Jump to content

Tajuddin Ahmad

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by Farhan nasim (talk | contribs) at 11:41, 15 August 2020 (→‎Sources: English translations of titles and chapters.). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Hafiz
Tajuddin Ahmad
তাজউদ্দীন আহমদ
1st Prime Minister of Bangladesh
In office
11 April 1971 – 12 January 1972
PresidentSheikh Mujibur Rahman
Syed Nazrul Islam (Acting)
Succeeded bySheikh Mujibur Rahman
Personal details
Born(1925-07-23)23 July 1925
Dardaria, Bengal Presidency, British India
(now Kapasia, Bangladesh)
Died3 November 1975(1975-11-03) (aged 50)
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Manner of deathAssassination
Political partyAwami League (1949–1975)
Other political
affiliations		All-India Muslim League (Before 1949)
SpouseSyeda Zohra Tajuddin
Children
Alma materDhaka College
University of Dhaka

Tajuddin Ahmad (Bengali: [ˈʈaːdʒudːin ˈaɦmɔd]; Bengali: তাজউদ্দীন আহমদ; 23 July 1925 – 3 November 1975) was a Bengali statesman and freedom fighter. He served as the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh and led the wartime provisional government during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Ahmad is regarded as one of the most influential and instrumental figures in the birth of Bangladesh, due to his leadership of the provisional government in 1971, in which he united the various political, military and cultural forces of Bengali nationalism.

A close confidante of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ahmad was the general secretary of the Awami League in the late 1960s and early 1970s. He coordinated the League's election campaign for the 1970 Pakistani general election, in which the League gained a historic parliamentary majority to form a government. Ahmad, along with Mujib and Kamal Hossain, led negotiations with President Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for the transfer of power to the elected National Assembly.

Early life

Ahmad was born at Kapasia in Gazipur on 23 July 1925 to Maulavi Muhammad Yasin Khan and Meherunnesa Khanam.[1] He went to Saint Gregory High school. In 1944, he stood 12th on the matriculation examination. In 1948, he placed 4th in the Higher Secondary Certificate Examination. He obtained BA with honours in Economics from Dhaka University. In 1943, he joined the Muslim League. On 4 January 1948, Ahmad joined East Pakistan Student League as a founding member.[2]

East Pakistan

Pakistan failed to keep the promise it made to East Pakistan. Right from the beginning, tensions were developing between East and West Pakistan over various issues, most notably on the state language question. East Pakistan was being grossly discriminated both economically and culturally; West Pakistan dominated politics, administration, education, and other fields. The East Pakistani population felt betrayed; the complacent Muslim League leadership of East Pakistan, consisting mostly of elites with ties to West Pakistani ruling elites, detached from the mass, was doing very little for them.

Newly-formed Awami Muslim League (later Awami League), established in 1949, became the voice of the oppressed East Pakistani people. Tajuddin, like many other disillusioned youths, joined Awami League. Awami League quickly won popularity among the masses of East Pakistan. He organized protests and other activities during the Language Movement of 1952.[3] He was arrested by police and imprisoned for several months.[citation needed] Awami League participated in the 1954 East Pakistan Provincial Assembly election in coalition with some other parties (called Jukta Front). Tajuddin, running on the ticket of Jukta Front, got elected from his constituency, defeating the formidable general secretary of Muslim League.[citation needed] The Front formed cabinet, led by A. K. Fazlul Huq, however, within months the cabinet was abolished on the pretext of conspiracy, to East Pakistan's frustration. Tajuddin was arrested following the dismissal of the government. He took the law examination from prison and got a BA degree in law.[2]

A military junta, led by Ayub Khan, seized power in a coup d'état in 1958, thus beginning a long period of oppressive military rule in Pakistan.[citation needed] Ayub Khan instituted a new constitution, abrogated the old one, legitimizing his junta rule, in 1962, brutally suppressed democratic activities.[citation needed]

Meanwhile, Tajuddin distinguished himself in Awami League, serving as social welfare and cultural secretary in 1955, and rising to Organizing Secretary in 1964.[citation needed]

Six-points and the 1969 uprising

See also: Six point movement and Agartala Conspiracy Case

The 1965 India-Pakistan War severely damaged Ayub regime's prestige. West Pakistani opposition parties sought to exploit the situation; they called for a conference in Lahore on February 3, 1966 and invited Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, now president of Awami League, in a bid to win Awami League's support. Meanwhile, Ayub Khan came to Dhaka at the end of January 1966, just before the conference. He invited Sheikh Mujib and other political leaders in a talk. On this occasion, for the first time, a number of specific points were put down on paper, precursor of the historic six-points demand, by the General Secretary Tajuddin, close confidante of Mujib by then.[4] Sheikh Mujib joined the Lahore Conference and attempted to present the famous six-point demand, as remedy to the ongoing discrimination.[citation needed] However, the West Pakistani leaders present there refused, viewing it as too radical and a secession attempt in guise, forbade Mujib from raising it in the conference. Disheartened, Sheikh Mujib released the demands to the press.[4] Six-points was formally published in March 1966.[5] Promulgated by Awami League, six-point became the voice of the oppressed East Pakistani people, their charter of emancipation, while getting little support in West Pakistan; the military junta as well as West Pakistani political parties suspected six-point as a threat to Pakistan's unity.

The Ayub administration determined to suppress six-points by any means. Awami League workers, already being brutally oppressed by the Ayub government, came under even greater suppression. Tajuddin himself got arrested in 1966.[2] In 1968, Tajuddin being still in prison, Ayub regime, already furious with six-points, arrested Sheikh Mujib and others on charges of high treason in an infamous case. To make matters even worse, one of the accused, Sergeant Zahurul Haq was shot dead in prison custody. That ignited a massive popular uprising in East Pakistan. As a result, Ayub government compromised, called the Round Table Conference with opposition leaders, on February 17 1969. But that conference wouldn't gain credibility with Mujib being in prison. Tajuddin, just released from imprisonment, along with Kamal Hossain and Amirul Islam traveled to Rawalpindi on February 17 1969 in order to negotiate Mujib's release. Despite initial objections, government eventually agreed to release Mujib so that he can attend the Round Table Conference.[6] At last, Sheikh Mujib, the unanimous leader of East Pakistan, got released from prison on February 23, 1969; a massive crowd welcomed him in a meeting, conferring him the title Bangabandhu.[7] Ayub Khan resigned shortly after the conference, in 1969, ending his 11 year rule, transferring power to the commander-in-chief of the army, General Yahya Khan.

The 1970 general election

See also: 1970 Pakistani general election

Upon assuming power, Yahya Khan promised a general election. The general election was held on December 7, 1970, after years of military rule. Awami League, lead by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory. Tajuddin also ran for and got elected from his constituency.[citation needed] After the election, in January 1971, Yahya Khan called for a talk with Awami League leadership to decide the future constitution, seeking compromises on the six-points.[citation needed] Tajuddin accompanied Sheikh Mujib, along with fellow senior Awami League Leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, Mansur Ali, Khandaker Mostaq Ahmed, and A H M Qamaruzzaman, in the Mujib-Yahya talk. The Awami League leadership made it clear that the election had been their people's mandate to six-points, constitution must be based on six points, there will be no compromise on this matter.[8]

Yahya khan, however, was conspiring otherwise, with the pro-junta West Pakistani opposition party (PPP) leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, delaying transfer of power in the name of dialogue. The West Pakistani leadership, both the junta and political, still viewed six-point as a threat. Yahya Khan suddenly cancelled that conference in Dhaka due on March 3 indefinitely. On March 7, 1971, in a [historical speech], Sheikh Mujib called for an indefinite general strike. Since then, an ominous atmosphere was developing. Troops and arms were secretly being concentrated from West Pakistan.[citation needed] Hope for a peaceful settlement was fading away.

He would be arrested again following the imposition of martial law by Ayub Khan in 1958. From 1953 to 1957, he was the general secretary of Dhaka District Awami League.

Bangladesh Liberation War

Main article: Bangladesh Liberation War

Tajuddin stayed in Dhaka until March 25, 1971, the night Pakistan Army cracked down on the Bangladeshi population. Despite repeated insistence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to escape from his residence fearing massacre of the innocent by Pakistanis using his escape as excuse.[9] He got arrested in Dhaka on that very night, leaving a critical leadership void. Just as the entire nation, Awami League leadership was also taken by surprise; they became scattered, each busy finding their own paths to safety, thereby loosing contact with each other for few days. On March 25 night, Tajuddin and his trusted long-time comrade Barrister Amirul Islam left home and went into hiding for the next day.[10] The duo secretly left Dhaka on March 27 for neighbouring India.[11][12]

Formation of Bangladesh Government in Exile

Main article: Provisional Government of Bangladesh

After a perilous and exhausting journey, through Kushtia and Chuadanga Tajuddin and Amirul Islam reached the Indian border.[13] Crossing the border, on March 30, Tajuddin met a BSF's regional head, called Golok Majumdar, and found to his dismay that there had been no prior arrangements with the Indian government for any contingency.[14][15] Even greater disaster was yet to come as from the key cities the Pakistani force would spread around the country, creating a staggering influx of refugees. Contact with the rest of the senior Awami League leadership severed, every moment being precious, he made an immediate fateful decision to travel to Delhi and reach for the Indian Government. On April 1, Tajuddin and Islam, accompanied by Majumdar, left for Delhi aboard a military cargo plane, on a secret flight.[16]

His first meeting with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi took place on April 4.[17] On their second meeting next day, Gandhi informed him that Sheikh Mujib had been arrested and transported to Pakistan though Pakistan didn't make it official yet.[18]. Being asked about the Bangladesh government, he replied, as consulted with Amirul Islam the day before, that a government-in-exile has been formed, Sheikh Mujib being its President and all senior leaders who attended the Mujib-Yahya meeting being cabinet members; moreover, except for Sheikh Mujib's arrest, all other members' whereabouts being unknown until then, Tajuddin presented himself as the Prime Minister of the Government.[19] Two crucial resolutions were reached in that meeting: firstly, India opened its borders for Bangladeshi refugees, thereby saving millions of lives in the upcoming days when Pakistani aggression reached outside major cities; secondly, India allowed the Bangladesh Government to operate within Indian territories.[20]

While Tajuddin was in Delhi, part of Awami League leadership, notably the young leaders: Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, Serajul Alam Khan, Abdur Razzaq, and Tofael Ahmed, all furious against Tajuddin, congregated in Kolkata.[21] Upon returning to Kolkata, on April 8, Tajuddin found out and met the group of leaders, including A H M Qamaruzzaman, and informed them about the Delhi meeting outcomes, including the government.[22][23] Contention arose among the leadership present there: opinion got divided mainly over Tajuddin's legitimacy as prime minister;[23] among the young leaders, Sheikh Mani even rejected the whole idea of the cabinet outright, claiming that there had been no such instruction from Sheikh Mujib.[22][23][21] He rather proposed a Revolutionary Council. Amirul Islam explained the inadequacy of Revolutionary Council and a legal government's necessity. After that, most of the leadership present there accepted Tajuddin's proposal.[22]

In the face of others' fury, Tajuddin, remained committed to the idea of government-in-exile, believing only a legitimate government can muster the international support necessary for the liberation war. On April 10, he, accompanied by Amirul Islam, boarded an old Dakota plane and set off in search of other cabinet members scattered around the borders.[24][25] Picking up cabinet members Captain Mansur Ali, Abdul Mannan, and Syed Nazrul Islam from various places on the way, on April 11 the entourage arrived in Agartala, where remaining cabinet members, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and Colonel M A G Osmani, were waiting.[25] The key Awami League leadership, reunited after a while, now pondered over the cabinet agenda. Though Khondaker Mostaq initially claimed to be the rightful candidate for the Prime Minister's office, he eventually accepted the Foreign Minister's.[26] Among others, Syed Nazrul Islam as acting President, Qamarauzzaman was given State Minister's office and Mansur Ali Finance Minister's; Colonel Osmani was declared commander-in-chief of the armed forces.[25][27] The whole cabinet returned to Kolkata on April 13 set to take oath on April 14 at some place in Chuadanga and form the Bangladesh Government in exile.[28]

The initial date and place of oath was cancelled due to security concerns.[28] The oath taking ceremony of the first government of Bangladesh took place on the soil of Bangladesh, at the Baidyanathtala village, along the India-Bangladesh border, in Meherpur District on April 17 1971. While answering a journalist during the ceremony, Tajuddin named the place Mujibnagar, after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, capital of Bangladesh until victory.[29] Later the government-in-exile came to be popularly known as the Mujibnagar Government. Mujibnagar was abandoned quickly after the oath ceremony fearing raid by Pakistani forces.[30] Thereafter the government headquarter briefly settled at a house at Ballyganj and then at 8 Theatre Road in Kolkata for the rest of the war months.

On April 15, as a preemptive diplomatic support measure, Tajuddin secretly met Hossain Ali, the then Deputy High Commissioner of Pakistan in Kolkata, persuading him to switch allegiance to the Bangladesh government along with his Bengali colleagues on April 18, just the day after the cabinet takes oath.[29][30] As promised, Ali along with 70 other employees at the Deputy High Commission swore allegiance to the Bangladesh Government on time, overturning the Pakistan High Commission at 9 Circus Avenue into Bangladesh Mission at Kolkata for good.[31][32][33]

Under Tajuddin's premiership, many Bengali bureaucrats, diplomats and military officers serving Pakistan defected to the new Government of Bangladesh.[34] The Government soon established a capable civil administration. Amidst occasional pressures from within his party, Tajuddin played the key role in keeping the administration from becoming politicized.[35]

Organizing the Liberation War

As the war broke out, Bengali soldiers serving in various Pakistani battalions revolted spontaneously and put up armed resistance against the Pakistani force all over Bangladesh. Commanders of those battalions met themselves along with Colonel Osmani on April 4; Bangladesh Armed Forces was formed and put under the command of Colonel Osmani and initial command structure and operation plan was drawn until a government is formed. Among Tajuddin Government's top priorities was coordinating those ongoing war efforts. Tajuddin's support was vital for commander-in-chief Osmani in maintaining the Bangladesh Army as a professional body out of direct political influence.[36]

Despite initial vigor, the Bangladeshi forces' activity faltered within couple of months, mainly due to lack of logistics and manpower. In order to salvage the situation, in mid July (10 to 15) the Sector Commanders met at a crucial conference at Bangadesh Government Headquarter in Kolkata. Initially, the Sector Commanders, reportedly instigated by Major Ziaur Rahman, proposed a War Council, consisting of the Sector Commanders, promoting Osmani from commander-in-chief of the forces to the Minister of Defense, leaving the field operations up to the War Council.[37][38] Among the Sector Commanders, Major Khaled Mosharraf opposed the proposal.[37][38] Osmani, however, treated the idea as an attempt to sideline him and resigned immediately. At Tajuddin's intervention, Osmani resumed command the next day and the discussion continued.[39][38] The resolutions reached in the conference provided crucial guidance and set course for the conduct of war in the upcoming months.

He was a key figure in supervising and mandating war efforts; and initiated numerous diplomatic and cultural missions which toured world capitals advocating the Bangladesh cause. Ahmad would regularly visit the liberated regions of Bangladesh and inspire the Mukti Bahini and other freedom and raise moral. During this period, Ahmad encountered some intra party conflict led by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad who conspired to harm the national struggle for independence through a failed attempt to form a confederacy with Pakistan. Among Ahmad's great diplomatic achievements were to win international support and recognition of Bangladesh as a sovereign nation by the government of India.

Post-independence Career

After the Liberation of Bangladesh, Ahmad, with his cabinet, returned to Dhaka on December 22, 1971. In addresses, at the Dhaka airport on December 22 and at Dhaka Secretariat on the next day, Tajuddin declared that Bangladesh will be built upon the principles of Socialism, Democracy, and Secularism.[40] On December 23, recognizing the sacrifice of freedom fighters and their tremendous potential in building the newborn nation, Tajuddin government declared that all enlisted and non-enlisted freedom fighters will be inducted into a National Militia.[41] His administration quickly embarked on the immediate task of restoring law and order in the newly independent country.

Released from nine months of Pakistani imprisonment, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to Dhaka on January 10, 1972. On January 11, Tajuddin and Mujib met to decide the future leadership. Tajuddin happily agreed to transfer prime minister's office to Mujib. Though Mujib initially proposed presidential government, however, on Tajuddin's insistence, accepted the parliamentary system.[42] In the reformed cabinet, with Sheikh Mujib as the Prime Minister, Tajuddin was given charge of the ministries of finance and planning.[43] He was also appointed member of the committee in charge of writing the Constitution of Bangladesh.

As minster of finance, Tajuddin reserved strong resentment against foreign aid, particularly from the United States. He regarded World Bank as an instrument of United States' domination. During World Bank President Robert McNamara's visit to Bangladesh, in 1972, his response was cold, their meeting ended without bearing any fruit.[44] According to the 1970 election manifesto spirit, in the first Bangladesh National Budget, in 1972, Tajuddin declared nationalization of industries. That, however, came under strong criticism. One of the major arguments against it was that nationalized industries won't be able to find enough skilled manpower to run them. Tajuddin and his fellow planning commission member Nurul Islam argued that while private enterprises can find manpower within country same must be the case for public enterprises and imposed policies accordingly.[45]

In the newly independent country, in the new Awami League and in the new cabinet, Tajuddin increasingly found himself cornered by rival factions. His frustration with government and his party was rising fast; rumors of his desire to resign were circulating.[46][47] Sensing his frustration, the burgeoning newly-formed political party Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD), desperately in search of a prominent face, approached him. He, however, declined their offer.[48][47] By September 1974, fully aware that his political future will be uncertain, he was resolved to resign from cabinet after his month-long state tour.[49] However, his intention to resign somehow reached top of the government ahead of that. As a result, within days of his return from the tour, in October, he was ordered to resign by the Prime Minister preemptively, depriving him from the honor of voluntary resignation.[50] He resigned from the cabinet in late October 1974 and fell out with Mujib after the creation of the one-party system of BAKSAL.[51] After resignation, Tajuddin remained largely inactive in politics.

A rift developed between Mujib and Ahmad. They differed on a number of issues. Mujib declared a general amnesty for many war criminals and collaborators which Ahmad disagreed on [citation needed]. Ahmed wanted to create a militia with freedom fighters but Mujib created one with the members of the Mujib Bahini, it was the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini [citation needed]. He was against Mujib forming the BAKSAL [citation needed].

On April 1975, members of the government travelled to Mujibnagar to commemorate the anniversary of the forming of Mujibnagar Government. Tajuddin Ahmad was not invited, even though he played a crucial role in the formation of the Mujibnagar Government [citation needed]. Tajuddin remained loyal to Mujib and on July 1975, he having heard rumours of plots against Mujib rushed to warn him [citation needed]. Mujib did not take the threat seriously.[52] After the Mujib assassination in August 1975, Ahmad was arrested by the martial law government. Along with four other top League leaders, he was killed by some officers of the Bangladesh Army in Dhaka Central Jail on November 4, 1975.[3]

Assassination

In 1974 Ahmad lost his cabinet post.[53] When Mujib assumed the title of President and banned other political parties in 1975, Ahmad became the odd man out,[53] declining and opposing the formation of a one-party system known as BAKSAL. When Mujib was assassinated by a group of army officers on 15 August 1975, Ahmad was immediately placed under house arrest.[54] On 22 August, he was arrested with other political leaders by the regime of the new president Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed and imprisoned at the Dhaka Central Jail. On 3 November, in what became infamously known as the "Jail Killing Day",[55] Ahmad along with Syed Nazrul Islam, A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman and Muhammad Mansur Ali were killed inside the jail by a group of army officers on the instruction of President Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed.[56]

Family

Tajuddin was born in a middle class conservative Muslim family. His father was Maulavi Muhammad Yasin Khan and mother Meherunnesa Khanam. He had nine siblings— three brothers and six sisters. He had four children, three daughters Sharmin Ahmad (Reepi), Simeen Hussain Rimi, Mahjabin Ahmad (Mimi) and one son Tanjim Ahmad Sohel Taj.[57] After the assassination of Sheikh Mujib and the jail killings, Tajuddin's wife Syeda Zohra Tajuddin reorganized and led the Awami League from 1975 to 1981. She died on 30 December 2013.[58] Tajuddin's son Tanjim Ahmad Sohel Taj was the Minister of State for Home Affairs in Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's cabinet in 2009. Ahmad's second daughter Simeen Hussain was elected as a Member of Parliament from Awami League in 2012.[54][54][59]

Legacy

On 25 March 2007 a documentary on Tajuddin Ahmad was released, Tajuddin Ahmad: An Unsung Hero (directed by Tanvir Mokammel). Shahid Tajuddin Ahmad Medical College in Gazipur was named after him.[60]Ahmad is the national hero of Bangladesh,according to most Bangladeshi residents or immigrants in the U.S.[1] There has been numerous statues of him in Bangladesh.

See also

References

  1. ^ a b "Reminiscing a true patriot". The Daily Star. 25 July 2013. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  2. ^ a b c Hai, Muhammed Abdul (23 July 2010). "In memory of Tajuddin Ahmed". The Daily Star. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  3. ^ a b "Enlighten youths with Tajuddin's thoughts". The Daily Star. 24 July 2012. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  4. ^ a b হোসেন 1985, p. 144.
  5. ^ হোসেন 1985, p. 145.
  6. ^ হোসেন 1985, p. 156.
  7. ^ হোসেন 1985, p. 158.
  8. ^ হোসেন 1985, p. 169.
  9. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 56–57.
  10. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 57–58.
  11. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 62.
  12. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 8–9.
  13. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 62–67.
  14. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 67.
  15. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 10.
  16. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 69.
  17. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 71.
  18. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 73.
  19. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 11.
  20. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 13.
  21. ^ a b আহমদ 2014, p. 44.
  22. ^ a b c ইসলাম 1985, p. 74-75.
  23. ^ a b c হাসান 1986, p. 14.
  24. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 75.
  25. ^ a b c হাসান 1986, p. 15.
  26. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 78.
  27. ^ আহমদ 2014, p. 45.
  28. ^ a b ইসলাম 1985, p. 79.
  29. ^ a b ইসলাম 1985, p. 82.
  30. ^ a b হাসান 1986, p. 16.
  31. ^ ইসলাম 1985, p. 83.
  32. ^ রহমান 1982.
  33. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 1997, p. 84–85.
  34. ^ Ahsan, Syed Badrul (23 July 2014). "Tajuddin Ahmed: Our history maker". The Daily Star. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  35. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 23–24.
  36. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 24.
  37. ^ a b হাসান 1986, p. 45–46.
  38. ^ a b c আনিসুজ্জামান 1997, p. 120.
  39. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 46.
  40. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 206.
  41. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 207.
  42. ^ হাসান 1986, p. 215.
  43. ^ Rashid, Mamun (9 July 2015). "To be a good finance minister". Dhaka Tribune. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  44. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 2015, p. 120.
  45. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 2015, p. 64.
  46. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 2015, p. 118.
  47. ^ a b আহমদ 2014, p. 86–87.
  48. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 2015, p. 118–119.
  49. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 2015, p. 117–118.
  50. ^ আনিসুজ্জামান 2015, p. 131.
  51. ^ "Mujib Bahini sowed rift between Bangabandhu, Tajuddin". The Daily Star. 7 September 2014. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  52. ^ Ahsan, Syed Badrul (5 May 2014). "Restoring Tajuddin in history". The Daily Star. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  53. ^ a b Chowdhury, Serajul Islam (14 December 2013). "The commitment of the martyred intellectuals". The Daily Star. Retrieved 31 December 2013.
  54. ^ a b c Khan, Tamanna (12 November 2010). "Justice for an Undisclosed Chapter". Star Weekend. The Daily Star.
  55. ^ Habib, Haroon (4 November 2006). "Hasina extends deadline". The Hindu. Retrieved 30 November 2011.
  56. ^ Dasgupta, Sukharanjan (1978). Midnight Massacre in Dacca. New Delhi: Vikas. pp. 77–78. ISBN 0-7069-0692-6. Khondakar also knew that the situation was bound to be grave once Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, Kamaruzzaman and Mansur Ali were released ... Khondakar had had them arrested under various pretexts shortly after Mujib's assassination, and they were still rotting in Dacca Jail. So, Khondakar ... managed to allow the associates of the "killers" [the seven Majors who assassinated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman] inside the jail to brutally kill these four leaders.
  57. ^ "Biography of Tajuddin Ahmad". tajuddinahmad.com. Retrieved 30 November 2011.
  58. ^ "Zohra Tajuddin's anniversary of death today". The Daily Star. 20 December 2014. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  59. ^ "Life and times of Tajuddin Ahmed". The Daily Star. 23 July 2009. Retrieved 30 November 2011.
  60. ^ "Man found dead in Gazipur". The Financial Express. Dhaka. 9 July 2015. Retrieved 12 July 2015.

Sources

  • হাসান, মঈদুল (1986). মূলধারা '৭১ [Mainstream '71] (2nd ed.). Dhaka: ইউনিভার্সিটি প্রেস লিমিটেড. ISBN 9789848815632.
  • আনিসুজ্জামান (1997). আমার একাত্তর [My Seventy-One (Memoir)]. Dhaka: সাহিত্য প্রকাশ. ISBN 9844651255.
  • আনিসুজ্জামান (2015). বিপুলা পৃথিবী [Rich Earth (Memoir)]. Dhaka: প্রথমা প্রকাশন. ISBN 9789849120193.
  • রহমান, হাসান হাফিজুর, ed. (1982). "প্রথম অধ্যায়: ১২: কলিকাতাস্থ পাকিস্তানী ডেপুটি হাই কমিশনারের বাংলাদেশের পক্ষাবলম্বন" [First Chapter: 12: Pakistani Deputy High Commissioner in Kolkata Switches Allegiance to Bangladesh]. বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ: দলিলপত্র [History of Bangladesh War of Independence: Documents] (PDF). Vol. 3. Dhaka: তথ্য মন্ত্রণালয়, গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাংলাদেশ সরকার. pp. 30–32. ISBN 9844330912.
  • ইসলাম, ব্যারিস্টার আমিরুল (1985). "৯: ব্যারিস্টার আমিরুল ইসলাম (সাক্ষাৎকার)" [9: Barrister Amir-ul Islam (Interview)]. In রহমান, হাসান হাফিজুর (ed.). বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ: দলিলপত্র [History of Bangladesh War of Independence: Documents] (PDF). Vol. 15. Dhaka: তথ্য মন্ত্রণালয়, গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাংলাদেশ সরকার. pp. 51–110. ISBN 9844330912.
  • হোসেন, ডক্টর কামাল (1985). "১৮: ডক্টর কামাল হোসেন (সাক্ষাৎকার)" [18: Doctor Kamal Hossain (Interview)]. In রহমান, হাসান হাফিজুর (ed.). বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ: দলিলপত্র [History of Bangladesh War of Independence: Documents] (PDF). Vol. 15. Dhaka: তথ্য মন্ত্রণালয়, গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাংলাদেশ সরকার. pp. 143–193. ISBN 9844330912.
  • আহমদ, মহিউদ্দিন (2014). জাসদের উত্থান পতন: অস্থির সময়ের রাজনীতি [Rise and Fall of JSD: Politics in the Time of Turmoil] (10th ed.). Dhaka: প্রথমা প্রকাশন. ISBN 9789849074755.

External links

Template:AwamiGS

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tajuddin_Ahmad&oldid=973107003"