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'''[[Poverty]] in the United States''' refers to people living in poverty in the U.S. Within the U.S. the most common measure of poverty is the "[[poverty line]]" set by the [[Federal government of the United States|U.S. government]]. The official poverty threshold is adjusted for inflation using the consumer price index. Poverty in the United States is cyclical in nature with roughly 12% to 15% living below the federal poverty line at any given point in time, and roughly 40% falling below the poverty line at some time within a 10 year time span.<ref>Zweig, Michael (2004) ''What's Class Got to do With It, American Society in the Twenty-first Century. ILR Press. ISBN 978-0801488993</ref> While there remains some controversy of whether or not the official poverty threshold over or understates poverty, the United States statistically has some of the highest absolute and relative poverty rates in the developed world.<ref name="Kenworthy">Kenworthy, L. (1999). Do social-welfare policies reduce poverty? A cross-national assessment. ''Social Forces, 77''(3), 1119-1139.</ref><ref name="Bradley et. al">Bradley, D., Huber, E., Moller, S., Nielson, F. & Stephens, J. D. (2003). Determinants of relative poverty in advanced capitalist democracies. ''American Sociological Review, 68''(3), 22-51.</ref> Overall the U.S. ranks 16<sup>th</sup> on the [[Human Poverty Index]].<ref name="UN">{{cite web|url=http://hdrstats.undp.org/buildtables/rc_report.cfm|title=United Nations Development Programme. (May, 2006). ''Human Development Report Data: Population living below 50% of median income''.|accessdate=2007-11-08}}</ref>
<div class="CS_Element_Layout" > <div align="center"> <table id="idLayout2" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="0" border="0" width="100%" summary=""> <tr><td id="idCell2x1x1" style="text-align: left;" valign="top"> <div class="CS_Element_Textblock" > <div style="font-family:Verdana,Arial,Helvetica;color:#000000;text-align:left;"><font size="2"><table bordercolor="#cccccc" cellspacing="5" cellpadding="5" width="400" border="1"> <tbody> <tr> <td> <p><em><font size="2">This key research from 2004 has been updated in Robert Rector&rsquo;s new paper,</font> <a href="/Research/Welfare/bg2064.cfm"><font size="2">How Poor Are America's Poor? Examining the "Plague" of Poverty in America</font></a></em></p> <p><em><font size="2">Each year, the U.S. Census Bureau counts the number of "poor" persons in the U.S. In 2005, the Bureau found 37 million "poor" Americans. Presidential candidate John Edwards claims that these 37 million Americans currently "struggle with incredible poverty." Edwards asserts that America's poor, who number "one in eight of us&hellip;do not have enough money for the food, shelter, and clothing they need," and are forced to live in "terrible" cir&shy;cumstances.However, an examination of the living standards of the 37 million persons, whom the government defines as "poor," reveals that what Edwards calls "the plague"of American poverty might not be as "terrible" or "incredible" as candi&shy;date Edwards contends.</font></em></p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070778"></a><font face="Verdana">Poverty is an important and emotional issue. Last year, the Census Bureau released its annual report on poverty in the United States declaring that there were nearly 35 million poor persons living in this country in 2002, a small increase from the preceding year. To understand poverty in America, it is important to look behind these numbers--to look at the actual living conditions of the individuals the government deems to be poor.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070462"></a><font face="Verdana">For most Americans, the word "poverty" suggests destitution: an inability to provide a family with nutritious food, clothing, and reasonable shelter. But only a small number of the 35 million persons classified as "poor" by the Census Bureau fit that description. While real material hardship certainly does occur, it is limited in scope and severity. Most of America's "poor" live in material conditions that would be judged as comfortable or well-off just a few generations ago. Today, the expenditures per person of the lowest-income one-fifth (or quintile) of households equal those of the median American household in the early 1970s, after adjusting for inflation.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070465"><font face="Verdana"><sup>1</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070466"></a><font face="Verdana">The following are facts about persons defined as "poor" by the Census Bureau, taken from various government reports:</font></p> <ul> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070467"></a><font face="Verdana">Forty-six percent of all poor households actually own their own homes. The average home owned by persons classified as poor by the Census Bureau is a three-bedroom house with one-and-a-half baths, a garage, and a porch or patio.</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070468"></a><font face="Verdana">Seventy-six percent of poor households have air conditioning. By contrast, 30 years ago, only 36 percent of the entire U.S. population enjoyed air conditioning.</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070469"></a><font face="Verdana">Only 6 percent of poor households are overcrowded. More than two-thirds have more than two rooms per person.</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070470"></a><font face="Verdana">The average poor American has more living space than the average individual living in Paris, London, Vienna, Athens, and other cities throughout Europe. (These comparisons are to the average citizens in foreign countries, not to those classified as poor.)</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070471"></a><font face="Verdana">Nearly three-quarters of poor households own a car; 30 percent own two or more cars.</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070472"></a><font face="Verdana">Ninety-seven percent of poor households have a color television; over half own two or more color televisions.</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070473"></a><font face="Verdana">Seventy-eight percent have a VCR or DVD player; 62 percent have cable or satellite TV reception.</font></li> <li class="Bulleted"><a name="pgfId-1070474"></a><font face="Verdana">Seventy-three percent own microwave ovens, more than half have a stereo, and a third have an automatic dishwasher.</font></li> </ul> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070475"></a><font face="Verdana">As a group, America's poor are far from being chronically undernourished. The average consumption of protein, vitamins, and minerals is virtually the same for poor and middle-class children and, in most cases, is well above recommended norms. Poor children actually consume more meat than do higher-income children and have average protein intakes 100 percent above recommended levels. Most poor children today are, in fact, supernourished and grow up to be, on average, one inch taller and 10 pounds heavier that the GIs who stormed the beaches of Normandy in World War II.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070476"></a><font face="Verdana">While the poor are generally well-nourished, some poor families do experience hunger, meaning a temporary discomfort due to food shortages. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), 13 percent of poor families and 2.6 percent of poor children experience hunger at some point during the year. In most cases, their hunger is short-term. Eighty-nine percent of the poor report their families have "enough" food to eat, while only 2 percent say they "often" do not have enough to eat.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070477"></a><font face="Verdana">Overall, the typical American defined as poor by the government has a car, air conditioning, a refrigerator, a stove, a clothes washer and dryer, and a microwave. He has two color televisions, cable or satellite TV reception, a VCR or DVD player, and a stereo. He is able to obtain medical care. His home is in good repair and is not overcrowded. By his own report, his family is not hungry and he had sufficient funds in the past year to meet his family's essential needs. While this individual's life is not opulent, it is equally far from the popular images of dire poverty conveyed by the press, liberal activists, and politicians.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070478"></a><font face="Verdana">Of course, the living conditions of the average poor American should not be taken as representing all the poor. There is actually a wide range in living conditions among the poor. For example, over a quarter of poor households have cell phones and telephone answering machines, but, at the other extreme, approximately one-tenth have no phone at all. While the majority of poor households do not experience significant material problems, roughly a third do experience at least one problem such as overcrowding, temporary hunger, or difficulty getting medical care.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070479"></a><font face="Verdana">The best news is that remaining poverty can readily be reduced further, particularly among children. There are two main reasons that American children are poor: Their parents don't work much, and fathers are absent from the home.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070480"></a><font face="Verdana">In good economic times or bad, the typical poor family with children is supported by only 800 hours of work during a year: That amounts to 16 hours of work per week. If work in each family were raised to 2,000 hours per year--the equivalent of one adult working 40 hours per week throughout the year--nearly 75 percent of poor children would be lifted out of official poverty.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070481"></a><font face="Verdana">Father absence is another major cause of child poverty. Nearly two-thirds of poor children reside in single-parent homes; each year, an additional 1.3 million children are born out of wedlock. If poor mothers married the fathers of their children, almost three-quarters would immediately be lifted out of poverty.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070482"></a><font face="Verdana">While work and marriage are steady ladders out of poverty, the welfare system perversely remains hostile to both. Major programs such as food stamps, public housing, and Medicaid continue to reward idleness and penalize marriage. If welfare could be turned around to encourage work and marriage, remaining poverty would drop quickly.</font></p> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1070483"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">What Is Poverty?</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070484"></a><font face="Verdana">For most Americans, the word "poverty" suggests destitution: an inability to provide a family with nutritious food, clothing, and reasonable shelter. For example, the "Poverty Pulse" poll taken by the Catholic Campaign for Human Development in 2002 asked the general public the question: "How would you describe being poor in the U.S.?" The overwhelming majority of responses focused on homelessness, hunger or not being able to eat properly, and not being able to meet basic needs.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070487"><font face="Verdana"><sup>2</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1071235"></a><font face="Verdana">But if poverty means lacking nutritious food, adequate warm housing, and clothing for a family, relatively few of the 35 million people identified as being "in poverty" by the Census Bureau could be characterized as poor.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1071238"><font face="Verdana"><sup>3</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">While material hardship does exist in the United States, it is quite restricted in scope and severity. The average "poor" person, as defined by the government, has a living standard far higher than the public imagines.</font></p> </div> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1071239"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Ownership of Property and Amenities Among the Poor</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070493"></a><font face="Verdana">Table 1 shows the ownership of property and consumer durables among poor households. The data are taken from the American Housing Survey for 2001, conducted by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Census Bureau, and the Residential Energy Consumption Survey conducted by the U.S. Department of Energy.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070496"><font face="Verdana"><sup>4</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53979_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/25709633.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070497"></a><font face="Verdana">As the table shows, some 46 percent of poor households own their own home. The typical home owned by the poor is a three-bedroom house with one-and-a-half baths. It has a garage or carport and a porch or patio and is located on a half-acre lot. The house was constructed in 1967 and is in good repair. The median value of homes owned by poor households was $86,600 in 2001 or 70 percent of the median value of all homes owned in the United States.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070500"><font face="Verdana"><sup>5</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070502"></a><font face="Verdana">Some 73 percent of poor households own a car or truck; nearly a third own two or more cars or trucks. Over three-quarters have air conditioning; by contrast, 30 years ago, only 36 percent of the general U.S. population had air conditioning. Nearly three-quarters of poor households own microwaves; a third have automatic dishwashers.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070503"></a><font face="Verdana">Poor households are well-equipped with modern entertainment technology. It should come as no surprise that nearly all (97 percent) poor households have color TVs, but more than half actually own two or more color televisions. One-quarter own large-screen televisions, 78 percent have a VCR or DVD player, and almost two-thirds have cable or satellite TV reception. Some 58 percent own a stereo. More than a third have telephone answering machines, while a quarter have personal computers. While these numbers do not suggest lives of luxury, they are notably different from conventional images of poverty.</font></p> </div> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1070505"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Housing Conditions</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070820"></a><font face="Verdana">A similar disparity between popular conceptions and reality applies to the housing conditions of the poor. Most poor Americans live in houses or apartments that are relatively spacious and in good repair. As Chart 1 shows, 54 percent of poor households live in single-family homes, either unattached single dwellings or attached units such as townhouses. Another 36.4 percent live in apartments, and 9.6 percent live in mobile homes.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070823"><font face="Verdana"><sup>6</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53981_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/36465838.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <div> <h3 class="heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070824"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Housing Space</font></h3> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070825"></a><font face="Verdana">Both the overall U.S. population and the poor in America live, in general, in very spacious housing. As Table 2 shows, 70 percent of all U.S. households have two or more rooms per tenant. Among the poor, this figure is 68 percent.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53983_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/20130711.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070515"></a><font face="Verdana">Crowding is quite rare; only 2.5 percent of all households and 5.7 percent of poor households are crowded with more than one person per room.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070518"><font face="Verdana"><sup>7</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">By contrast, social reformer Jacob Riis, writing on tenement living conditions around 1890 in New York City, described crowded families living with four or five persons per room and some 20 square feet of living space per person.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070521"><font face="Verdana"><sup>8</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070522"></a><font face="Verdana">Housing space can also be measured by the number of square feet per person. The Residential Energy Consumption survey conducted by the U.S. Department of Energy shows that Americans have an average of 721 square feet of living space per person. Poor Americans have 439 square feet.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070525"><font face="Verdana"><sup>9</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Reasonably comparable international square-footage data are provided by the Housing Indicator Program of the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, which surveyed housing conditions in major cities in 54 different nations. This survey showed the United States to have by far the most spacious housing units, with 50 percent to 100 percent more square footage per capita than city dwellers in other industrialized nations.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070528"><font face="Verdana"><sup>10</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070530"></a><font face="Verdana">America's poor compare favorably with the general population of other nations in square footage of living space. The average poor American has more square footage of living space than does the average person living in London, Paris, Vienna, and Munich. Poor Americans have nearly three times the living space of average urban citizens in middle-income countries such as Mexico and Turkey. Poor American households have seven times more housing space per person than the general urban population of very-low-income countries such as India and China. (See Appendix Table A for more detailed information.)</font></p> <p class="Normal"><a name="pgfId-1070534"></a><font face="Verdana">Some critics have argued that the comparisons in Table 3 are misleading.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070533"><font face="Verdana"><sup>11</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">These critics claim that U.S. housing in general cannot be compared to housing in specific European cities such as Paris or London because housing in these cities is unusually small and does not represent the European housing stock overall. To assess the validity of this argument, Table 4 presents national housing data for 15 West European countries. These data represent the entire national housing stock in each of the 15 countries. In general, the national data on housing size are similar to the data on specific European cities presented in Table 3 and Appendix Table A.</font></p> <p class="Normal"><a href="upload/53985_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/61147339.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Normal"><a href="upload/53987_1.gif" target="new"><font face="Verdana"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/table4.gif" width="365" border="0"></font></a></p> <p class="Normal"><font face="Verdana">As Table 4 shows, U.S. housing (with an average size of 1,875 square feet per unit) is nearly twice as large as European housing (with an average size of 976 square feet per unit.) After adjusting for the number of persons in each dwelling unit, Americans have an average of 721 square feet per person, compared to 396 square feet for the average European.</font></p> <p class="Normal"><a name="pgfId-1070536"></a><font face="Verdana">The housing of poor Americans (with an average of 1,228 square feet per unit) is smaller than that of the average American but larger than that of the average European (who has 976 square feet per unit). Overall, poor Americans have an average of 439 square feet of living space per person, which is as much as or more than the average citizen in most West European countries. (This comparison is to the average European, not poor Europeans.)</font></p> <div> <h6 class="Heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070538"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Housing Quality</font></h6> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070539"></a><font face="Verdana">Of course, it might be possible that the housing of poor American households could be spacious but still dilapidated or unsafe. However, data from the American Housing Survey indicate that such is not the case. For example, the survey provides a tally of households with "severe physical problems." Only a tiny portion of poor households and an even smaller portion of total households fall into that category.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070540"></a><font face="Verdana">The most common "severe problem," according to the American Housing Survey, is a shared bathroom, which occurs when occupants lack a bathroom and must share bathroom facilities with individuals in a neighboring unit. This condition affects about 1 percent of all U.S. households and 2 percent of all poor households. About one-half of 1 percent (0.5 percent) of all households and 2 percent of poor households have other "severe physical problems." The most common are repeated heating breakdowns and upkeep problems.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070887"></a><font face="Verdana">The American Housing Survey also provides a count of households affected by "moderate physical problems." A wider range of households falls into this category--9 percent of the poor and nearly 5 percent of total households. However, the problems affecting these units are clearly modest. While living in such units might be disagreeable by modern middle-class standards, they are a far cry from Dickensian squalor. The most common problems are upkeep, lack of a full kitchen, and use of unvented oil, kerosene or gas heaters as the primary heat source. (The last condition occurs almost exclusively in the South.)</font></p> </div> </div> </div> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1070888"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Hunger and Malnutrition in America</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070889"></a><font face="Verdana">There are frequent charges of widespread hunger and malnutrition in the United States.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070892"><font face="Verdana"><sup>12</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">To understand these assertions, it is important, first of all, to distinguish between hunger and the more severe problem of malnutrition. Malnutrition (also called undernutrition) is a condition of reduced health due to a chronic shortage of calories and nutriments. There is little or no evidence of poverty-induced malnutrition in the United States.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070547"></a><font face="Verdana">Hunger is a far less severe condition: a temporary but real discomfort caused by an empty stomach. The government defines hunger as "the uneasy or painful sensation caused by lack of food."</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070550"><font face="Verdana"><sup>13</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">While hunger due to a lack of financial re-sources does occur in the United States, it is limited in scope and duration. According to the USDA, on a typical day, fewer than one American in 200 will experience hunger due to a lack of money to buy food.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070553"><font face="Verdana"><sup>14</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">The hunger rate rises somewhat when examined over a longer time period; according to the USDA, some 6.9 million Americans, or 2.4 percent of the population, were hungry at least once during 2002.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070556"><font face="Verdana"><sup>15</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Nearly all hunger in the United States is short-term and episodic rather than continuous.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070559"><font face="Verdana"><sup>16</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070560"></a><font face="Verdana">Some 92 percent of those who experienced hunger in 2002 were adults, and only 8 percent were children. Overall, some 567,000 children, or 0.8 percent of all children, were hungry at some point in 2002. In a typical month, roughly one child in 400 skipped one or more meals because the family lacked funds to buy food.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070561"></a><font face="Verdana">Not only is hunger relatively rare among U.S. children, but it has declined sharply since the mid-1990s. As Chart 2 shows, the number of hungry children was cut by a third between 1995 and 2002. According to the USDA, in 1995, there were 887,000 hungry children: by 2002, the number had fallen to 567,000.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070564"><font face="Verdana"><sup>17</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53989_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/73466081.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070569"></a><font face="Verdana">Overall, some 97 percent of the U.S. population lived in families that reported they had "enough food to eat" during the entire year, although not always the kinds of foods they would have preferred. Around 2.5 percent stated their families "sometimes" did not have "enough to eat" due to money shortages, and one-half of 1 percent (0.5 percent) said they "often" did not have enough to eat due to a lack of funds. (See Chart 3.)</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53991_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/19327434.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <div> <h3 class="heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070570"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Hunger and Poverty</font></h3> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070571"></a><font face="Verdana">Among the poor, the hunger rate was obviously higher: During 2002, 12.8 percent of the poor lived in households in which at least one member experienced hunger at some point.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070574"><font face="Verdana"><sup>18</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Among poor children, 2.4 percent experienced hunger at some point in the year.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070577"><font face="Verdana"><sup>19</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Overall, most poor households were not hungry and did not experience food shortages during the year.</font></p> <p class="Normal"><a name="pgfId-1070578"></a><font face="Verdana">When asked, some 89 percent of poor households reported they had "enough food to eat" during the entire year, although not always the kinds of food they would prefer. Around 9 percent stated they "sometimes" did not have enough to eat because of a lack of money to buy food. Another 2 percent of the poor stated that they "often" did not have enough to eat due to a lack of funds.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070581"><font face="Verdana"><sup>20</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">(See Chart 3.)</font></p> </div> </div></font></div> </div> <div style="font-size:small;line-height:1;">&nbsp;</div> <div class="CS_Element_Textblock" > <div style="font-family:Verdana,Arial,Helvetica;color:#000000;text-align:left;"><font size="2"><div> <h6 class="Heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070583"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Poverty and Malnutrition</font></h6> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070584"></a><font face="Verdana">It is widely believed that a lack of financial resources forces poor people to eat low-quality diets that are deficient in nutriments and high in fat. However, survey data show that nutriment density (amount of vitamins, minerals, and protein per kilocalorie of food) does not vary by income class.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070587"><font face="Verdana"><sup>21</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Nor do the poor consume higher-fat diets than do the middle class; the percentage of persons with high fat intake (as a share of total calories) is virtually the same for low-income and upper-middle-income persons.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070590"><font face="Verdana"><sup>22</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Overconsumption of calories in general, however, is a major problem among the poor, as it is within the general U.S. population.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070591"></a><font face="Verdana">Examination of the average nutriment consumption of Americans reveals that age and gender play a far greater role than income class in determining nutritional intake. For example, the nutriment intakes of adult women in the upper middle class (with incomes above 350 percent of the poverty level) more closely resemble the intakes of poor women than they do those of upper-middle-class men, children, or teens.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070594"><font face="Verdana"><sup>23</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">The average nutriment consumption of upper-middle-income preschoolers, as a group, is virtually identical with that of poor preschoolers but not with the consumption of adults or older children in the upper middle class.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070595"></a><font face="Verdana">This same pattern holds for adult males, teens, and most other age and gender groups. In general, children aged 0-11 years have the highest average level of nutriment intakes relative to the recommended daily allowance (RDA), followed by adult and teen males. Adult and teen females have the lowest level of intakes. This pattern holds for all income classes.</font></p> </div> <div> <h6 class="Heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070596"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Nutrition and Poor Children</font></h6> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070597"></a><font face="Verdana">Government surveys provide little evidence of widespread undernutrition among poor children; in fact, they show that the average nutriment consumption among the poor closely resembles that of the upper middle class. For example, children in families with incomes below the poverty level actually consume more meat than do children in families with incomes at 350 percent of the poverty level or higher (roughly $65,000 for a family of four in today's dollars).</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070598"></a><font face="Verdana">Table 5 shows the average intake of protein, vitamins, and minerals as a percentage of the recommended daily allowance among poor and middle-class children at various age levels.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070601"><font face="Verdana"><sup>24</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">The intake of nutriments is very similar for poor and middle-class children and is generally well above the recommended daily level. For example, the consumption of protein (a relatively expensive nutriment) among poor children is, on average, between 150 percent and 267 percent of the RDA.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53994_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/table5.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070602"></a><font face="Verdana">When shortfalls of specific vitamins and minerals appear (for example, among teenage girls), they tend to be very similar for the poor and the middle class. While poor teenage girls, on average, tend to underconsume vitamin E, vitamin B-6, calcium, phosphorus, magnesium, iron, and zinc, a virtually identical underconsumption of these same nutriments appears among upper- middle-class girls.</font></p> </div> <div> <h6 class="Heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070964"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Poor Children's Weight and Stature</font></h6> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070965"></a><font face="Verdana">On average, poor children are very well-nourished, and there is no evidence of widespread significant undernutrition. For example, two indicators of undernutrition among the young are "thinness" (low weight for height) and stuntedness (low height for age). These problems are rare to nonexistent among poor American children.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070607"></a><font face="Verdana">The generally good health of poor American children can be illustrated by international comparisons. Table 6 provides data on children's size based on the World Health Organization (WHO) Global Data Base on Child Growth: Children are judged to be short or "stunted" if their height falls below the 2.3 percentile level of standard height-to-age tables.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070610"><font face="Verdana"><sup>25</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Table 6 shows the percentage of children under age five in developing nations who are judged to be "stunted" by this standard.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53996_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/table6.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070611"></a><font face="Verdana">In developing nations as a whole, some 43 percent of children are stunted. In Africa, more than a third of young children are affected; in Asia, near-ly half.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070614"><font face="Verdana"><sup>26</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">By contrast, in the United States, some 2.6 percent of young children in poor households are stunted by a comparable standard--a rate only slightly above the expected standard for healthy, well-nourished children.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070617"><font face="Verdana"><sup>27</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">While concern for the well-being of poor American children is always prudent, the data overall underscore how large and well-nourished poor American children are by global standards.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070619"></a><font face="Verdana">Throughout this century, improvements in nutrition and health have led to increases in the rate of growth and ultimate height and weight of American children. Poor children have clearly benefited from this trend. Poor boys today at ages 18 and 19 are actually taller and heavier than boys of similar age in the general U.S. population in the late 1950s. Poor boys living today are one inch taller and some 10 pounds heavier than GIs of similar age during World War II, and nearly two inches taller and 20 pounds heavier than American doughboys back in World War I.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070622"><font face="Verdana"><sup>28</sup></font></a></p> </div> <div> <h6 class="Heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070623"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Poverty and Obesity</font></h6> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070624"></a><font face="Verdana">The principal nutrition-related health problem among the poor, as with the general U.S. population, stems from the overconsumption, not underconsumption, of food. While overweight and obesity are prevalent problems throughout the U.S. population, they are found most frequently among poor adults. Poor adult men are slightly less likely than non-poor men to be overweight (30.4 percent compared to 31.9 percent); but, as Chart 4 shows, poor adult women are significantly more likely to be overweight than are non-poor women (47.3 percent compared to 32 percent).</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070627"><font face="Verdana"><sup>29</sup></font></a></p> </div> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1070631"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Living Conditions and Hardships Among the Poor</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070632"></a><font face="Verdana">Overall, the living standards of most poor Americans are far higher than is generally appreciated. The overwhelming majority of poor families are well-housed, have adequate food, and enjoy a wide range of modern amenities, including air conditioning and cable television. Some 70 percent of poor households report that during the course of the past year they were able to meet "all essential expenses," including mortgage, rent, utility bills, and important medical care.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070635"><font face="Verdana"><sup>30</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">(See Chart 5.)</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/53998_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/41978734.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070637"></a><font face="Verdana">However, two caveats should be applied to this generally optimistic picture. First, many poor families have difficulty paying their regular bills and must scramble to make ends meet. For example, around one-quarter of poor families are late in paying the rent or utility bills at some point during the year.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070638"></a><font face="Verdana">Second, the living conditions of the average poor household should not be taken to represent all poor households. There is a wide range of living conditions among the poor; while more than a quarter of the poor have cell phones and answering machines, a tenth of the poor have no telephone at all. While most of America's poor live in accommodations with two or more rooms per person, roughly a tenth of the poor are crowded, with less than one room per person.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070639"></a><font face="Verdana">These points are illustrated in Table 7, which lists the financial and material hardships among poor households in 1998.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070642"><font face="Verdana"><sup>31</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">During at least one month in the preceding year, some 20 percent of poor households reported they were unable to pay their fuel, gas, or electric bills promptly; around 4 percent had their utilities cut off at some point due to nonpayment. Another 13 percent of poor households failed, at some point in the year, to make their full monthly rent or mortgage payments, and 1 percent were evicted due to failure to pay rent. One in 10 poor families had their phones disconnected due to nonpayment at some time during the preceding year.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/54000_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/table7.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070643"></a><font face="Verdana">Overall, more than one-quarter of poor families experienced at least one financial difficulty during the year. Most had a late payment of rent or utility bills. Some 12 percent had phones or utilities cut off or were evicted.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070648"></a><font face="Verdana">Poor households also experienced the material problems listed on Table 7.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070647"><font face="Verdana"><sup>32</sup></font></a> <font face="Verdana">Some 14 percent lacked medical insurance and had a family member who needed to go to a doctor or hospital but did not go; 11 percent experienced hunger in the household; and around 9 percent were overcrowded, with more than one person per room. Slightly less than 4 percent of poor households experienced upkeep problems with the physical conditions of their apartments or homes, having three or more of the physical problems listed in Table 7.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/54002_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/table8.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> <div> <h6 class="Heading-2"><a name="pgfId-1070650"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Overall Hardship</font></h6> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070651"></a><font face="Verdana">Altogether, around 58 percent of poor households experienced none of the financial or physical hardships listed in Table 7 These families were able to pay all their bills on time. They were able to obtain medical care if needed, were not hungry or crowded, and had few upkeep problems in the home. Another 20 percent of poor households experienced one financial or material problem during the year. Around 10 percent of poor households had two financial or material problems, while 12 percent had three or more.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070652"></a><font face="Verdana">The most common problem facing poor households was late payment of rent or utilities. While having difficulty paying monthly bills is stressful, in most cases late payment did not result in material hardship or deprivation. If late payment problems are excluded from the count, we find that two-thirds of poor households had none of the remaining problems listed in Table 7. Some 22 percent had one problem, and 12 percent had two or more problems.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070653"></a><font face="Verdana">While it is appropriate to be concerned about the difficulties faced by some poor families, it is important to keep these problems in perspective. Many poor families have intermittent difficulty paying rent or utility bills but remain very well-housed by historic or international standards. Even poor families who are overcrowded and hungry, by U.S. standards, are still likely to have living conditions that are far above the world average.</font></p> </div> </div> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1070654"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Reducing Child Poverty</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070655"></a><font face="Verdana">The generally high living standards of poor Americans are good news. Even better is the fact that our nation can readily reduce remaining poverty, especially among children. To accomplish this, we must focus on the main causes of child poverty: low levels of parental work and high levels of single parenthood.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070656"></a><font face="Verdana">In good economic times or bad, the typical poor family with children is supported by only 800 hours of work during a year: That amounts to 16 hours of work per week. If work in each family were raised to 2,000 hours per year--the equivalent of one adult working 40 hours per week through the year--nearly 75 percent of poor children would be lifted out of official poverty.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070659"><font face="Verdana"><sup>33</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070660"></a><font face="Verdana">The decline in marriage is the second major cause of child poverty. Nearly two-thirds of poor children reside in single-parent homes; each year, an additional 1.3 million children are born out of wedlock. Increasing marriage would substantially reduce child poverty: If poor mothers married the fathers of their children, almost three-quarters would immediately be lifted out of poverty.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070663"><font face="Verdana"><sup>34</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070664"></a><font face="Verdana">In recent years, the United States has established a reasonable record in reducing child poverty. Successful anti-poverty policies were partially implemented in the welfare reform legislation of 1996, which replaced the old Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program with a new program called Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF).</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070665"></a><font face="Verdana">A key element of this reform was a requirement that some welfare mothers either prepare for work or get jobs as a condition of receiving aid. As this requirement went into effect, welfare rolls plummeted and employment of single mothers increased in an unprecedented manner. As employment of single mothers rose, child poverty dropped rapidly. For example, in the quarter-century before welfare reform, there was no net change in the poverty rate of children in single-mother families; after reform was enacted, the poverty rate dropped in an unprecedented fashion, falling from 53.1 percent in 1995 to 39.8 percent in 2001.</font><a class="footnote" href="#pgfId-1070668"><font face="Verdana"><sup>35</sup></font></a></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070669"></a><font face="Verdana">In general, however, welfare reform has been limited in both scope and intensity. Even in the TANF program, over half the adult beneficiaries are idle on the rolls and are not engaged in activities leading to self-sufficiency. Work requirements are virtually nonexistent in related programs such as food stamps and public housing. Even worse, despite the fact that marriage has enormous financial and psychological benefits for parents and children, welfare reform has done little or nothing to strengthen marriage in low-income communities. Overall, the welfare system continues to encourage idle dependence rather than work and to reward single parenthood while penalizing marriage.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1071039"></a><font face="Verdana">If child poverty is to be substantially reduced, welfare must be transformed. Able-bodied parents must be required to work or prepare for work, and the welfare system should encourage rather than penalize marriage.</font></p> </div> <div> <h2 class="Heading-1"><a name="pgfId-1071040"></a><font face="Verdana" size="2">Conclusion</font></h2> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1071041"></a><font face="Verdana">The living conditions of persons defined as poor by the government bear little resemblance to notions of "poverty" held by the general public. If poverty is defined as lacking adequate nutritious food for one's family, a reasonably warm and dry apartment to live in, or a car with which to get to work when one is needed, then there are relatively few poor persons remaining in the United States. Real material hardship does occur, but it is limited in scope and severity.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070673"></a><font face="Verdana">The typical American defined as "poor" by the government has a car, air conditioning, a refrigerator, a stove, a clothes washer and dryer, and a microwave. He has two color televisions, cable or satellite TV reception, a VCR or DVD player, and a stereo. He is able to obtain medical care. His home is in good repair and is not overcrowded. By his own report, his family is not hungry and he had sufficient funds in the past year to meet his family's essential needs. While this individual's life is not opulent, it is equally far from the popular images of dire poverty conveyed by the press, liberal activists, and politicians.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070674"></a><font face="Verdana">But the living conditions of the average poor person should not be taken to mean that all poor Americans live without hardship. There is a wide range of living conditions among the poor. Roughly a third of poor households do face material hardships such as overcrowding, intermittent food shortages, or difficulty obtaining medical care. However, even these households would be judged to have high living standards in comparison to most other people in the world.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1070675"></a><font face="Verdana">Perhaps the best news is that the United States can readily reduce its remaining poverty, especially among children. The main causes of child poverty in the United States are low levels of parental work and high numbers of single-parent families. By increasing work and marriage, our nation can virtually eliminate remaining child poverty.</font></p> <p class="Body"><a name="pgfId-1071120"></a><font face="Verdana"><em><a class="CP___PAGEID_5133" href="/About/Staff/RobertRector-archive.cfm"><font face="Verdana"><em>Robert E. Rector</em></font></a> is Senior Research Fellow in Domestic Policy Studies and <a class="CP___PAGEID_42604" href="/About/Staff/KirkJohnson.cfm">Kirk A. Johnson, Ph.D.,</a> is Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Fellow in Statistical Welfare Research in the Center for Data Analysis at The Heritage Foundation.</em></font></p> <p class="Body"><a href="upload/54072_1.gif" target="new"><img src="/Research/Welfare/images/appendixA.gif" width="365" border="0"></a></p> </div> <hr> <div class="footnotes"> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-special"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">1.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070465"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Comparison of the average expenditure per person of the lowest quintile in 2001 with the middle quintile in 1973. Sources: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Consumer Expenditure Survey: Integrated Diary and Interview Survey Data, 1972-73, Bulletin No. 1992, released in 1979, and U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Consumer Expenditures in 2001, Report No. 966, April 2003. Figures adjusted for inflation by the personal consumption expenditure index.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">2.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070487"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">See Campaign for Human Development, Poverty Pulse, January 2002, at <a onmouseover=" return self.status='http://www.usccb.org/cchd/povertyusa/povpulse.htm'; " onmouseout=" return self.status=''; " href="javascript:HandleLink('cpe_53992_0','CPNEWWIN:child^toolbar=1,location=1,directory=0,status=1,menubar=1,scrollbars=1,resizable=1@http://www.usccb.org/cchd/povertyusa/povpulse.htm');">www.usccb.org/cchd/povertyusa/povpulse.htm</a>. Interestingly, only about 1 percent of those surveyed regarded poverty in the terms the government does: as having an income below a specified level.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">3.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1071238"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">The Census Bureau defines an individual as poor if his or her family income falls below certain specified income thresholds. These thresholds vary by family size. In 2002, a family of four was deemed poor if its annual income fell below $18,556; a family of three was deemed poor if annual income was below $14,702. There are a number of problems with the Census Bureau's poverty figures: Census undercounts income, ignores assets accumulated in prior years, and disregards non-cash welfare such as food stamps and public housing in its official count of income. However, the most important problem with Census figures is that, even if a family's income falls below the official poverty thresholds, the family's actual living conditions are likely to be far higher than the image most Americans have in mind when they hear the word "poverty."</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">4.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070496"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">U.S. Department of Commerce and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, American Housing Survey for the United States: 2001; U.S Department of Energy, Housing Characteristics, 2001, Appliances Tables, at <a onmouseover=" return self.status='http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/consumption'; " onmouseout=" return self.status=''; " href="javascript:HandleLink('cpe_53992_0','CPNEWWIN:child^toolbar=1,location=1,directory=0,status=1,menubar=1,scrollbars=1,resizable=1@http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/consumption');">www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/consumption</a>.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">5.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070500"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">U.S Department of Commerce and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, American Housing Survey for the United States: 2001, Tables 3-1, 3-14.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">6.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070823"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Ibid., p. 42.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">7.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070518"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Ibid., p. 46.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">8.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070521"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Jacob Riis, How the Other Half Lives (New York: Dover Press, 1971), pp. 6, 41, 59.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">9.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070525"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">U.S. Department of Energy, Housing Characteristics 1993, 1995, pp. 46, 47. The figures in the text refer to total living space, including both heated and non-heated living space.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="Footnote"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">10.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070528"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">United Nations Centre for Human Settlements and the World Bank, The Housing Indicators Program, Vol. II: Indicator Tables (New York: United Nations, 1993), Table 5.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">11.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070533"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">See Katha Pollitt, "Poverty: Fudging the Numbers," The Nation, November 2, 1998. Pollitt argues that it is misleading to compare the living space of poor Americans nationwide to that of average citizens in major cities in other nations, since European cities, in particular, have small housing units that are not representative of their entire nations. However, the author of the United Nations Housing Indicators report asserts that, in most cases, the average housing size in major cities can be taken as roughly representative of the nation as a whole. A comparison of the data in Table 4 and Appendix Table A would appear to confirm this.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">12.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070892"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">See, for example, A Survey of Childhood Hunger in the United States (Washington, D.C.: Food Research Action Center, Community Childhood Hunger Identification Project, 1995) and "1997 National Research Study," in Hunger 1997: The Faces and Facts (Chicago, Ill.: America's Second Harvest, 1997).</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">13.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070550"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">U.S. Department of Agriculture, Household Food Security in the United States in 1995: Summary Report for the Food Security Measurement Project, 1997, p. 5.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">14.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070553"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">In all cases, the figures concerning hunger in this paper refer solely to hunger caused by a lack of funds to buy food and do not include hunger that is attributed to any other cause.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">15.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070556"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Mark Nord, Margaret Andrews, and Steven Carlson, Household Food Security in the United States, 2002, U.S. Department of Agriculture, October 2003, p. 7. The numbers in the text were taken from Table 1 of the USDA publication. Many individuals reside in households where at least one family member but not all family members experienced hunger. This is particularly true among families with children where the adults are far more likely than the children to experience hunger. According to Table 1of Household Food Security in the United States, 2002, 9.3 million persons lived in a household where at least one household member experienced hunger; however, not all of these persons experienced hunger themselves. The number of persons who experienced hunger individually was lower: 6.8 million people, including 6.3 million adults and 567,000 children.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">16.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070559"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">The numbers of persons identified as hungry throughout this paper correspond to individuals that the USDA identifies as "food insecure with hunger." The USDA also has a second, broader category: "food insecure without hunger." As the term implies, these individuals are not hungry. They may, however, at certain times in the year be forced to eat cheaper foods or a narrower range of foods than those to which they are ordinarily accustomed. According to the USDA, 7.6 percent of all households were "food insecure without hunger" in 2002. Food advocacy groups often inaccurately include the households that are "food insecure without hunger" in the count of households that are deemed hungry.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">17.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070564"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Nord, Andrews, and Carlson, Food Security in the United States, 2002, p. 7. Additional data provided by USDA.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">18.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070574"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Nord, Andrews, and Carlson, Food Security in the United States, 2002, p. 16.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">19.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070577"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Ibid., p. 17.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">20.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070581"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Calculated from USDA food security survey for 2001.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="Footnote"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">21.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070587"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">C. T. Windham et al., "Nutrient Density of Diets in the USDA Nationwide Food Consumption Survey, 1977-1978: Impact of Socioeconomic Status on Dietary Density," Journal of the American Dietetic Association, January 1983.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">22.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070590"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Interagency Board for Nutrition Monitoring and Related Research, Third Report on Nutrition Monitoring in the United States (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1995), p. VA 167.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">23.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070594"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and Nutrient Intakes by Individuals in the United States, 1 Day, 1989-91, Nationwide Food Survey Report No. 91-2, 1995.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">24.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070601"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Ibid., Tables 10-1, 10-4. Table 4 in the present paper also provides the "mean adequacy ratio" for various groups. The mean adequacy ratio represents average intake of all the nutriments listed as a percent of RDA. However, in computing mean adequacy, intake values exceeding 100 percent of RDA are counted at 100, since the body cannot use an excess consumption of one nutriment to fill a shortfall of another nutriment.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">25.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070610"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">The World Health Organization uses standard height-for-age tables developed by the National Center for Health Statistics at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention of the U.S. Department and Health and Human Services.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">26.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070614"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">M. de Onis and J. P. Habicht, "Anthropometric Reference Data for International Use: Recommendations from a World Health Organization Expert Committee," American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 1996, pp. 650-658.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">27.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070617"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Calculation by the authors using National Health and Nutrition Evaluation Survey III data and WHO standard tables for shortness for age. Shortness for age is the result of genetic variation as well as nutritional factors. The World Health Organization standards assume that even in a very well-nourished population, 2.3 percent of children will have heights below the "stunted" cut-off levels due to normal genetic factors. Problems are apparent if the number of short children in a population rises appreciably above that 2.3 percent.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="Footnote"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">28.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070622"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Bernard D. Karpinos, "Current Height and Weight of Youths of Military Age," Human Biology, 1961, pp. 336-364. Recent data on young males in poverty provided by the National Center for Health Statistics of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, based on the second National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">29.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070627"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Interagency Board for Nutrition Monitoring and Related Research, Third Report on Nutrition Monitoring, Vol. 2, p. VA 219.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">30.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070635"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Calculated from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and Program Participation, Extended Measures of Well-being Module, 1998.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">31.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070642"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Ibid.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">32.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070647"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">The Survey of Income and Program Participation, Extended Measures of Well-being Module also contains a question about whether members of the household needed to see a dentist but did not go. Because the question does not specify whether or not the failure to visit the dentist was due to an inability to pay, we did not include the question in this report.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">33.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070659"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Robert E. Rector and Rea S. Hederman, Jr., "<a href="/Research/Family/cda-03-01.cfm">The Role of Parental Work in Child Poverty</a>," Heritage Foundation Center for Data Analysis Report No. CDA03-01, January 27, 2003.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">34.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070663"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Robert E. Rector, Kirk A. Johnson, Ph.D., Patrick F. Fagan, and Lauren R. Noyes, "<a href="/Research/Family/cda0306.cfm">Increasing Marriage Would Dramatically Reduce Child Poverty</a>," Heritage Foundation Center for Data Analysis Report No. CDA03-06, May 20, 2003.</font></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p class="footnote-text"><font face="Verdana"><font size="1"><span class="footnoteNumber">35.</span></font></font> <a name="pgfId-1070668"></a><font face="Verdana" size="1">Robert Rector and Patrick F. Fagan, "<a href="/Research/Welfare/bg1620.cfm">The Continuing Good News About Welfare Reform</a>," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 1620, February 6, 2003.</font></p> </div> </div></font></div> </div> </td> </tr> </table> </div> </div> <div class="CS_Ele

Those under the age of 18 were the most likely to be impoverished. In 2001 the poverty rate for minors in the United States was the highest in the industrialized world, with 14.8% of all minors and 30% of African American minors living below the poverty threshold. Moreover, the standard of living for those in the bottom 10% was lower in the U.S. than in any other developed nation except the United Kingdom, which had the lowest standard of living for impoverished children.<ref name="Marriages, Families & Intimate Relationships">{{cite book | last = Williams | first = Brian | authorlink = | coauthors = Stacey C. Sawyer, Carl M. Wahlstrom | year = 2005 | title = Marriages, Families & Intimate Relationships | publisher = Pearson | location = Boston, MA | id = 0-205-36674-0}}</ref> In 2006, poverty rate for minors in the United States was 21.9% - highest child poverty rate in the [[developed world]].<ref>[http://www.epinet.org/content.cfm/webfeatures_snapshots_20060719 U.S. Government Does Relatively Little to Lessen Child Poverty Rates]</ref>

==Measures of poverty==
Measures of poverty can be either [[absolute poverty|absolute]] or [[relative poverty|relative]].

===The official measure of poverty===
[[Image:Poverty 59 to 05.png|thumb|400px|Percent and number below the poverty threshold.<ref name="US Census Bureau, report on income, poverty and insurance for 2005">{{cite web|url=http://www.census.gov/prod/2006pubs/p60-231.pdf|title=US Census Bureau, report on income, poverty and insurance for 2005|accessdate=2006-01-19}}</ref>]]
[[Image:Homeless - American Flag.jpg|thumb|250px|People who experience homelessness make poverty more visible in the United States.]]

There are two versions of the federal poverty measure: the poverty thresholds (which are the primary version) and the poverty guidelines. The [[United States Census Bureau|Census Bureau]] issues the poverty thresholds, which are generally used for statistical purposes&mdash;for example, to estimate the number of people in poverty nationwide each year and classify them by type of residence, race, and other social, economic, and demographic characteristics. The [[United States Department of Health and Human Services|Department of Health and Human Services]] issues the poverty guidelines for administrative purposes&mdash;for instance, to determine whether a person or family is eligible for assistance through various federal programs.<ref>Fisher, G.M. (2003) [http://www.census.gov/hhes/poverty/povmeas/papers/orshansky.html The Development of the Orshansky Poverty Thresholds]. Accessed: 2003-12-27</ref>

Since the 1960s, the United States Government has defined poverty in absolute terms. When the [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]] administration declared "[[war on poverty]]" in 1964, it chose an absolute measure. The "[[Poverty line in the United States|absolute poverty line]]" is the threshold below which families or individuals are considered to be ''lacking the resources to meet the basic needs for healthy living; having insufficient income to provide the food, shelter and clothing needed to preserve health.''

The "Orshansky Poverty Thresholds" form the basis for the current measure of poverty in the U.S. [[Mollie Orshansky]] was an economist working for the [[Social Security Administration]] (SSA). Her work appeared at an opportune moment. Orshansky's article was published later in the same year that Johnson declared war on poverty. Since her measure was absolute (i.e., did not depend on other events), it made it possible to objectively answer whether the U.S. government was "winning" this war. The newly formed [[United States Office of Economic Opportunity]] adopted the lower of the Orshansky poverty thresholds for statistical, planning, and budgetary purposes in May 1965.

The Bureau of the Budget (now the [[Office of Management and Budget]]) adopted Orshansky's definition for statistical use in all Executive departments in 1965. The measure gave a range of income cutoffs, or thresholds, adjusted for factors such as family size, sex of the family head, number of children under 18 years old, and farm or non-farm residence. The economy food plan (the least costly of four nutritionally adequate food plans designed by the [[United States Department of Agriculture|Department of Agriculture]]) was at the core of this definition of poverty.<ref name=census>[http://www.census.gov/hhes/income/defs/poverty.html Poverty Definition] U.S. Census Bureau. Accessed: 2003-12-27.</ref>

The Department of Agriculture found that families of three or more persons spent about one third of their after-tax income on food. For these families, poverty thresholds were set at three times the cost of the economy food plan. Different procedures were used for calculating poverty thresholds for two-person households and persons living alone. Annual updates of the SSA poverty thresholds were based on price changes in the economy food plan.

Two changes were made to the poverty definition in 1969. Thresholds for non-farm families were tied to annual changes in the [[Consumer Price Index]] (CPI) rather than changes in the cost of the economy food plan. Farm thresholds were raised from 70 to 85% of the non-farm levels.

In 1981, further changes were made to the poverty definition. Separate thresholds for "farm" and "female-householder" families were eliminated. The largest family size category became "nine persons or more."<ref name=census />

Apart from these changes, the U.S. government's approach to measuring poverty has remained static for the past forty years.

===Recent poverty rate and guidelines===
The official poverty rate in the U.S. increased for four consecutive years, from a 26-year low of 11.3% in 2000 to 12.7% in 2004, then declined somewhat to 12.3% in 2006. This means that 36.5 million people were below the official poverty thresholds in 2006, compared to 31.1 million in 2000<ref>[http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/2001/cb01-158.html "Nation's Household Income Stable in 2000, Poverty Rate Virtually Equals Record Low, Census Bureau Reports"], 10 October, 2001, census.gov.</ref>, and that there was an increase of 5.4 million poor from 2000 to 2006 while the total population grew by 17.5{{Fact|date=October 2007}} million. <ref>{{cite web | title=www.census.gov/ps | work=Poverty Status of People by Family Relationship, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2006 | url=http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/histpov/hstpov2.html | accessmonthday=September 08 | accessyear=2007}}</ref> The poverty rate for children under 18 years old increased from 16.2% to 17.8% from 2000 to 2004 and had dropped to 17.4% in 2005 and 2006. <ref>{{cite web | title=www.census.gov/h | work=Poverty:2006 highlights | url=http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty06/pov06hi.html | accessmonthday=September 08 | accessyear=2007}}</ref>
The 2006 poverty threshold was measured according to the [[HHS]] Poverty Guidelines<ref>{{cite web | title=www.hhs.gov | work=The 2008 HHS Poverty Guidelines | url=http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/08poverty.shtml | accessmonthday=Feb 17 | accessyear=2008}}</ref> which are illustrated in the table below.

{| align="center" border="2" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" style="margin: 1em 1em 1em 0; border: 1px #aaa solid; border-collapse: collapse; font-size: 95%;"
|- bgcolor="#CCCCCC"
! Persons in Family Unit !! 48 Contiguous States and D.C. !! Alaska !! Hawaii
|- align="center"
| 1 || $10,400 || $13,000 || $11,960
|- align="center"
| 2 || $14,000 || $17,500 || $16,100
|- align="center"
| 3 || $17,600 || $22,000 || $20,240
|- align="center"
| 4 || $21,200 || $26,500 || $24,380
|- align="center"
| 5 || $24,800 || $31,000 || $28,520
|- align="center"
| 6 || $28,400 || $35,500 || $32,660
|- align="center"
| 7 || $32,000 || $40,000 || $36,800
|- align="center"
| 8 || $35,600 || $44,500 || $40,940
|- align="center"

| align="left" | For each additional person, add || $3,600 || $4,500 || $4,140
|}

'''SOURCE''':&nbsp; ''[[Federal Register]]'', Vol. 73, No. 15, January 23,
2008, pp. 3971–3972.

===Relative measures of poverty===
[[Image:Poverty by Age.png|thumb|400px|The poverty rate for selected age groups. Those under the age of 18 are most likely to fall below the poverty threshold.<ref name="US Census Bureau, report on income, poverty and insurance for 2005">{{cite web|url=http://www.census.gov/prod/2006pubs/p60-231.pdf|title=US Census Bureau, report on income, poverty and insurance for 2005|accessdate=2006-01-19}}</ref>]]
Another way of looking at poverty is in ''relative'' terms. "Relative poverty" can be defined as ''having significantly less access to income and wealth than other members of society.'' Therefore, the relative poverty rate can directly be linked to income inequality. When the standard of living among those in more financially advantageous positions rises while that of those considered poor stagnates, the relative poverty rate will reflect such growing income inequality and increase. Conversely, the poverty rate can ''decrease,'' with low income people coming to have less wealth and income if wealthier people's wealth is reduced by a larger percentage than theirs. In 1959, a family at the poverty line had an income that was 42.64% of the median income. Thus, a poor family in 1999 had ''relatively'' less income and therefore ''relatively'' less purchasing power than wealthier members of society in 1959, and, therefore, "poverty" had increased. But, because this is a relative measure, this is not saying that a family in 1999 with the same amount of wealth and income as a family from 1959 had less purchasing power than the 1959 family.

In the EU, "relative poverty" is defined as an income below 60% of the national [[median]] equalized [[disposable income]] after social transfers for a comparable household. In Germany, for example, the official relative poverty line for a single adult person in 2003 was 938 euros per month (11,256 euros/year, $12,382 PPP. West Germany 974 euros/month, 11,688 euros/year, $12,857 PPP). For a family of four with two children below 14 years the poverty line was 1969.8 euros per month ($2,167 PPP) or 23,640 euros ($26,004 PPP) per year. According to [[Eurostat]] the percentage of people in Germany living at risk of poverty (relative poverty) in 2004 was 16% (official national rate 13.5% in 2003). Additional definitions for poverty in Germany are "poverty" (50% median) and "strict poverty" (40% median, national rate 1.9% in 2003). Generally the percentage for "relative poverty" is much higher than the quota for "strict poverty". The U.S concept is best comparable to "strict poverty". By European standards the official (relative) poverty rate in the United States would be significantly higher than it is by the U.S. measure. A research paper from the [[OECD]] calculates the relative poverty rate for the United States at 16% for 50% median of disposable income and nearly 24% for 60% of median disposable income<ref name="Michael Foerster/Marco Mira d'Ercole">Michael Foerster/Marco Mira d'Ercole, "Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries in the Second Half of the 1990s", OECD Social, employment and migration working papers No. 22, Paris 2005, page 22, figure 6. </ref> (OECD average: 11% for 50% median, 16% for 60% median).

=== The income distribution and relative poverty ===
Although the relative approach theoretically differs largely from the Orshansky definition, crucial variables of both poverty definitions are more similar than often thought. First, the so-called standardization of income in both approaches is very similar. To make incomes comparable among households of different sizes, [[equivalence scales]] are used to standardize household income to the level of a single person household. In Europe, the modified [[OECD]] equivalence scale is used, which takes the combined value of 1 for the head of household, 0.5 for each additional household member older than 14 years and 0.3 for children. When compared to the US Census poverty lines, which is based on a defined basket of goods, for the most prevalent household types both standardization methods show to be very similar.

Secondly, if the height of the poverty threshold in Western-European countries is not always higher than the Orshansky threshold for a single person family. The actual Orchinsky poverty line for single person households in the US ($9645 in 2004) is very comparable to the relative poverty line in many Western-European countries (Belgium 2004: €9315), while price levels are also similar. The reason why relative poverty measurement causes high poverty levels in the US, as demonstrated by Förster<ref name="Michael Foerster/Marco Mira d'Ercole">Michael Foerster/Marco Mira d'Ercole, "Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries in the Second Half of the 1990s", OECD Social, employment and migration working papers No. 22, Paris 2005, page 22, figure 6. </ref>, is caused by distributional effects rather than real differences in wellbeing among EU-countries and the USA. The median household income is much higher in the US than in Europe due to the wealth of the middle classes in the US, from which the poverty line is derived. Although the paradigm of relative poverty is most valuable, this comparison of poverty lines show that the higher prevalence of relative poverty levels in the US are not an indicator of a more severe poverty problem but an indicator of larger inequalities between rich middle classes and the low-income households. It is therefore not correct to state that the US income distribution is characterised by a large proportion of households in poverty; it is characterized by relatively large income inequality but also high levels of prosperity of the middle classes. The 2007 poverty threshold for a three member family is 17,070.'''

==Human Poverty Index==
The [[United Nations Development Programme]], uses the human poverty index in order to assess the development with regards to poverty among OECD countries. The index takes the likelihood of a child not surviving to age 60, functional illiteracy rate, long-term unemployment and the population living on less than 50% of the median national income into account. While the United States has one of the second lowest long-term unemployment rates in the developed world, it has the highest percentage of children who are not likely to live to age 60 and persons living on less than 50% of the national median income and the third highest percentage of adults lacking functional literacy skills.
{| class="sortable wikitable"
|-
!Ranking||Country||HPI-2||Probability at birth<br> of not surviving <br>to age 60 (%)||People lacking functional <br>literacy skills (%)||Long-term <br> unemployment (%)||Population below 50% <br> of median income (%)
|-
|1||[[Sweden]]||6.5||7.2||7.5||1.0||6.5
|-
|2||[[Norway]]||7.0||8.4||7.9||0.4||6.4
|-
|3||[[Netherlands]]||8.2||8.7||10.5||2.5||7.3
|-
|4||[[Finland]]||8.2||9.7||10.4||2.1||5.4
|-
|5||[[Denmark]]||8.4||10.4||9.6||1.3||-
|-
|6||[[Germany]]||10.3||8.8||14.4||5.0||8.3
|-
|7||[[Switzerland]]||10.7||7.8||15.9||1.6||7.6
|-
|8||[[Canada]]||10.9||8.1||14.6||0.7||11.4
|-
|9||[[Luxembourg]]||11.1||9.7||-||1.2||6.0
|-
|10||[[France]]||11.4||9.8||-||4.3||8.0
|-
|11||[[Japan]]||11.7||7.1||-||1.5||11.8
|-
|12||[[Belgium]]||12.4||9.4||18.4||4.3||8.0
|-
|13||[[Spain]]||12.6||8.7||-||3.0||14.3
|-
|14||[[Australia]]||12.8||7.7||17.0||0.9||14.3
|-
|15||[[United Kingdom]]||14.8||8.7||21.8||1.1||12.4
|-
|16||[[United States]]||15.4||11.8||20.0||0.6||17.0
|-
|17||[[Ireland]]||16.1||8.7||22.6||1.5||16.5
|-
|18||[[Italy]]||29.9||7.8||47.0||4.0||12.7
|-
|}

===Other international comparisons===
{| class="sortable wikitable"
|-
!rowspan=2|Country||colspan=2|Absolute poverty rate<br>(threshold set at 40% of U.S. median household income)<ref name="Kenworthy"/>||colspan=2|Relative poverty rate<ref name="Bradley et. al"/>
|-
|Pre-transfer||Post-transfer||Pre-transfer||Post-transfer
|-
|[[Sweden]]||23.7||5.8||14.8||4.8
|-
|[[Norway]]||9.2||1.7||12.4||4.0
|-
|[[Netherlands]]||22.1||7.3||18.5||11.5
|-
|[[Finland]]||11.9||3.7||12.4||3.1
|-
|[[Denmark]]||26.4||5.9||17.4||4.8
|-
|[[Germany]]||15.2||4.3||9.7||5.1
|-
|[[Switzerland]]||12.5||3.8||10.9||9.1
|-
|[[Canada]]||22.5||6.5||17.1||11.9
|-
|[[France]]||36.1||9.8||21.8||6.1
|-
|[[Belgium]]||26.8||6.0||19.5||4.1
|-
|[[Australia]]||23.3||11.9||16.2||9.2
|-
|[[United Kingdom]]||16.8||8.7||16.4||8.2
|-
|[[United States]]||21.0||11.7||17.2||15.1
|-
|[[Italy]]||30.7||14.3||19.7||9.1
|-
|}

==Food security==
Eighty-nine percent of American households were food secure throughout the entire year 2002, meaning that they had access, at all times, to enough food for an active, healthy life for all household members. The remaining households were food insecure at least some time during that year. The prevalence of food insecurity rose from 10.7% in 2001 to 11.1% in 2002, and the prevalence of food insecurity with hunger rose from 3.3% to 3.5%.<ref>[http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/fanrr35/fanrr35.pdf Household Food Security in the United States, 2002] - United States Department of Agriculture</ref>

==What happens to children growing up poor?==

Children growing up poor tend to have lower IQs. They score between 6 and 13 points
lower than other children on various standardized tests (these differences still were present after controlling for maternal age, marital status, education, and ethnicity),<ref>The Future of Children, Children and Poverty Vol. 7, No. 2 – Summer/Fall 1997 [http://www.futureofchildren.org/usr_doc/vol7no2ART4.pdf]</ref> children growing up poor have poorer academical outcomes in school than other children, they are less likely to attend college. 88% of children raised in affluence went to attend college, but only 36% of children raised in poverty do so, children raised in poverty are more likely to become a [[Teenage pregnancy|teen parent]], more likely to smoke and do illegal drugs and more likely to be unemployed as grownups than other children.<ref>FPG Snapshot; No. 42, April 2007 - Poverty and Early Childhood Intervention [http://www.fpg.unc.edu/~snapshots/snap42.pdf]</ref> But there are some children who are doing remarkably well despite growing up very poor. These children are called resilient. Resilient people adapt successfully even though they experience risk factors that are against good development.<ref>[[Emmy Werner|Werner, Emmy. E]]: ''Overcoming the odds: high risk children from birth to adulthood''. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Pr., 1993</ref>
: See also: [[Psychological resilience]]

== Causes of poverty ==
[[Image:Homeless in LA.jpg|thumb|250px|People experiencing [[homelessness]] living in cardboard boxes in Los Angeles, California where the median home price was estimated to be $564,430 in May 2006.]]
There are numerous perceived direct and indirect causes of [[poverty]] in the [[United States]]. They include:

* Unfavorable economic conditions
* [[Mental illness]] and [[disability]]
* Lack of educational attainment and skill
* [[Substance abuse]]
* Birth of a child
* [[Domestic abuse]]
* Natural or other disasters
* Tax levels Cross-country data shows a correlation between tax levels as a share of GDP and child poverty. <ref name="The Social Benefits and Economic Costs of Taxation">{{cite web|url=http://www.policyalternatives.ca/documents/National_Office_Pubs/2006/Benefits_and_Costs_of_Taxation.pdf|title= The Social Benefits and Economic Costs of Taxation|accessdate=2007-12-20}}</ref>
* [[Crime]]
* A survey done by [[Michigan State University]] found that a slight majority of American households with annual incomes of $70,000 or more believed that the two principal problems of poverty are lack of work ethic and a minimum wage that is too low.
* [[Institutional racism]]: The gross disparities among impoverished people in the United States along racial lines have led many to speculate historic and/or ongoing institutional racism is responsible for much of the poverty in the United States today.
* However, others have claimed that poverty is caused by [[illegitimacy]], and not by racism. For example, in a February 7, 2008 column, [[African American]] economist [[Thomas Sowell]] wrote, "The poverty rate among black married couples has been in single digits since 1994."<ref>[http://jewishworldreview.com/cols/sowell020708.php3 Economics, anyone?] Thomas Sowell, February 7, 2008</ref>As another example, in a [[January 15]], [[2003]] article titled "How Not to Be Poor," Blake Bailey wrote, "Don't Have Children Out of Wedlock... Children born to parents who do not marry spend, on average, 56.7 percent of their lives in poverty as opposed to just 6.3 percent for children in married families." <ref>[http://www.ncpa.org/pub/ba/ba428/ How Not to Be Poor]</ref> In 2005, [[African American]] economist [[Walter E. Williams]], of [[George Mason University]], wrote:
{{cquote|
Let's examine some numbers readily available from the Census Bureau's 2004 Current Population Survey... There's one segment of the black population that suffers only a 9.9 percent poverty rate, and only 13.7 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor. There's another segment that suffers a 39.5 percent poverty rate, and 58.1 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor. Among whites, one segment suffers a 6 percent poverty rate, and only 9.9 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor. The other segment suffers a 26.4 percent poverty rate, and 52 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor... The only distinction between both the black and white populations is marriage — lower poverty in married-couple families. <ref>[http://www.jewishworldreview.com/cols/williams102705.asp Ammunition for poverty pimps] Walter E. Williams, October 27, 2005</ref>}}
* Limited job opportunities appear to exist for significant subgroups of some races and ethnic groups. This is reflected by the low-income nature of large sections of the economy, as divided along racial/ethnic lines: 21% of all children in the [[United States]] live in poverty, but 46% of [[African American]] children and 40% of [[Latino]] children live in poverty.<ref>Center for the Future of Children, The Future of Children. Vol. 7, No 2, 1997.</ref>
* Region. Many rural areas, especially in the South and [[Appalachia]] have a high poverty rate due to limited job opportunities, and historical issues.
* The [[Heritage Foundation]] speculates that illegal immigration increases job competition among low wage earners, both native and foreign born. Additionally many first generation immigrants, namely those without a high school diploma, are also living in poverty themselves.<ref name="Heritage Foundation's views of immigration and poverty">{{cite web|url=http://www.heritage.org/Research/Immigration/SR9.cfm#_ftn2|title=Heritage Foundation's views of immigration and poverty|accessdate=2007-02-25}}</ref>

== Sociological explanations of poverty ==
Explaining why the poor are poor can also be viewed through a sociological lens.

===Individualistic explanations of poverty===
*The poor are the cause of their own poverty.


====Biological explanations====
* [[Social Darwinism]]- the poor are poor because they are less fit to survive in society.
** Social scientist [[Herbert Spencer]] advocated this viewpoint.
** Psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and sociologist Charles Murray authored "[[The Bell Curve]]" in 1994 that suggested a correlation between IQ and poverty.
** Problems with biological explanations include the exclusion of environmental ("nurture") factors.

====The "culture of poverty"====
*"Poverty is the result of a set of norms and values-- a culture-- that is characteristic of the poor."<ref name = Marger>{{cite book
| last= Marger
| first = Martin N.
| title= Social Inequality: Patterns and Processes, 4th ed.
| publisher= McGraw-Hill
|date=2008
| location = Boston
| pages= 159
| isbn= 978-0-07-352815-1}}.</ref>
** Anthropologist Oscar Lewis developed this concept.
** Political scientist Edward Banfield (1968, 1974) developed a similar theory- that the poor failed to succeed because they failed to adopt the values and norms of mainstream society.
** Problems with the "culture of poverty" include that this theory blames the poor for their own condition.

===Structural explanations of poverty===
*Factors beyond an individual's control are the cause of poverty.

====Cycle of poverty====
* Social institutions contribute to and sustain poverty. <ref name = Marger/>
** Low quality education results in few marketable skills which leads to low-wage jobs which leads to less ability to pay for housing, food, clothing, medical care which leads to bad neighborhoods, underfunded schools, less exposure to positive role models, and increased risk of serious illness.
**Racial and ethnic [[discrimination]] feed into these barriers.

====The Changing structure of the American economy====
*Deindustrialization: As the U.S. shifts from a manufacturing, industrial society to a service-oriented, high-tech society, many of the blue-collar jobs that required little education but paid well are disappearing or being outsourced. <ref name = Marger/>
** As jobs leave the cities, people unable to follow the jobs or commute to work are left in neighborhoods without employment or tax-basis to support needed social functions, such as schools, public transportation, police departments, etc.
*** In economic terms, these people are structurally unemployed due to the changing skills needed in the emerging economy.

====Poverty serves a function for society====
* In [[sociology]], this perspective is termed "[[functionalist]]" because it interprets poverty as serving some beneficial function to society.
* Sociologist [[Herbert Gans]] used the functionalist perspective to demonstrate how the "[[Underclass|undeserving poor]]" serve the role of social [[scapegoat]]s and help reinforce the dominant culture and [[ideology]]. <ref name = Marger/>
** The "undeserving poor" are those that are physically able to work but do not and are receiving some sort of social welfare benefits.

==Controversy==<!-- This section is linked from [[Poverty in the United States]] -->
There has been significant disagreement about poverty in the United States; particularly over how poverty ought to be defined. Using radically different definitions, two major groups of advocates dispute whether or not more resources are needed to help lessen poverty. Liberals consistently claim that more resources are needed to alleviate poverty. Conservatives often argue that the condition of the poor does not presently require more resources but rather an allocation that encourages a temporary dependence upon the American social safety net.

Much of the debate about poverty focuses on statistical measures of poverty and the clash between advocates and opponents of [[Welfare (financial aid)|welfare]] programs and government regulation of the [[free market]]. Since measures can be either absolute or relative, it is possible that advocates for the different sides of this debate are basing their arguments on different ways of measuring poverty. It is often claimed that poverty is understated, yet there are some who also believe it is overstated; thus the accuracy of the current poverty threshold guidelines is subject to debate and considerable concern.

A 2006 study published in the ''Washington Times'' showed how many of the appliances modern middle class and working class households take for granted are lacking in poverty stricken households. Among the households constituting the bottom ten percent, 36% were lacking [[microwave oven]]s, 53% were lacking clothes dryers and 79% were lacking a [[computer]]. Furthermore only 19% were in possession of a [[garbage disposal]] and only 23% owned a [[dishwasher]]. Color televisions, VCRs, and stereos were among the more commonly found mundane appliances with 91% of households in the bottom ten percent owning a color television, 55% owning a VCR, and 42% owning a stereo.<ref name="Appliances among the poor">{{cite web|url=http://www.washtimes.com/commentary/20031005-111129-3478r.htm|title=Appliances among the poor|accessdate=2006-07-06}}</ref>

However, as noted in "EU versus USA", only 11% of those in the general UK population own a dishwasher, and the penetration rate of microwave ovens in the EU is generally well under 30% <ref name="EU versus USA">{{cite web|url=http://www.timbro.se/bokhandel/pdf/9175665646.pdf|title=EU versus USA|accessdate=2007-10-11}}</ref>. The report goes on to note that 46% of poor households in the US own their own home, and 30% have two or more cars, and 63% have cable or satellite TV.

===Concerns regarding accuracy===
In recent years, there have been a number of concerns raised about the official U.S. poverty measure. In 1995, the [[United States National Research Council|National Research Council]]'s Committee on National Statistics convened a panel on measuring poverty. The findings of the panel were that "the official poverty measure in the United States is flawed and does not adequately inform policy-makers or the public about who is poor and who is not poor."

The panel was chaired by Robert Michael, former Dean of the Harris School of the [[University of Chicago]]. According to Michael, the official U.S. poverty measure "has not kept pace with far-reaching changes in society and the economy." The panel proposed a model based on [[disposable income]]:

{{cquote|
According to the panel's recommended measure, income would include, in addition to money received, the value of non-cash benefits such as food stamps, school lunches and public housing that can be used to satisfy basic needs. The new measure also would subtract from gross income certain expenses that cannot be used for these basic needs, such as income taxes, child-support payments, medical costs, health-insurance premiums and work-related expenses, including child care.<ref>Harms, W. (1995) [http://chronicle.uchicago.edu/950511/poverty.shtml Poverty definition flawed, more accurate measure needed] The University of Chicago Chronicle, 14:17.</ref>}}

===Understating poverty===
Many sociologists and government officials have argued that poverty in the [[United States]] is understated, meaning that there are more [[household]]s living in actual poverty than there are households below the poverty threshold.<ref name="Dealing with Diversity">{{cite book | last =Adams | first =J.Q. | authorlink = | coauthors =Pearlie Strother-Adams | year =2001 | title =Dealing with Diversity | publisher =Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company | location =Chicago, IL | id = 0-7872-8145-X}}</ref> A recent [[National Public Radio|NPR]] report states that as much as 30% of Americans have trouble making ends meet and other advocates have made supporting claims that the rate of actual poverty in the US is far higher than that calculated by using the poverty threshold.<ref name="Dealing with Diversity">{{cite book | last =Adams | first =J.Q. | authorlink = | coauthors =Pearlie Strother-Adams | year =2001 | title =Dealing with Diversity | publisher =Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company | location =Chicago, IL|id = 0-7872-8145-X}}</ref> The issue of understating poverty is especially pressing in states with both a [[Real estate pricing|high cost of living]] and a high poverty rate such as [[California]] where the [[Real estate pricing|median home price]] in May 2006 was determined to be $564,430.<ref name="California median home price">{{cite web|url=http://biz.yahoo.com/bw/060627/20060627005927.html?.v=1|title=California median home price|accessdate=2006-07-06}}</ref> With half of all homes being priced above the half million dollar mark and prices in urban areas such as [[San Francisco]], [[San Jose, CA|San Jose]] or [[Los Angeles]] being higher than the state average, it is almost impossible for not just the poor but also [[lower middle class]] worker to afford decent housing {{Fact|date=February 2007}}, and no possibility of home ownership. In the [[Monterey County, California#Home prices|Monterey area]], where the low-pay industry of agriculture is the largest sector in the economy and the majority of the population lacks a college education the median home price was determined to be $723,790, requiring an [[Household income in the United States|upper middle class income]] which only roughly 20% of all households in the county boast.<ref name="California median home price">{{cite web|url=http://biz.yahoo.com/bw/060627/20060627005927.html?.v=1|title=California median home price|accessdate=2006-07-06}}</ref><ref name="Monterey County income distribution">{{cite web|url=http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/QTTable?_bm=y&-geo_id=05000US06053&-qr_name=DEC_2000_SF3_U_QTP32&-ds_name=D&-_lang=en|title=Monterey County income distribution|accessdate=2006-07-06}}</ref> Such fluctuations in local markets are however not considered in the Federal poverty threshold and thus leave many who live in poverty-like conditions out of the total number of households classified as poor.

===Overstating poverty===
The federal poverty line also excludes income other than cash income, especially welfare benefits. Thus, if [[food stamps]] and [[public housing]] were successfully raising the standard of living for poverty stricken individuals, then the poverty line figures would not shift since they do not consider the income equivalents of such entitlements.<ref>[http://www.washtimes.com/commentary/20060906-100020-4785r.htm Poor Poverty Yardsticks] by Rea Hederman, [[Heritage Foundation]], ''Washington Post.'' September 7, 2006. Accessed: 2007-02-18 </ref>

A 1993 study of low income single mothers titled ''Making Ends Meet,'' by Kathryn Edin, a sociologist at the [[University of Pennsylvania]], showed that the mothers spent more than their reported incomes because they could not "make ends meet" without such expenditures. According to Edin, they made up the difference through contributions from family members, absent boyfriends, off-the-book jobs, and church charity.

According to Edin: "No one avoided the unnecessary expenditures, such as the occasional trip to the [[Dairy Queen]], or a pair of stylish new [[Athletic shoe|sneaker]]s for the son who might otherwise sell drugs to get them, or the Cable TV subscription for the kids home alone and you are afraid they will be out on the street if they are not watching TV."<ref> However many mothers skipped meals or did odd jobs to cover those expenses. According to Edin, "most welfare-reliant mothers food and shelter alone cost almost as much as these mothers received from the government. For more than one-third, food and housing costs exceeded their cash benefits, leaving no extra money for uncovered medical care, clothing, and other household expenses."[http://192.211.16.13/curricular/mpafp1999/Poverty.htm Devising New Math to Define Poverty] by Louis Uchitelle, ''New York Times.'' 1999-10-18. Accessed: 2006-06-16 </ref>

Moreover, [[Sweden|Swedish]] [[free market]] [[think tank]] [[Timbro]] point out that lower-income households in the U.S. tend to own more appliances and larger houses than many middle-income Western Europeans.<ref name="Timbro, E.U. vs U.S.A">{{cite web|url=http://www.timbro.se/bokhandel/pdf/9175665646.pdf|title=E.U. vs U.S.A, [[Timbro]]|accessdate=2007-11-10}}</ref>

== Fighting poverty ==
There have been many governmental and [[Non-governmental organization|nongovernmental]] efforts to make an impact on poverty and its effects. These range in scope from neighborhood efforts to campaigns with a national focus. They target specific groups affected by poverty such as children, autistics, immigrants, or the [[homeless]]. Efforts to alleviate poverty use a disparate set of methods, such as [[advocacy]], [[education]], [[social work]], [[legislation]], direct service or [[Charitable organization|charity]], and [[community organizing]].

Recent debates have centered on the need for policies that focus on both "income poverty" and "asset poverty." Advocates for the approach argue that traditional governmental poverty policies focus solely on supplementing the income of the poor, through programs such as AFCD and Food Stamps. These programs do little, if anything, to help the poor build assets and begin to lift themselves out of poverty. Some have proposed creating a government matched savings plan (similar to the private 401K) system to provide a savings incentive to poor and lower-income individuals and families.

- From 1968 to 1979 a massive social experiment was undertaken in the U.S.
[http://www.us.big.net/papers/013-Sheahen.doc : The Negative Income Tax Experiments of the 1970s in the USA]
The four experiments were in:

#Urban areas in [[New Jersey]] and [[Pennsylvania]] from 1968-1972 (1300 families).
#Rural areas in [[Iowa]] and [[North Carolina]] from 1969-1973 (800 families).
#[[Gary, Indiana]] from 1971-1974 (1800 families).
#[[Seattle]] and [[Denver]], from 1970-1978 (4800 families).

In April 2007 The [[Center for American Progress]], a think tank, released a report [http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2007/04/poverty_report.html : "From Poverty to Prosperity: A National Strategy to Cut Poverty in Half"]. It recommends 12 steps to cut poverty in half by 2017.

#Raise and index the minimum wage to half the average hourly wage. At $5.15, the federal [[minimum wage]] is at its lowest level in real terms since 1956. The federal minimum wage was once 50 percent of the average wage but is now 30 percent of that wage. Congress should restore the minimum wage to 50 percent of the average wage, about $8.40 an hour in 2006. Doing so would help nearly 5 million poor workers and nearly 10 million other low-income workers.
# Expand the [[Earned Income Tax Credit]] and [[Child Tax Credit]]. As an earnings supplement for low-income working families, the EITC raises incomes and helps families build assets. The Child Tax Credit provides a tax credit of up to $1,000 per child, but provides no help to the poorest families. We recommend tripling the EITC for childless workers and expanding help to larger working families. We recommend making the Child Tax Credit available to all low- and moderate-income families. Doing so would move as many as 5 million people out of poverty.
#Promote [[Trade union|unionization]] by enacting the [[Employee Free Choice Act]]. The Employee Free Choice Act would require employers to recognize a union after a majority of workers signs cards authorizing union representation and establish stronger penalties for violation of employee rights. The increased union representation made possible by the Act would lead to better jobs and less poverty for American workers.
# Guarantee child care assistance to low-income families and promote early education for all. We propose that the federal and state governments guarantee child care help to families with incomes below about $40,000 a year, with expanded tax help to higher-earning families. At the same time, states should be encouraged to improve the quality of early education and broaden access for all children. Our child care expansion would raise employment among low-income parents and help nearly 3 million parents and children escape poverty.
#Create 2 million new “opportunity” housing vouchers, and promote equitable development in and around central cities. Nearly 8 million Americans live in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty where at least 40 percent of residents are poor. Our nation should seek to end concentrated poverty and economic segregation, and promote regional equity and inner-city revitalization. We propose that over the next 10 years the federal government fund 2 million new “opportunity vouchers” designed to help people live in opportunity-rich areas. Any new affordable housing should be in communities with employment opportunities and high-quality public services, or in gentrifying communities. These housing policies should be part of a broader effort to pursue equitable development strategies in regional and local planning efforts, including efforts to improve schools, create affordable housing, assure physical security, and enhance neighborhood amenities.
#Connect disadvantaged and disconnected youth with school and work. About 1.7 million poor youth ages 16 to 24 were out of school and out of work in 2005. We recommend that the federal government restore Youth Opportunity Grants to help the most disadvantaged communities and expand funding for effective and promising youth programs—with the goal of reaching 600,000 poor disadvantaged youth through these efforts. We propose a new Upward Pathway program to offer low-income youth opportunities to participate in service and training in fields that are in high-demand and provide needed public services.
#Simplify and expand [[Pell Grant]]s and make higher education accessible to residents of each state. Low-income youth are much less likely to attend college than their higher income peers, even among those of comparable abilities. Pell Grants play a crucial role for lower-income students. We propose to simplify the Pell grant application process, gradually raise Pell Grants to reach 70 percent of the average costs of attending a four-year public institution, and encourage institutions to do more to raise student completion rates. As the federal government does its part, states should develop strategies to make postsecondary education affordable for all residents, following promising models already underway in a number of states.
#Help former prisoners find stable employment and reintegrate into their communities. The United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world. We urge all states to develop comprehensive reentry services aimed at reintegrating former prisoners into their communities with full-time, consistent employment.
#Ensure equity for low-wage workers in the [[Unemployment Insurance]] system. Only about 35 percent of the unemployed, and a smaller share of unemployed low-wage workers, receive unemployment insurance benefits. We recommend that states (with federal help) reform “monetary eligibility” rules that screen out low-wage workers, broaden eligibility for part-time workers and workers who have lost employment as a result of compelling family circumstances, and allow unemployed workers to use periods of unemployment as a time to upgrade their skills and qualifications.
#Modernize means-tested benefits programs to develop a coordinated system that helps workers and families. A well-functioning safety net should help people get into or return to work and ensure a decent level of living for those who cannot work or are temporarily between jobs. Our current system fails to do so. We recommend that governments at all levels simplify and improve benefits access for working families and improve services to individuals with disabilities. The Food Stamp Program should be strengthened to improve benefits, eligibility, and access. And the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program should be reformed to shift its focus from cutting caseloads to helping needy families find sustainable employment.
#Reduce the high costs of being poor and increase access to financial services. Despite having less income, lower-income families often pay more than middle and high-income families for the same consumer products. We recommend that the federal and state governments should address the foreclosure crisis through expanded mortgage assistance programs and by new federal legislation to curb unscrupulous practices. And we propose that the federal government establish a $50 million Financial Fairness Innovation Fund to support state efforts to broaden access to mainstream goods and financial services in predominantly low-income communities.
#Expand and simplify the Saver’s Credit to encourage saving for education, homeownership, and retirement. For many families, saving for purposes such as education, a home, or a small business is key to making economic progress. We propose that the federal “Saver’s Credit” be reformed to make it fully refundable. This Credit should also be broadened to apply to other appropriate savings vehicles intended to foster asset accumulation, with consideration given to including individual development accounts, children’s saving accounts, and college savings plans.

==See also==
* [[Household income in the United States|Income in the United States]]
* [[Income inequality in the United States]]
* [[The Other America]] by Michael Harrington (ISBN 0-684-82678-X)
* [[Two Americas]]
* [[Lowest-income counties in the United States]]
* [[Human Poverty Index]]
* [[Mississippi Teacher Corps]]
* [[Federal assistance in the United States]]
* [[Basic Income]]
* [[Negative Income Tax]]

==References==
<!-- this 'empty' section displays references defined elsewhere -->
{{reflist}}

== Further reading ==
*{{cite book
| first = Harry | last = Caudill | year = 1962 | authorlink = Harry M. Caudill
| title = Night Comes to the Cumberlands | publisher = Little, Brown and Company |id = ISBN 0-316-13212-8}}
*{{cite book
| first = Michael | last = Harrington | year = 1962 | authorlink = Michael Harrington
| title = [[The Other America]] | publisher = Macmillan |id = ISBN 0-684-82678-X}}
*{{cite journal | last = Sarnoff | first = Susan
| title = Central Appalachia – Still the Other America | journal = Journal of Poverty
| volume = Volume 7 | issue = 1 & 2 | pages = 123 - 139 | publisher = The Haworth Press
|date=2003 | url = http://www.journalofpoverty.org/JOPABS/JPOABS21.HTM }}

==External links==
*U.S. Census Bureau [http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/definitions.html Poverty Definition]
*U.S. Census Bureau [http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty.html Poverty in the United States]
*[http://www.aei.org/publications/filter.all,pubID.24855/pub_detail.asp Why Poverty Doesn't Rate], American Enterprise Institute
*[http://www.solvingpoverty.com Social Solutions to Poverty: America's Struggle to Build a Just Society.] Scott Myers-Lipton, (2006).
*[http://taxjustice.blogspot.com/2007/12/tax-and-child-poverty.html Child Poverty and Tax: a simple graph of child poverty in OECD countries against tax burdens.] Source: [http://www.policyalternatives.ca/documents/National_Office_Pubs/2006/Benefits_and_Costs_of_Taxation.pdf]
*F.H.C. Ministries [http://www.fhcministries.org/ Charity is not Reform!]
*[http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2007/04/poverty_report.html From Poverty to Prosperity: A National Strategy to Cut Poverty in Half], The Center for American Progress, April 2007.
*[http://www.dollarsandsense.org/archives/2006/0106dollar.html Explanation of poverty definition] by economist Ellen Frank in [[Dollars & Sense]] magazine, January/February 2006
*[http://www.dollarsandsense.org/archives/2000/0300bergmann.html "Deciding Who's Poor"] by economist Barbara Bergmann in [[Dollars & Sense]] magazine, March/April 2000
*[http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1712965,00.html 37 million poor hidden in the land of plenty]
*[[David Walls (academic)|David Walls]], [http://www.sonoma.edu/users/w/wallsd/models-of-poverty.shtml Models of Poverty and Planned Change]
*[http://www.epinet.org/content.cfm/webfeatures_snapshots_20060719 U.S. Government Does Relatively Little to Lessen Child Poverty Rates]
*[http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/index.shtml U.S. Department of Health & Human Services Poverty Guidelines, Research, and Measurement]

{{Life in the United States}}
{{Demographics of the United States}}
{{US_topics}}

[[Category:Poverty by country|United States]]
[[Category:Wealth in the United States]]
[[Category:Health in the United States]]

[[cs:Chudoba ve Spojených státech amerických]]
[[fr:Pauvreté aux États-Unis]]

Revision as of 23:33, 5 May 2008

Poverty in the United States refers to people living in poverty in the U.S. Within the U.S. the most common measure of poverty is the "poverty line" set by the U.S. government. The official poverty threshold is adjusted for inflation using the consumer price index. Poverty in the United States is cyclical in nature with roughly 12% to 15% living below the federal poverty line at any given point in time, and roughly 40% falling below the poverty line at some time within a 10 year time span.[1] While there remains some controversy of whether or not the official poverty threshold over or understates poverty, the United States statistically has some of the highest absolute and relative poverty rates in the developed world.[2][3] Overall the U.S. ranks 16th on the Human Poverty Index.[4]

Those under the age of 18 were the most likely to be impoverished. In 2001 the poverty rate for minors in the United States was the highest in the industrialized world, with 14.8% of all minors and 30% of African American minors living below the poverty threshold. Moreover, the standard of living for those in the bottom 10% was lower in the U.S. than in any other developed nation except the United Kingdom, which had the lowest standard of living for impoverished children.[5] In 2006, poverty rate for minors in the United States was 21.9% - highest child poverty rate in the developed world.[6]

Measures of poverty

Measures of poverty can be either absolute or relative.

The official measure of poverty

Percent and number below the poverty threshold.[7]
People who experience homelessness make poverty more visible in the United States.

There are two versions of the federal poverty measure: the poverty thresholds (which are the primary version) and the poverty guidelines. The Census Bureau issues the poverty thresholds, which are generally used for statistical purposes—for example, to estimate the number of people in poverty nationwide each year and classify them by type of residence, race, and other social, economic, and demographic characteristics. The Department of Health and Human Services issues the poverty guidelines for administrative purposes—for instance, to determine whether a person or family is eligible for assistance through various federal programs.[8]

Since the 1960s, the United States Government has defined poverty in absolute terms. When the Johnson administration declared "war on poverty" in 1964, it chose an absolute measure. The "absolute poverty line" is the threshold below which families or individuals are considered to be lacking the resources to meet the basic needs for healthy living; having insufficient income to provide the food, shelter and clothing needed to preserve health.

The "Orshansky Poverty Thresholds" form the basis for the current measure of poverty in the U.S. Mollie Orshansky was an economist working for the Social Security Administration (SSA). Her work appeared at an opportune moment. Orshansky's article was published later in the same year that Johnson declared war on poverty. Since her measure was absolute (i.e., did not depend on other events), it made it possible to objectively answer whether the U.S. government was "winning" this war. The newly formed United States Office of Economic Opportunity adopted the lower of the Orshansky poverty thresholds for statistical, planning, and budgetary purposes in May 1965.

The Bureau of the Budget (now the Office of Management and Budget) adopted Orshansky's definition for statistical use in all Executive departments in 1965. The measure gave a range of income cutoffs, or thresholds, adjusted for factors such as family size, sex of the family head, number of children under 18 years old, and farm or non-farm residence. The economy food plan (the least costly of four nutritionally adequate food plans designed by the Department of Agriculture) was at the core of this definition of poverty.[9]

The Department of Agriculture found that families of three or more persons spent about one third of their after-tax income on food. For these families, poverty thresholds were set at three times the cost of the economy food plan. Different procedures were used for calculating poverty thresholds for two-person households and persons living alone. Annual updates of the SSA poverty thresholds were based on price changes in the economy food plan.

Two changes were made to the poverty definition in 1969. Thresholds for non-farm families were tied to annual changes in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) rather than changes in the cost of the economy food plan. Farm thresholds were raised from 70 to 85% of the non-farm levels.

In 1981, further changes were made to the poverty definition. Separate thresholds for "farm" and "female-householder" families were eliminated. The largest family size category became "nine persons or more."[9]

Apart from these changes, the U.S. government's approach to measuring poverty has remained static for the past forty years.

Recent poverty rate and guidelines

The official poverty rate in the U.S. increased for four consecutive years, from a 26-year low of 11.3% in 2000 to 12.7% in 2004, then declined somewhat to 12.3% in 2006. This means that 36.5 million people were below the official poverty thresholds in 2006, compared to 31.1 million in 2000[10], and that there was an increase of 5.4 million poor from 2000 to 2006 while the total population grew by 17.5[citation needed] million. [11] The poverty rate for children under 18 years old increased from 16.2% to 17.8% from 2000 to 2004 and had dropped to 17.4% in 2005 and 2006. [12] The 2006 poverty threshold was measured according to the HHS Poverty Guidelines[13] which are illustrated in the table below.

Persons in Family Unit 48 Contiguous States and D.C. Alaska Hawaii
1 $10,400 $13,000 $11,960
2 $14,000 $17,500 $16,100
3 $17,600 $22,000 $20,240
4 $21,200 $26,500 $24,380
5 $24,800 $31,000 $28,520
6 $28,400 $35,500 $32,660
7 $32,000 $40,000 $36,800
8 $35,600 $44,500 $40,940
For each additional person, add $3,600 $4,500 $4,140

SOURCEFederal Register, Vol. 73, No. 15, January 23, 2008, pp. 3971–3972.

Relative measures of poverty

File:Poverty by Age.png
The poverty rate for selected age groups. Those under the age of 18 are most likely to fall below the poverty threshold.[7]

Another way of looking at poverty is in relative terms. "Relative poverty" can be defined as having significantly less access to income and wealth than other members of society. Therefore, the relative poverty rate can directly be linked to income inequality. When the standard of living among those in more financially advantageous positions rises while that of those considered poor stagnates, the relative poverty rate will reflect such growing income inequality and increase. Conversely, the poverty rate can decrease, with low income people coming to have less wealth and income if wealthier people's wealth is reduced by a larger percentage than theirs. In 1959, a family at the poverty line had an income that was 42.64% of the median income. Thus, a poor family in 1999 had relatively less income and therefore relatively less purchasing power than wealthier members of society in 1959, and, therefore, "poverty" had increased. But, because this is a relative measure, this is not saying that a family in 1999 with the same amount of wealth and income as a family from 1959 had less purchasing power than the 1959 family.

In the EU, "relative poverty" is defined as an income below 60% of the national median equalized disposable income after social transfers for a comparable household. In Germany, for example, the official relative poverty line for a single adult person in 2003 was 938 euros per month (11,256 euros/year, $12,382 PPP. West Germany 974 euros/month, 11,688 euros/year, $12,857 PPP). For a family of four with two children below 14 years the poverty line was 1969.8 euros per month ($2,167 PPP) or 23,640 euros ($26,004 PPP) per year. According to Eurostat the percentage of people in Germany living at risk of poverty (relative poverty) in 2004 was 16% (official national rate 13.5% in 2003). Additional definitions for poverty in Germany are "poverty" (50% median) and "strict poverty" (40% median, national rate 1.9% in 2003). Generally the percentage for "relative poverty" is much higher than the quota for "strict poverty". The U.S concept is best comparable to "strict poverty". By European standards the official (relative) poverty rate in the United States would be significantly higher than it is by the U.S. measure. A research paper from the OECD calculates the relative poverty rate for the United States at 16% for 50% median of disposable income and nearly 24% for 60% of median disposable income[14] (OECD average: 11% for 50% median, 16% for 60% median).

The income distribution and relative poverty

Although the relative approach theoretically differs largely from the Orshansky definition, crucial variables of both poverty definitions are more similar than often thought. First, the so-called standardization of income in both approaches is very similar. To make incomes comparable among households of different sizes, equivalence scales are used to standardize household income to the level of a single person household. In Europe, the modified OECD equivalence scale is used, which takes the combined value of 1 for the head of household, 0.5 for each additional household member older than 14 years and 0.3 for children. When compared to the US Census poverty lines, which is based on a defined basket of goods, for the most prevalent household types both standardization methods show to be very similar.

Secondly, if the height of the poverty threshold in Western-European countries is not always higher than the Orshansky threshold for a single person family. The actual Orchinsky poverty line for single person households in the US ($9645 in 2004) is very comparable to the relative poverty line in many Western-European countries (Belgium 2004: €9315), while price levels are also similar. The reason why relative poverty measurement causes high poverty levels in the US, as demonstrated by Förster[14], is caused by distributional effects rather than real differences in wellbeing among EU-countries and the USA. The median household income is much higher in the US than in Europe due to the wealth of the middle classes in the US, from which the poverty line is derived. Although the paradigm of relative poverty is most valuable, this comparison of poverty lines show that the higher prevalence of relative poverty levels in the US are not an indicator of a more severe poverty problem but an indicator of larger inequalities between rich middle classes and the low-income households. It is therefore not correct to state that the US income distribution is characterised by a large proportion of households in poverty; it is characterized by relatively large income inequality but also high levels of prosperity of the middle classes. The 2007 poverty threshold for a three member family is 17,070.

Human Poverty Index

The United Nations Development Programme, uses the human poverty index in order to assess the development with regards to poverty among OECD countries. The index takes the likelihood of a child not surviving to age 60, functional illiteracy rate, long-term unemployment and the population living on less than 50% of the median national income into account. While the United States has one of the second lowest long-term unemployment rates in the developed world, it has the highest percentage of children who are not likely to live to age 60 and persons living on less than 50% of the national median income and the third highest percentage of adults lacking functional literacy skills.

Ranking Country HPI-2 Probability at birth
of not surviving
to age 60 (%)
People lacking functional
literacy skills (%)
Long-term
unemployment (%)
Population below 50%
of median income (%)
1 Sweden 6.5 7.2 7.5 1.0 6.5
2 Norway 7.0 8.4 7.9 0.4 6.4
3 Netherlands 8.2 8.7 10.5 2.5 7.3
4 Finland 8.2 9.7 10.4 2.1 5.4
5 Denmark 8.4 10.4 9.6 1.3 -
6 Germany 10.3 8.8 14.4 5.0 8.3
7 Switzerland 10.7 7.8 15.9 1.6 7.6
8 Canada 10.9 8.1 14.6 0.7 11.4
9 Luxembourg 11.1 9.7 - 1.2 6.0
10 France 11.4 9.8 - 4.3 8.0
11 Japan 11.7 7.1 - 1.5 11.8
12 Belgium 12.4 9.4 18.4 4.3 8.0
13 Spain 12.6 8.7 - 3.0 14.3
14 Australia 12.8 7.7 17.0 0.9 14.3
15 United Kingdom 14.8 8.7 21.8 1.1 12.4
16 United States 15.4 11.8 20.0 0.6 17.0
17 Ireland 16.1 8.7 22.6 1.5 16.5
18 Italy 29.9 7.8 47.0 4.0 12.7

Other international comparisons

Country Absolute poverty rate
(threshold set at 40% of U.S. median household income)[2]
Relative poverty rate[3]
Pre-transfer Post-transfer Pre-transfer Post-transfer
Sweden 23.7 5.8 14.8 4.8
Norway 9.2 1.7 12.4 4.0
Netherlands 22.1 7.3 18.5 11.5
Finland 11.9 3.7 12.4 3.1
Denmark 26.4 5.9 17.4 4.8
Germany 15.2 4.3 9.7 5.1
Switzerland 12.5 3.8 10.9 9.1
Canada 22.5 6.5 17.1 11.9
France 36.1 9.8 21.8 6.1
Belgium 26.8 6.0 19.5 4.1
Australia 23.3 11.9 16.2 9.2
United Kingdom 16.8 8.7 16.4 8.2
United States 21.0 11.7 17.2 15.1
Italy 30.7 14.3 19.7 9.1

Food security

Eighty-nine percent of American households were food secure throughout the entire year 2002, meaning that they had access, at all times, to enough food for an active, healthy life for all household members. The remaining households were food insecure at least some time during that year. The prevalence of food insecurity rose from 10.7% in 2001 to 11.1% in 2002, and the prevalence of food insecurity with hunger rose from 3.3% to 3.5%.[15]

What happens to children growing up poor?

Children growing up poor tend to have lower IQs. They score between 6 and 13 points lower than other children on various standardized tests (these differences still were present after controlling for maternal age, marital status, education, and ethnicity),[16] children growing up poor have poorer academical outcomes in school than other children, they are less likely to attend college. 88% of children raised in affluence went to attend college, but only 36% of children raised in poverty do so, children raised in poverty are more likely to become a teen parent, more likely to smoke and do illegal drugs and more likely to be unemployed as grownups than other children.[17] But there are some children who are doing remarkably well despite growing up very poor. These children are called resilient. Resilient people adapt successfully even though they experience risk factors that are against good development.[18]

See also: Psychological resilience

Causes of poverty

People experiencing homelessness living in cardboard boxes in Los Angeles, California where the median home price was estimated to be $564,430 in May 2006.

There are numerous perceived direct and indirect causes of poverty in the United States. They include:

  • Unfavorable economic conditions
  • Mental illness and disability
  • Lack of educational attainment and skill
  • Substance abuse
  • Birth of a child
  • Domestic abuse
  • Natural or other disasters
  • Tax levels Cross-country data shows a correlation between tax levels as a share of GDP and child poverty. [19]
  • Crime
  • A survey done by Michigan State University found that a slight majority of American households with annual incomes of $70,000 or more believed that the two principal problems of poverty are lack of work ethic and a minimum wage that is too low.
  • Institutional racism: The gross disparities among impoverished people in the United States along racial lines have led many to speculate historic and/or ongoing institutional racism is responsible for much of the poverty in the United States today.
  • However, others have claimed that poverty is caused by illegitimacy, and not by racism. For example, in a February 7, 2008 column, African American economist Thomas Sowell wrote, "The poverty rate among black married couples has been in single digits since 1994."[20]As another example, in a January 15, 2003 article titled "How Not to Be Poor," Blake Bailey wrote, "Don't Have Children Out of Wedlock... Children born to parents who do not marry spend, on average, 56.7 percent of their lives in poverty as opposed to just 6.3 percent for children in married families." [21] In 2005, African American economist Walter E. Williams, of George Mason University, wrote:

Let's examine some numbers readily available from the Census Bureau's 2004 Current Population Survey... There's one segment of the black population that suffers only a 9.9 percent poverty rate, and only 13.7 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor. There's another segment that suffers a 39.5 percent poverty rate, and 58.1 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor. Among whites, one segment suffers a 6 percent poverty rate, and only 9.9 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor. The other segment suffers a 26.4 percent poverty rate, and 52 percent of its under-5-year-olds are poor... The only distinction between both the black and white populations is marriage — lower poverty in married-couple families. [22]

  • Limited job opportunities appear to exist for significant subgroups of some races and ethnic groups. This is reflected by the low-income nature of large sections of the economy, as divided along racial/ethnic lines: 21% of all children in the United States live in poverty, but 46% of African American children and 40% of Latino children live in poverty.[23]
  • Region. Many rural areas, especially in the South and Appalachia have a high poverty rate due to limited job opportunities, and historical issues.
  • The Heritage Foundation speculates that illegal immigration increases job competition among low wage earners, both native and foreign born. Additionally many first generation immigrants, namely those without a high school diploma, are also living in poverty themselves.[24]

Sociological explanations of poverty

Explaining why the poor are poor can also be viewed through a sociological lens.

Individualistic explanations of poverty

  • The poor are the cause of their own poverty.


Biological explanations

  • Social Darwinism- the poor are poor because they are less fit to survive in society.
    • Social scientist Herbert Spencer advocated this viewpoint.
    • Psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and sociologist Charles Murray authored "The Bell Curve" in 1994 that suggested a correlation between IQ and poverty.
    • Problems with biological explanations include the exclusion of environmental ("nurture") factors.

The "culture of poverty"

  • "Poverty is the result of a set of norms and values-- a culture-- that is characteristic of the poor."[25]
    • Anthropologist Oscar Lewis developed this concept.
    • Political scientist Edward Banfield (1968, 1974) developed a similar theory- that the poor failed to succeed because they failed to adopt the values and norms of mainstream society.
    • Problems with the "culture of poverty" include that this theory blames the poor for their own condition.

Structural explanations of poverty

  • Factors beyond an individual's control are the cause of poverty.

Cycle of poverty

  • Social institutions contribute to and sustain poverty. [25]
    • Low quality education results in few marketable skills which leads to low-wage jobs which leads to less ability to pay for housing, food, clothing, medical care which leads to bad neighborhoods, underfunded schools, less exposure to positive role models, and increased risk of serious illness.
    • Racial and ethnic discrimination feed into these barriers.

The Changing structure of the American economy

  • Deindustrialization: As the U.S. shifts from a manufacturing, industrial society to a service-oriented, high-tech society, many of the blue-collar jobs that required little education but paid well are disappearing or being outsourced. [25]
    • As jobs leave the cities, people unable to follow the jobs or commute to work are left in neighborhoods without employment or tax-basis to support needed social functions, such as schools, public transportation, police departments, etc.
      • In economic terms, these people are structurally unemployed due to the changing skills needed in the emerging economy.

Poverty serves a function for society

  • In sociology, this perspective is termed "functionalist" because it interprets poverty as serving some beneficial function to society.
  • Sociologist Herbert Gans used the functionalist perspective to demonstrate how the "undeserving poor" serve the role of social scapegoats and help reinforce the dominant culture and ideology. [25]
    • The "undeserving poor" are those that are physically able to work but do not and are receiving some sort of social welfare benefits.

Controversy

There has been significant disagreement about poverty in the United States; particularly over how poverty ought to be defined. Using radically different definitions, two major groups of advocates dispute whether or not more resources are needed to help lessen poverty. Liberals consistently claim that more resources are needed to alleviate poverty. Conservatives often argue that the condition of the poor does not presently require more resources but rather an allocation that encourages a temporary dependence upon the American social safety net.

Much of the debate about poverty focuses on statistical measures of poverty and the clash between advocates and opponents of welfare programs and government regulation of the free market. Since measures can be either absolute or relative, it is possible that advocates for the different sides of this debate are basing their arguments on different ways of measuring poverty. It is often claimed that poverty is understated, yet there are some who also believe it is overstated; thus the accuracy of the current poverty threshold guidelines is subject to debate and considerable concern.

A 2006 study published in the Washington Times showed how many of the appliances modern middle class and working class households take for granted are lacking in poverty stricken households. Among the households constituting the bottom ten percent, 36% were lacking microwave ovens, 53% were lacking clothes dryers and 79% were lacking a computer. Furthermore only 19% were in possession of a garbage disposal and only 23% owned a dishwasher. Color televisions, VCRs, and stereos were among the more commonly found mundane appliances with 91% of households in the bottom ten percent owning a color television, 55% owning a VCR, and 42% owning a stereo.[26]

However, as noted in "EU versus USA", only 11% of those in the general UK population own a dishwasher, and the penetration rate of microwave ovens in the EU is generally well under 30% [27]. The report goes on to note that 46% of poor households in the US own their own home, and 30% have two or more cars, and 63% have cable or satellite TV.

Concerns regarding accuracy

In recent years, there have been a number of concerns raised about the official U.S. poverty measure. In 1995, the National Research Council's Committee on National Statistics convened a panel on measuring poverty. The findings of the panel were that "the official poverty measure in the United States is flawed and does not adequately inform policy-makers or the public about who is poor and who is not poor."

The panel was chaired by Robert Michael, former Dean of the Harris School of the University of Chicago. According to Michael, the official U.S. poverty measure "has not kept pace with far-reaching changes in society and the economy." The panel proposed a model based on disposable income:

According to the panel's recommended measure, income would include, in addition to money received, the value of non-cash benefits such as food stamps, school lunches and public housing that can be used to satisfy basic needs. The new measure also would subtract from gross income certain expenses that cannot be used for these basic needs, such as income taxes, child-support payments, medical costs, health-insurance premiums and work-related expenses, including child care.[28]

Understating poverty

Many sociologists and government officials have argued that poverty in the United States is understated, meaning that there are more households living in actual poverty than there are households below the poverty threshold.[29] A recent NPR report states that as much as 30% of Americans have trouble making ends meet and other advocates have made supporting claims that the rate of actual poverty in the US is far higher than that calculated by using the poverty threshold.[29] The issue of understating poverty is especially pressing in states with both a high cost of living and a high poverty rate such as California where the median home price in May 2006 was determined to be $564,430.[30] With half of all homes being priced above the half million dollar mark and prices in urban areas such as San Francisco, San Jose or Los Angeles being higher than the state average, it is almost impossible for not just the poor but also lower middle class worker to afford decent housing [citation needed], and no possibility of home ownership. In the Monterey area, where the low-pay industry of agriculture is the largest sector in the economy and the majority of the population lacks a college education the median home price was determined to be $723,790, requiring an upper middle class income which only roughly 20% of all households in the county boast.[30][31] Such fluctuations in local markets are however not considered in the Federal poverty threshold and thus leave many who live in poverty-like conditions out of the total number of households classified as poor.

Overstating poverty

The federal poverty line also excludes income other than cash income, especially welfare benefits. Thus, if food stamps and public housing were successfully raising the standard of living for poverty stricken individuals, then the poverty line figures would not shift since they do not consider the income equivalents of such entitlements.[32]

A 1993 study of low income single mothers titled Making Ends Meet, by Kathryn Edin, a sociologist at the University of Pennsylvania, showed that the mothers spent more than their reported incomes because they could not "make ends meet" without such expenditures. According to Edin, they made up the difference through contributions from family members, absent boyfriends, off-the-book jobs, and church charity.

According to Edin: "No one avoided the unnecessary expenditures, such as the occasional trip to the Dairy Queen, or a pair of stylish new sneakers for the son who might otherwise sell drugs to get them, or the Cable TV subscription for the kids home alone and you are afraid they will be out on the street if they are not watching TV."[33]

Moreover, Swedish free market think tank Timbro point out that lower-income households in the U.S. tend to own more appliances and larger houses than many middle-income Western Europeans.[34]

Fighting poverty

There have been many governmental and nongovernmental efforts to make an impact on poverty and its effects. These range in scope from neighborhood efforts to campaigns with a national focus. They target specific groups affected by poverty such as children, autistics, immigrants, or the homeless. Efforts to alleviate poverty use a disparate set of methods, such as advocacy, education, social work, legislation, direct service or charity, and community organizing.

Recent debates have centered on the need for policies that focus on both "income poverty" and "asset poverty." Advocates for the approach argue that traditional governmental poverty policies focus solely on supplementing the income of the poor, through programs such as AFCD and Food Stamps. These programs do little, if anything, to help the poor build assets and begin to lift themselves out of poverty. Some have proposed creating a government matched savings plan (similar to the private 401K) system to provide a savings incentive to poor and lower-income individuals and families.

- From 1968 to 1979 a massive social experiment was undertaken in the U.S. : The Negative Income Tax Experiments of the 1970s in the USA The four experiments were in:

  1. Urban areas in New Jersey and Pennsylvania from 1968-1972 (1300 families).
  2. Rural areas in Iowa and North Carolina from 1969-1973 (800 families).
  3. Gary, Indiana from 1971-1974 (1800 families).
  4. Seattle and Denver, from 1970-1978 (4800 families).

In April 2007 The Center for American Progress, a think tank, released a report : "From Poverty to Prosperity: A National Strategy to Cut Poverty in Half". It recommends 12 steps to cut poverty in half by 2017.

  1. Raise and index the minimum wage to half the average hourly wage. At $5.15, the federal minimum wage is at its lowest level in real terms since 1956. The federal minimum wage was once 50 percent of the average wage but is now 30 percent of that wage. Congress should restore the minimum wage to 50 percent of the average wage, about $8.40 an hour in 2006. Doing so would help nearly 5 million poor workers and nearly 10 million other low-income workers.
  2. Expand the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit. As an earnings supplement for low-income working families, the EITC raises incomes and helps families build assets. The Child Tax Credit provides a tax credit of up to $1,000 per child, but provides no help to the poorest families. We recommend tripling the EITC for childless workers and expanding help to larger working families. We recommend making the Child Tax Credit available to all low- and moderate-income families. Doing so would move as many as 5 million people out of poverty.
  3. Promote unionization by enacting the Employee Free Choice Act. The Employee Free Choice Act would require employers to recognize a union after a majority of workers signs cards authorizing union representation and establish stronger penalties for violation of employee rights. The increased union representation made possible by the Act would lead to better jobs and less poverty for American workers.
  4. Guarantee child care assistance to low-income families and promote early education for all. We propose that the federal and state governments guarantee child care help to families with incomes below about $40,000 a year, with expanded tax help to higher-earning families. At the same time, states should be encouraged to improve the quality of early education and broaden access for all children. Our child care expansion would raise employment among low-income parents and help nearly 3 million parents and children escape poverty.
  5. Create 2 million new “opportunity” housing vouchers, and promote equitable development in and around central cities. Nearly 8 million Americans live in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty where at least 40 percent of residents are poor. Our nation should seek to end concentrated poverty and economic segregation, and promote regional equity and inner-city revitalization. We propose that over the next 10 years the federal government fund 2 million new “opportunity vouchers” designed to help people live in opportunity-rich areas. Any new affordable housing should be in communities with employment opportunities and high-quality public services, or in gentrifying communities. These housing policies should be part of a broader effort to pursue equitable development strategies in regional and local planning efforts, including efforts to improve schools, create affordable housing, assure physical security, and enhance neighborhood amenities.
  6. Connect disadvantaged and disconnected youth with school and work. About 1.7 million poor youth ages 16 to 24 were out of school and out of work in 2005. We recommend that the federal government restore Youth Opportunity Grants to help the most disadvantaged communities and expand funding for effective and promising youth programs—with the goal of reaching 600,000 poor disadvantaged youth through these efforts. We propose a new Upward Pathway program to offer low-income youth opportunities to participate in service and training in fields that are in high-demand and provide needed public services.
  7. Simplify and expand Pell Grants and make higher education accessible to residents of each state. Low-income youth are much less likely to attend college than their higher income peers, even among those of comparable abilities. Pell Grants play a crucial role for lower-income students. We propose to simplify the Pell grant application process, gradually raise Pell Grants to reach 70 percent of the average costs of attending a four-year public institution, and encourage institutions to do more to raise student completion rates. As the federal government does its part, states should develop strategies to make postsecondary education affordable for all residents, following promising models already underway in a number of states.
  8. Help former prisoners find stable employment and reintegrate into their communities. The United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world. We urge all states to develop comprehensive reentry services aimed at reintegrating former prisoners into their communities with full-time, consistent employment.
  9. Ensure equity for low-wage workers in the Unemployment Insurance system. Only about 35 percent of the unemployed, and a smaller share of unemployed low-wage workers, receive unemployment insurance benefits. We recommend that states (with federal help) reform “monetary eligibility” rules that screen out low-wage workers, broaden eligibility for part-time workers and workers who have lost employment as a result of compelling family circumstances, and allow unemployed workers to use periods of unemployment as a time to upgrade their skills and qualifications.
  10. Modernize means-tested benefits programs to develop a coordinated system that helps workers and families. A well-functioning safety net should help people get into or return to work and ensure a decent level of living for those who cannot work or are temporarily between jobs. Our current system fails to do so. We recommend that governments at all levels simplify and improve benefits access for working families and improve services to individuals with disabilities. The Food Stamp Program should be strengthened to improve benefits, eligibility, and access. And the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program should be reformed to shift its focus from cutting caseloads to helping needy families find sustainable employment.
  11. Reduce the high costs of being poor and increase access to financial services. Despite having less income, lower-income families often pay more than middle and high-income families for the same consumer products. We recommend that the federal and state governments should address the foreclosure crisis through expanded mortgage assistance programs and by new federal legislation to curb unscrupulous practices. And we propose that the federal government establish a $50 million Financial Fairness Innovation Fund to support state efforts to broaden access to mainstream goods and financial services in predominantly low-income communities.
  12. Expand and simplify the Saver’s Credit to encourage saving for education, homeownership, and retirement. For many families, saving for purposes such as education, a home, or a small business is key to making economic progress. We propose that the federal “Saver’s Credit” be reformed to make it fully refundable. This Credit should also be broadened to apply to other appropriate savings vehicles intended to foster asset accumulation, with consideration given to including individual development accounts, children’s saving accounts, and college savings plans.

See also

References

  1. ^ Zweig, Michael (2004) What's Class Got to do With It, American Society in the Twenty-first Century. ILR Press. ISBN 978-0801488993
  2. ^ a b Kenworthy, L. (1999). Do social-welfare policies reduce poverty? A cross-national assessment. Social Forces, 77(3), 1119-1139.
  3. ^ a b Bradley, D., Huber, E., Moller, S., Nielson, F. & Stephens, J. D. (2003). Determinants of relative poverty in advanced capitalist democracies. American Sociological Review, 68(3), 22-51.
  4. ^ "United Nations Development Programme. (May, 2006). Human Development Report Data: Population living below 50% of median income". Retrieved 2007-11-08.
  5. ^ Williams, Brian (2005). Marriages, Families & Intimate Relationships. Boston, MA: Pearson. 0-205-36674-0. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  6. ^ U.S. Government Does Relatively Little to Lessen Child Poverty Rates
  7. ^ a b "US Census Bureau, report on income, poverty and insurance for 2005" (PDF). Retrieved 2006-01-19.
  8. ^ Fisher, G.M. (2003) The Development of the Orshansky Poverty Thresholds. Accessed: 2003-12-27
  9. ^ a b Poverty Definition U.S. Census Bureau. Accessed: 2003-12-27.
  10. ^ "Nation's Household Income Stable in 2000, Poverty Rate Virtually Equals Record Low, Census Bureau Reports", 10 October, 2001, census.gov.
  11. ^ "www.census.gov/ps". Poverty Status of People by Family Relationship, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2006. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
  12. ^ "www.census.gov/h". Poverty:2006 highlights. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
  13. ^ "www.hhs.gov". The 2008 HHS Poverty Guidelines. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
  14. ^ a b Michael Foerster/Marco Mira d'Ercole, "Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries in the Second Half of the 1990s", OECD Social, employment and migration working papers No. 22, Paris 2005, page 22, figure 6.
  15. ^ Household Food Security in the United States, 2002 - United States Department of Agriculture
  16. ^ The Future of Children, Children and Poverty Vol. 7, No. 2 – Summer/Fall 1997 [1]
  17. ^ FPG Snapshot; No. 42, April 2007 - Poverty and Early Childhood Intervention [2]
  18. ^ Werner, Emmy. E: Overcoming the odds: high risk children from birth to adulthood. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Pr., 1993
  19. ^ "The Social Benefits and Economic Costs of Taxation" (PDF). Retrieved 2007-12-20.
  20. ^ Economics, anyone? Thomas Sowell, February 7, 2008
  21. ^ How Not to Be Poor
  22. ^ Ammunition for poverty pimps Walter E. Williams, October 27, 2005
  23. ^ Center for the Future of Children, The Future of Children. Vol. 7, No 2, 1997.
  24. ^ "Heritage Foundation's views of immigration and poverty". Retrieved 2007-02-25.
  25. ^ a b c d Marger, Martin N. (2008). Social Inequality: Patterns and Processes, 4th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. p. 159. ISBN 978-0-07-352815-1..
  26. ^ "Appliances among the poor". Retrieved 2006-07-06.
  27. ^ "EU versus USA" (PDF). Retrieved 2007-10-11.
  28. ^ Harms, W. (1995) Poverty definition flawed, more accurate measure needed The University of Chicago Chronicle, 14:17.
  29. ^ a b Adams, J.Q. (2001). Dealing with Diversity. Chicago, IL: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company. 0-7872-8145-X. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help) Cite error: The named reference "Dealing with Diversity" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  30. ^ a b "California median home price". Retrieved 2006-07-06.
  31. ^ "Monterey County income distribution". Retrieved 2006-07-06.
  32. ^ Poor Poverty Yardsticks by Rea Hederman, Heritage Foundation, Washington Post. September 7, 2006. Accessed: 2007-02-18
  33. ^ However many mothers skipped meals or did odd jobs to cover those expenses. According to Edin, "most welfare-reliant mothers food and shelter alone cost almost as much as these mothers received from the government. For more than one-third, food and housing costs exceeded their cash benefits, leaving no extra money for uncovered medical care, clothing, and other household expenses."Devising New Math to Define Poverty by Louis Uchitelle, New York Times. 1999-10-18. Accessed: 2006-06-16
  34. ^ "E.U. vs U.S.A, [[Timbro]]" (PDF). Retrieved 2007-11-10. {{cite web}}: URL–wikilink conflict (help)

Further reading

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