to ensure the integrity of the system of rank and command; to facilitate assignment and worldwide deployment of service members who frequently must live and work in close conditions affording minimal privacy; to recruit and retain members of the armed forces; to maintain the public acceptability of military service; and to prevent breaches of security.

The directive justified the policy and removed the "queen for a day" rule that had prompted some courts to rule against the armed forces. However, the intent of the policy had also been to treat homosexuality as being akin to a disability discharge and thus ensure that anyone found engaging in homosexual activity and/or identifying as gay, would be separated with an honorable discharge. The DOD policy has since withstood most court challenges, although the United States Supreme Court has refused to weigh in on the constitutionality of the policy, preferring to allow lower courts and the United States Congress to settle the matter.

In the 1980s, many of the Democratic Party presidential candidates expressed an interest in changing the regulations concerning homosexuality in the armed forces, and, as American social mores changed, public opinion began to express more sympathy with gay people in armed forces, at least to the extent that investigations into a serviceman or -woman's sexual behaviour and/or orientation were seen as a witch-hunt. "Gays in the military" became a political issue during the 1992 Presidential campaign, when Clinton, the Democratic candidate, promised to lift the military's ban on homosexual and bisexual people.

In 1992, the United States General Accounting Office published a report entitled Defense Force Management: DOD's Policy on Homosexuality. GAO/NSAID-92-98, that outlined the DOD policy on homosexuality and the reasons for it. The report also included excerpts from a previously unpublished 1988 DOD study on homosexuality that made similar conclusions as the 1957 Crittenden Report. In 1993, the two reports were published alongside an argument by an armed forces general who argued against lifting the ban on homosexual- and bisexual-identified people based on a belief that they pose a security risk, will erode unit cohesion and morale alongside the argument that most homosexual and bisexual oriented people are pedophiles who engage in a self-destructive and immoral life-style.

Congressional opposition to lifting the ban on gay and bisexual people in the armed forces was led by Democratic Senator Sam Nunn of Georgia who organized Congressional hearings that largely buffed the armed forces position that has remained unchanged since the 1981 directive. While Congressional support for reform was led by Democratic Congressman Barney Frank of Massachusetts, who fought for a compromise, and retired Republican Senator Barry Goldwater, who argued for a complete repeal of the ban. After a large number of people flooded the Congressional phone lines with oppositions to lifting the ban, President Clinton soon backed off on his campaign promise to lift the ban on homosexual and bisexual people in the armed forces. The final result was a Congressional compromise of "Don't ask, don't tell" that was later amended to include "don't harass". Officially, the compromise dictates that the armed forces will no longer ask recruits about their sexual activity and/or orientation, will not investigate any serviceman or servicewoman's sexual activity and/or orientation without solid evidence (thus preventing witch-hunts), and self-identified homosexual servicemen and women agree that they will not engage in homosexual sex acts, or do anything that announces that they are a homosexual, i.e. public statements or participate in a same-sex marriage openly.

In 2000, Northwestern University Professor Charles Moskos, the principal author of DADT (which, as originally coined by Moskos, was "Don't Ask Don't Tell; Don't Seek Don't Flaunt"), told "Lingua Franca" that he felt that policy will be gone within five to ten years. Moskos also dismissed the unit cohesion argument, instead arguing that gay people should be banned due to "modesty rights", saying "Fuck unit cohesion. I don't care about that...I should not be forced to shower with a woman. I should not be forced to shower with a gay [man]." Moskos did not offer any alternative to his DADT policy.[11]

In 2005, member of Congress Marty Meehan (third from left) unsuccessfully attempted to repeal the policy

On September 13, 2005, the Center for the Study of Sexual Minorities in the Military (on October 23, 2006 renamed the Michael D. Palm Center), a think tank affiliated with the University of California, Santa Barbara, issued a news release revealing the existence of a 1999 FORSCOM regulation (Regulation 500-3-3) that allowed the active duty deployment of Army Reservists and National Guard troops who say that they are gay or who are accused of being gay. U.S. Army Forces Command spokesperson Kim Waldron later confirmed the regulation and indicated that it was intended to prevent Reservists and National Guard members from pretending to be gay to escape combat.[12]

"Don't ask, don't tell" has been upheld five times in federal court, and in a Supreme Court case, Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic and Institutional Rights, Inc. (2006), the Supreme Court unanimously held that the federal government could withhold funding in order to force universities to accept military recruiters in spite of their nondiscrimination policies.[13]

In 1993, the National Defense Research Institute of the Rand Corporation published Sexual Orientation and U.S. Military Personnel Policy: Options and Assessment, prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense.[14] On page 409, "Appendix A" exhibits an "Illustrative Standard of Professional Conduct". On page 411, "Appendix B" gives a detailed study of "Living and Privacy Conditions in the Military Service". "Appendix C" analyzes "Legal Provisions Concerning Sodomy". "Appendices D and E" study foreign armed forces (especially Canada's), and "Appendix F" gives "Relevant Data from Surveys".[clarification needed]

Public opinion

Polls have shown that a large majority of the American public favors allowing gay and lesbian people to serve openly in the U.S. military. A national poll conducted in May 2005 by the Boston Globe showed 79% of participants having nothing against openly gay people from serving in the military. In a 2008 Washington PostABC News poll, 75% of Americans – including 80% of Democrats, 75% of independents, and 66% of conservatives – said that openly gay people should be allowed to serve in the military.[15]

Military personnel opinion

A 2006 Zogby International poll of military members found that 26% were in favor of gays and lesbians serving in the military, 37% opposed gays and lesbians serving, and 37% expressed no preference or were unsure. 72% of respondents who had experience with gays or lesbians in their unit said that the presence of gay or lesbian unit members had either no impact or a positive impact on their personal morale, while 67% said as much for overall unit morale. Of those respondents uncertain whether they had served with gay or lesbian personnel, only 51% thought that such unit members would have a neutral or positive effect on personal morale, while 58% thought that they would have a negative effect on unit morale. 73% of respondents said that they felt comfortable in the presence of gay and lesbian personnel.[16]

Statistics

In the fiscal years since the policy was first introduced (1993), the military has discharged nearly 12,500 troops from the military due to homosexuality.[17] Statistics on the number of persons discharged per year:

Year Coast Guard Marines Navy Army Air Force Total
1994 0 36 258 136 187 617
1995 15 69 269 184 235 772
1996 12 60 315 199 284 870
1997 10 78 413 197 309 1,007
1998 14 77 345 312 415 1,163
1999 12 97 314 271 352 1,046
2000 19 104 358 573 177 1,231
2001* 1,273
2002* 906
2003* 787
2004 15 59 177 325 92 668
2005 16 75 177 386 88 742
2006* 612
Total 113 655 2,626 2,583 2,139 11,694

*Breakdown of discharges by service branch not available

Financial impact of policy

In February 2005, the Government Accountability Office released estimates on the cost of the policy. Cautioning that the amount may be too low, the GAO reported $95.4 million in recruiting costs and $95.1 million for training replacements for the 9,488 troops discharged from 1994 through 2003.[18]

In February 2006, a University of California Blue Ribbon Commission including Lawrence Korb, a former assistant defense secretary during the Reagan administration, former Defense Secretary William Perry, a member of the Clinton administration, and professors from West Point U.S. Military Academy concluded that figure should be closer to $363 million, including $14.3 million for "separation travel" once a service member is discharged, $17.8 million for training officers, $252.4 million for training enlistees and $79.3 million in recruiting costs.[18] The commission report stated that the GAO didn't take into account the value the military lost from the departures.

Criticism from military personnel

Former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. John Shalikashvili (Ret.)[19] and former Senator and Secretary of Defense William Cohen[20] spoke against the policy publicly in early January 2007: "I now believe that if gay men and lesbians served openly in the United States military, they would not undermine the efficacy of the armed forces," General Shalikashvili wrote. "Our military has been stretched thin by our deployments in the Middle East, and we must welcome the service of any American who is willing and able to do the job."[21]

In December 2007, 28 retired generals and admirals urged Congress to repeal the policy. They cited evidence that 65,000 gay men and women are currently serving in the armed forces, and that there are over 1,000,000 gay veterans.[21]

On May 4, 2008, current Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Adm. Mike Mullen, when speaking to graduating cadets at West Point, expressed the view "that Congress, and not the military, is responsible for the 'Don't ask, don't tell' law banning openly lesbian, gay and bisexual Americans from military service." Mullen's answer came in response to a cadet's question asking what would happen if the next administration were supportive of legislation allowing gays to serve openly. During his Senate confirmation hearing in 2007, Mullen told lawmakers, "I really think it is for the American people to come forward, really through this body, to both debate that policy and make changes, if that's appropriate." He went on to say, "I'd love to have Congress make its own decisions," with respect to considering repeal.[22]

Several gay service members have written novels and nonfiction works about life in the military under the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy. In 2005, Rich Merritt released his memoir "Secrets of a Gay Marine Porn Star", and in 2008 Brett Edward Stout released his first fiction novel, "Sugar-baby Bridge".[citation needed]

Military Readiness Enhancement Act

The Military Readiness Enhancement Act is a bill introduced to the U.S. House of Representatives with the stated purpose "to amend title 10, United States Code, to enhance the readiness of the Armed Forces by replacing the current policy concerning homosexuality in the Armed Forces, referred to as "Don't ask, don't tell", with a policy of nondiscrimination on the basis of sexual orientation."

Supporters of the repeal want Congress to eliminate the policy with the 2010 defense authorization bill in April 2009.[23]

Barack Obama's position

President Barack Obama has stated that he plans to repeal the policy and allow gay and lesbian people to serve openly in the armed forces, agreeing with Gen. Shalikashvili and stating that the U.S. government has spent millions of dollars replacing troops expelled from the military, including language experts fluent in Arabic.[24][25] In November, 2008, Obama advisers announced that his plans to repeal the policy may be delayed until as late as 2010, because Obama "first wants to confer with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and his new political appointees at the Pentagon to reach a consensus, and then present legislation to Congress."[26]

Situation outside the United States

Most Western military forces have now removed policies excluding individuals of sexual orientations other than heterosexual (with strict policies on sexual harassment). Of the 26 countries that participate militarily in NATO, more than 22 permit gay people to serve; of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, two (Britain, France) permit gay people to serve openly, and three (United States, Russia, China) do not. Besides Greece, which bans homosexuals from serving, all other members of EU permit gay people to serve openly.[27] In 2009, Argentina and Philippines allowed gay men to serve openly in the military.[28]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Shilts, p. 11
  2. ^ Bérubé, p. 230
  3. ^ Bérubé, p. 242
  4. ^ Jones, p. 2
  5. ^ Bérubé, p. 243
  6. ^ "Homosexuals in Uniform". Newsweek. 1947-06-09. Retrieved 2009-01- 04. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  7. ^ Jones, p. 3
  8. ^ Shilts, p. 163
  9. ^ Belkin, Dr. Aaron. "Abandoning 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' Will Decrease Anti-Gay Violence" Naval Institute: Proceedings Monthly. 1 May, 2005
  10. ^ Moradi, Dr. Bonnie "Perceived Sexual-Orientation-Based Harassment in Military and Civilian Contexts" Military Psychology 2006, 18(1), 39-60
  11. ^ Frank, Nathaniel (October 2000). "The Real Story of Military Sociology and 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell'". Lingua Franca (magazine). pp. 71–81. Retrieved 2008-08-09.
  12. ^ Chibbaro, Lou (2005). "Out gay soldiers sent to Iraq - Regulation keeps straights from 'playing gay' to avoid war". Washington Blade. Retrieved 2006-03-06.
  13. ^ Mears, Bill (2006). "Justices uphold military recruiting on campuses". CNN Law Center. Retrieved 2006-03-06.
  14. ^ Identified as MR-323-OSD and with ISBN 0-8330-1441-2, 13 Chapters, 518 pages, paperback.
  15. ^ Acceptance of Gay People in Military Grows Dramatically - washingtonpost.com
  16. ^ Opinions of Military Personnel on Sexual Minorities in the Military
  17. ^ Shane, Leo (January 16, 2009). "Stars and Stripes: Obama Wants to End "Don't Ask, Don't Tell"". Stars and Stripes. U.S. Department of Defense. Retrieved 2009-01-21.
  18. ^ a b "Report: 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' costs $363M". USA Today, Washington/Politics. 2006. Retrieved 2007-05-25.
  19. ^ Lubold, Gordon (2007-01-15). "Former JCS chairman: It's time to give 'don't ask, don't tell' policy another look". Air Force Times. Retrieved 2007-01-13. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  20. ^ "Former Defense Secretary William Cohen Says Congress Should Re-Visit "Don't Ask, Don't Tell"".
  21. ^ a b Shanker, Tom (2007-11-30). "A New Push to Roll Back 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell'". New York Times. Retrieved 2007-12-03. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  22. ^ SLDN Press Release - Admiral Mullen speaks at West Point
  23. ^ Miller, Sunlen (2009-03-02). "Calls for Repeal of "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" - When Will the President Act?". ABC News. Retrieved 2009-03-08. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  24. ^ Barack Obama Barack Obama on LGBT RIGHTS: Barack Obama supports the LGBT community. Retrieved from http://www.barackobama.com May 30, 2008.
  25. ^ http://www.change.gov/agenda/civil_rights_agenda/
  26. ^ Rowan Scarborough."Obama to delay repeal of 'don't ask, don't tell': advisers see consensus building before lifting ban on gays Washington Times, November 21, 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-22.
  27. ^ Queer:Argentinien und die Philippinen beenden Homo-Verbot im Militär (german)
  28. ^ Queer:Argentinien und die Philippinen beenden Homo-Verbot im Militär (german)

References

  • Bérubé, Allan (1990). Coming Out Under Fire: The History of Gay Men and Women in World War Two. New York, The Penguin Group.
  • Jones, Major Bradley K. (January 1973). "The Gravity of Administrative Discharges: A Legal and Empirical Evaluation" The Military Law Review 59:1–26.
  • Shilts, Randy (1993). Conduct Unbecoming: Gays & Lesbians in the U.S. Military Vietnam to the Persian Gulf. New York, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 031209261X

Further reading