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== Measuring an individual's sexual orientation ==

Sexual orientation is difficult to measure accurately, for several reasons. In many cultures, there is strong social pressure to self-identify as heterosexual, and thus a person who is not exclusively heterosexual may feel afraid to report their sexual orientation accurately. The question of sexual orientation may inspire strong emotions that interfere with accurate reporting. Finally, some people are not certain of their own sexual orientation, making it more difficult for another person to determine it.

Markers of sexual orientation include self-labelling, actual sexual behaviour, sexual fantasy, and a pattern of erotic arousal – a "pattern" being most accurately identified when genital engorgement with blood is measured in response to homoerotic material with [[penile plethysmograph]]y or [[vaginal photoplethysmograph]]y <ref>Wilson, G. and Rahman, Q., (2005). Born Gay. London: Peter Owen Publishers, p21</ref>.

From at least the late-19th century in Europe, there was speculation that the range of human sexual orientations looked more like a continuum than two or three discrete categories. 28-year-old Berlin sexologist [[Magnus Hirschfeld]] published a scheme in 1896 that measured the strength of an individual's sexual desire on two independent 10-point scales, A (homosexual) and B (heterosexual).<ref>[[Magnus Hirschfeld|Hirschfeld, Magnus]], 1896. ''Sappho und Socrates, Wie erklärt sich die Liebe der Männer & und Frauen zu Personen des eigenen Geschlechts?'' (Sappho and Socrates, How Can One Explain the Love of Men and Women for Individuals of Their Own Sex?)</ref> A heterosexual individual may be A0, B5; a bisexual may be A3, B9; An asexual would be A0, B0; and someone with an intense attraction to both sexes (Pansexual) would be A9, B9.

Fifty years later, American sexologist [[Alfred Kinsey]] wrote in [[Sexual Behavior in the Human Male]] (1948):

{{quotation|Males do not represent two discrete populations, heterosexual and homosexual. The world is not to be divided into sheep and goats. It is a fundamental of taxonomy that nature rarely deals with discrete categories... The living world is a continuum in each and every one of its aspects.<br><br>While emphasizing the continuity of the gradations between exclusively heterosexual and exclusively homosexual histories, it has seemed desirable to develop some sort of classification which could be based on the relative amounts of heterosexual and homosexual experience or response in each history... An individual may be assigned a position on this scale, for each period in his life.... A seven-point scale comes nearer to showing the many gradations that actually exist.|<ref>A.C. Kinsey, W.B. Pomeroy, C.E. Martin, ''Sexual Behavior in the Human Male,'' (pp. 639, 656). Philadelphia, PA: W.B. Saunders, 1948). ISBN 0-253-33412-8.</ref>}}

The [[Kinsey scale]] measures sexual orientation from 0 (exclusively heterosexual) to 6 (exclusively homosexual), with an additional category, X, for those with no sexual attraction to either women or men. Unlike Hirschfeld's scale, the Kinsey scale is one-dimensional. [[Simon LeVay]] writes, "it suggests (although Kinsey did not actually believe this) that every person has the same fixed endowment of sexual energy, which he or she then divides up between same-sex and opposite-sex attraction in a ratio indicative of his or her own sexual orientation."<ref>[[Simon LeVay|LeVay, Simon]], 1996. ''Queer Science: The Use and Abuse of Research into Homosexuality.'' Cambridge: MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-62119-3 .</ref>

===Malleability of Sexual Orientation===
In his 1985 book ''The Bisexual Option'', [[Fritz Klein]] developed a scale to test his theory that sexual orientation is a "dynamic, multi-variable process" — dynamic in that it may change over time, and multi-variable in that it is composed of various elements, both sexual and non-sexual. Klein took into account sexual attraction, sexual behavior, sexual fantasies, emotional and social partners, lifestyle, and self-identification. Each of these variables was measured for the person's past, present, and ideal.<ref>Klein, F., Barry Sepekoff, Timothy J. Wolf. ''Sexual Orientation: a Multi-Variable Dynamic Process,'' in Klein, Fritz and Timothy J. Wolf, ed., 'Two Lives to Lead; Bisexuality in Men and Women', New York: Harrington Park Press, Inc., 1985, p. 38. (Also published as ''Bisexualities: Theory and Research'', by Haworth Press, 1985.) [http://www.bisexual.org/klein/default.asp#kleingrid Klein Sexual Orientation Grid online]</ref>

The degree in which sexuality can change varies from person to person. The [[Centre for Addiction and Mental Health]] has said "For some people, sexual orientation is continuous and fixed throughout their lives. For others, sexual orientation may be fluid and change over time."<ref>http://www.camh.net/Care_Treatment/Resources_for_Professionals/ARQ2/arq2_question_a2.html</ref> Research by Lisa Diamond has shown the sexual orientation is more fluid among bisexual women than lesbians.<ref>Diamond, Lisa [http://www.psych.utah.edu/people/faculty/diamond/Publications/Sexual%20identity,%20attractions,%20and%20behavior.pdf Sexual Identity, Attractions, and Behavior Amoung Young Sexual-Minority Women Over a 2-Year Period] ''Developmental Psychology (2000) Vol. 36 No.2, 241-250</ref>

Others organizations disagree with Fritz Klein. The [[American Psychological Association]] has stated that homosexuality "is not changeable."<ref name="answers">[http://www.apa.org/topics/orientation.html Answers to Your Questions About Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality], American Psychological Association. Retrieved on 04-12-2007.</ref> In 2001, the [[Surgeon General of the United States|United States Surgeon General]] [[David Satcher]] issued a report maintaining that "there is no valid scientific evidence that sexual orientation can be changed."<ref>"[http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/sexualhealth/call.htm#III The Surgeon General's call to Action to Promote Sexual Health and Responsible Sexual Behavior]", A Letter from the Surgeon General U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2001-07-09. Retrieved 2007-03-29.</ref>

=== Desire, behavior and identity ===

Some people distinguish between (1) opposite/same-sex desires, (2) opposite/same-sex sexual activity/behavior, and (3) identifying as straight, lesbian, gay, etc. Mainstream medical organizations have made clear that ”sexual behavior does not necessarily equate to sexual orientation.“<ref>[http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbc/publications/justthefacts.html Just the Facts About Sexual Orientation & Youth: A Primer for Principals, Educators and School Personnel], [[American Psychological Association]], et al., 1999. Retrieved 2007-02-23.</ref>


== Sexual orientation and gender identity ==
== Sexual orientation and gender identity ==

Revision as of 00:13, 26 May 2007

Sexual orientation refers to the direction of an individual's sexuality, usually (in the West) conceived of as classifiable according to the sex or gender of the person(s) that the individual finds sexually attractive. The most commonly used categories of sexual orientation are heterosexuality (being sexually attracted to members of the opposite/other sex ), homosexuality (being sexually attracted to members of the same sex) and bisexuality (being sexually attracted to members of either sex).

The idea that an individual might have a discrete and fixed sexual orientation is a relatively recent development, one that emerged as part of the personal taxonomy projects of the 19th century. During that period, a number of different classification schemes were used to describe/conceptualize human sexuality. Indeed, several studies have found that much of the research regarding sexual orientation has failed to define the term at all, making it difficult to reconcile the results of different studies.[1] However, most definitions include a psychological component (such as the direction of an individual's erotic desire) and/or a behavioural component (which focuses on the sex of the individual's sexual partner/s). Some prefer simply to follow an individual's self-definition or identity.

More recently, queer theorists such as Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and historians of systems of ideas such as Michel Foucault have queried the dominance of the homo/hetero binary split in sexual orientation, pointing out that contemporary culture could equally well have chosen to focus on other categorisations based on different criteria, including the respective age of the partners, the sexual role played by each partner (active or passive, dominant or submissive), the power relationship between the partners or even the number of partners itself.

Sexual identity may be used as a synonym for sexual orientation, but the two are also sometimes distinguished, with identity referring to an individual's conception of themselves, and orientation referring to "fantasies, attachments and longings"[2] and/or behavior. In addition, sexual identity (instead of "sex-identity") is sometimes used to describe a person's perception of his or her own sex, rather than sexual orientation. The term sexual preference has a similar meaning to sexual orientation, but is more commonly used outside of scientific circles by people who believe that sexual orientation is, in whole or part, a matter of choice.

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Sexual orientation and gender identity

The earliest writers on sexual orientation usually understood it to be intrinsically linked to the subject's own sex. For example, it was thought that a typical female-bodied person who is attracted to female-bodied persons would have masculine attributes, and vice versa.[3] This understanding was shared by most of the significant theorists of sexual orientation from the mid-19th to early 20th century, such as Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Magnus Hirschfeld, Havelock Ellis, Carl Jung and Sigmund Freud, as well as many gender variant (e.g. male-bodied persons who comported, dressed, groomed themselves, spoke, etc. in ways that were accountably inappropriate or non-normative for males) homosexual people themselves. However, this understanding of homosexuality as sexual inversion (i.e. a 'deviation in object') was disputed at the time, and through the second half of the 20th century, gender identity came to be increasingly seen as a phenomenon distinct from sexual orientation. Transgender and cisgender people may be attracted to men, women, or both, although the prevalence of different sexual orientations is quite different in these two populations (see sexual orientation of transwomen). An individual homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual person may be masculine, feminine, or androgynous, and in addition, many members and supporters of lesbian and gay communities now see the "gender-conforming heterosexual" and the "gender-nonconforming homosexual" as negative stereotypes. However, studies by J Michael Bailey and KJ Zucker have purported to find that a majority of gay men and lesbians report being gender-nonconforming during their childhood years.[4]

A definitional problem arises with the terms "homosexual" and "heterosexual" when either the subject or object of desire is transgender or intersex. Is a transwoman who is attracted to other women a lesbian? What about her female partner? The majority of transgender people today would describe this relationship as lesbian, but scientists (especially in the past) have tended to characterise it as heterosexual, interpreting the sex of the transwoman as male, and basing the definition of sexual orientation on chromosomal and anatomical sex rather than social, i.e. gender-determined sex-category membership. Others would interpret the sexual orientation differently depending on whether the transwoman is "pre-operative" or "post-operative". Difficulties in making these judgements can be seen, for example, in debates about whether female-attracted transmen are a part of the lesbian community. (See Homosexuality and transgender)

For these reasons, the terms gynephilia and androphilia are occasionally (but increasingly) used when referring to the sexual orientation of transgender and intersex people (and occasionally, cisgender people), because rather than focusing on the sex of the subject, they only describe that of the object of their attraction. The third common term that describes sexual orientation, bisexuality, makes no claim about the subject's sex or gender identity. (See also Pansexuality)

Sexual orientation is further complicated by more recent non-binary understandings of both sex (male, female, or intersex) and gender (man, woman, transgender, third gender, or gender variant). Sociologist Paula Rodriguez Rust (2000) argues for a more multifaceted definition of sexual orientation:

...Most alternative models of sexuality...define sexual orientation in terms of dichotomous biological sex or gender.... Most theorists would not eliminate the reference to sex or gender, but instead advocate incorporating more complex nonbinary concepts of sex or gender, more complex relationships between sex, gender, and sexuality, and/or additional nongendered dimensions into models of sexuality.

— [5]

Demographics of sexual orientation

The multiple aspects of sexual orientation and the boundary-drawing problems already described create methodological challenges for the study of the demographics of sexual orientation. Determining the frequency of various sexual orientations in real-world populations is difficult and controversial.

In the oft-cited and oft-criticized Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953), by Alfred C. Kinsey et. al., people were asked to rate themselves on a scale from completely heterosexual to completely homosexual. Kinsey reported that when the individuals' behavior as well as their identity are analyzed, most people appeared to be at least somewhat bisexual - i.e., most people have some attraction to either sex, although usually one sex is preferred. According to Kinsey, only a minority (5-10%) can be considered fully heterosexual or homosexual. Conversely, only an even smaller minority can be considered fully bisexual (with an equal attraction to both sexes).

Kinsey's methods have been criticized as flawed, particularly with regard to the randomness of his sample population, which included a large number of prison inmates. Nevertheless, Paul Gebhard, subsequent director of the Kinsey Institute for Sex Research, reexamined the data in the Kinsey Reports and concluded that accounting for major statistical objections barely affected the results. Most modern scientific surveys find that the majority of people report a mostly heterosexual orientation. However, the relative percentage of the population that reports a homosexual orientation varies with differing methodologies and selection criteria. Most of these statistical findings are in the range of 2.8 to 9% of males, and 1 to 5% of females for the United States[6] — this figure can be as high as 12% for some large cities and as low as 1% percent for rural areas). In gay villages such as The Castro in San Francisco, California, the concentration of self-identified homosexual people can exceed 40%. Almost all of these studies have found that homosexual males occur roughly at twice the rate of homosexual females. Estimates for the percentage of the population that identify as bisexual vary widely based on the type of questions asked. Some studies only consider a person bisexual if they are nearly equally attracted to both sexes, and others consider a person bisexual if they are at all attracted to the same sex (for otherwise mostly heterosexual persons) or to the opposite sex (for otherwise mostly homosexual persons).

A very small percentage of people are not sexually attracted to anyone (asexuality).

Determinants of sexual orientation

The American Academy of Pediatrics has stated "Sexual orientation probably is not determined by any one factor but by a combination of genetic, hormonal, and environmental influences."[7] Considerable debate continues over what biological and/or psychological variables determine sexual orientation in humans, such as genes and the exposure of certain levels of hormones to fetuses. Freud and others in the psychoanalytic tradition speculate that formative childhood experiences help determine sexual orientation.

Genetic

In 1993, Dean Hamer found the genetic marker Xq28 on the X chromosome. Hamer's study found a link between the Xq28 marker and male homosexuality[8], but the original study's results have been disputed[9]. Flies bearing mutant alleles of the fruitless gene, causes male flies to court and attempt to mate exclusively with other males.

Twin studies give indications that male homosexuality is genetically mediated. One common type of twin study compares the monozygotic (or identical) twins of people possessing a particular trait to the dizygotic (non-identical, or fraternal) twins of people possessing the trait. Bailey and Pillard (1991) in a study of gay twins found that 52% of monozygotic brothers and 22% of the dizygotic twins were concordant for homosexuality.[10] Bailey, Dunne and Martin (2000) used the Australian twin registry to obtain a sample of 4,901 twins.[11]

Birth order

A recent study found an increased chance of homosexuality in male humans whose mothers previously carried to term many male children. This effect is nullified if the man is left-handed [12]. No similar effect was found in female humans.[citation needed]

Hormonal

The hormonal theory of sexuality holds that, just as exposure to certain hormones plays a role in fetal sex differentiation, such exposure also influences the sexual orientation that emerges later in the adult. Fetal hormones may be seen as the primary determiner of adult sexual orientation, or a co-factor with genes and/or environmental and social conditions.

Innate bisexuality

Innate bisexuality (or predisposition to bisexuality) is a term introduced by Sigmund Freud (based on work by his associate Wilhelm Fliess), that expounds all humans are born bisexual but through psychological development (which includes both external and internal factors) become monosexual while the bisexuality remains in a latent state.

Homosexual as a mental illness

Homosexuality is no longer regarded as a mental illness by the scientific community. In 1973 the trustees of the American Psychiatric Association (APA) voted unanimously to remove homosexuality as a disorder from the Sexual Deviancy section of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, the DSM-II.[13] This was a major move with significant effect: the story ran on the front page of most newspapers, and over the following years the other mental health organizations came to the same conclusion.[14] Today, only a very small minority of doctors regard homosexuality as a mental illness, and their views are condemned by all major mental health organizations.

Some government organizations have still not accepted the mainstream medical organization's position. For example, the United States Department of Defense still lists homosexuality as a mental disorder.[15] Other governments have also claimed that homosexuality is an illness and have used that as a justification for laws discriminating homosexuality. Most Western nations do not regard homosexuality as a mental disorder.

A choice

There is a debate in popular culture about whether sexual orientation is a choice (not to be confused with the object-relational psychoanalytic concept of sexual object-choice). Some people believe sexual orientation is a preference, like any other lifestyle choice.

Sexual orientation as a social construct

Because sexual orientation is complex and multi-dimensional, some academics and researchers (especially in Queer studies) have argued that sexual orientation is a completely historical and social construction. In 1976 the historian Michel Foucault argued that homosexuality as a concept did not exist as such in the 18th century; that people instead spoke of "sodomy" (which involved specific sexual acts regardless of the sex of the actors) as a crime that was often ignored but sometimes punished severely (see sodomy law).

He further argued that it was in the 19th century that homosexuality came into existence as practitioners of emerging sciences and arts sought to classify and analyze different forms of sexuality. Finally, Foucault argues that it was this emerging discourse that allowed some to claim that homosexuality as a human identity.[citation needed]

The boundary between friendship and homosexuality

Some historians and researchers argue that the emotional and affectionate activities associated with sexual-orientation words (gay, straight, etc.) change significantly over time and across cultural boundaries. For example, in many English-speaking nations it is assumed that same-gender kissing, particularly between men, is a sign of homosexuality, whereas various types of same-gender kissing are common expressions of friendship in other nations. Also, many modern and historic cultures have formal ceremonies expressing long-term commitment between same-sex friends, even though homosexuality itself is taboo within the culture.[16]

See also

References

  1. ^ Shively, M.G., Jones, C., & DeCecco, J. P. (1984). Research on sexual orientation: definitions and methods. Journal of Homosexuality, 9, 127-137.
    Gerdes, L. C. (1988). The #REDIRECT [[Developing Adult. (2nd ed.). Durban: Butterworths.
    See also: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/assault/context/defining.html
  2. ^ Reiter, L. (1989) Sexual orientation, sexual identity, and the question of choice. Clinical Social Work Journal, 17, 138-150.
  3. ^ Minton, H. L. (1986). Femininity in men and masculinity in women: American psychiatry and psychology portray homosexuality in the 1930s, Journal of Homosexuality, 13(1), 1-21.
    *Terry, J. (1999). An American obsession: Science, medicine, and homosexuality in modern society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press
  4. ^ Bailey, J.M., Zucker, K.J. (1995), Childhood sex-typed behavior and sexual orientation: a conceptual analysis and quantitative review. Developmental Psychology 31(1):43
  5. ^ Rodriguez Rust, Paula C. Bisexuality: A contemporary paradox for women, Journal of Social Issues, Vol 56(2), Summer 2000. Special Issue: Women's sexualities: New perspectives on sexual orientation and gender. pp. 205-221. article online
    Also published in: Rodriguez Rust, Paula C. Bisexuality in the United States: A Social Science Reader. Columbia University Press, 2000. ISBN 0-231-10227-5
  6. ^ James Alm, M. V. Lee Badgett, Leslie A. Whittington, Wedding Bell Blues: The Income Tax Consequences of Legalizing Same-Sex Marriage, page 24. (1998) PDF link
  7. ^ Sexual Orientation and Adolescents, American Academy of Pediatrics Clinical Report. Retrieved 2007-02-23.
  8. ^ Hamer, Hu, Magnuson, Hu and Pattatucci (1993) A linkage between DNA markers on the X chromosome and male sexual orientation. Science 261(5119): pp. 321-7. Retreived 2007-01-18.
  9. ^ Doubt cast on 'gay gene', April 23, 1999, BBC News
  10. ^ cited in Wilson and Rahman 2005, p47
  11. ^ Bailey, J.M., Dunne, M.P., Martin, N.G. (2000). Genetic and environmental influences on sexual orientation and its correlates in an Australian twin sample. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78(3)
  12. ^ Blanchard, R., Cantor, J. M., Bogaert, A. F., Breedlove, S. M., & Ellis, L. (2006). "Interaction of fraternal birth order and handedness in the development of male homosexuality." Hormones and Behavior, 49, 405–414.
  13. ^ http://www.psych.org/pnews/00-09-01/recalling.html
  14. ^ http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1589/is_2002_Nov_12/ai_94598255
  15. ^ Section E5.1.2.9.6. in the Department of Defense Instruction Nov. 14, 1996
  16. ^ Robert Brain. Friends and Lovers. Granada Publishing Ltd. 1976. Chapters 3, 4.

Further reading

  • Sell, Randall L. (Dec 1997). Defining and measuring sexual orientation: a review. Archives of Sexual Behavior 26(6) 643-658. (excerpt)
  • Gil Brum, Larry McKane, and Gerry Karp. Biology -- Exploring Life, 2nd edition. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 1994. p. 663. (About INAH-3.)
  • Dynes, Wayne (ed.) "Encyclopedia of Homosexuality." New York and London, Garland Publishing, 1990.

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