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{{Short description|Framework of Christian holy war}}
{{about|the ideology and institutions associated with crusading|the expeditions themselves|Crusades}}
{{other uses|Crusade (disambiguation)|Crusader (disambiguation)}}
{{other uses|Crusade (disambiguation)|Crusader (disambiguation)}}
{{Use British English|date=October 2020}}
{{Use Oxford spelling|date=June 2022}}
[[File:The Church of the Holy Sepulchre-Jerusalem.JPG|thumb|right|upright=1.35|alt=photograph of the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem|The [[church of the Holy Sepulchre]] in Jerusalem. This is a site of Christian pilgrimage built where Christian Roman authorities pinpointed the purported location of Jesus' burial and resurrection in Jerusalem in 325.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=xxiii}} One of the objectives of the Crusades was to free the Holy Sepulchre from Muslim control.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=1}}]]
[[File:Combat deuxième croisade.jpg|thumb|upright=1.35|14th-century miniature from [[William of Tyre]]'s ''Histoire d'Outremer'' of a battle during the [[Second Crusade]], National Library of France, Department of Manuscripts, French 22495 fol. 154V |alt= Medieval illustration of a battle during the Second Crusade]]
{{Campaignbox Crusades|state=expanded}}
{{Christianity|state=collapsed}}


The '''crusading movement''' encompasses the framework of [[ideology|ideologies]] and [[institution]]s that described, regulated, and promoted the [[Crusades]]. The crusades were [[religious war]]s that the [[Christians|Christian]] [[Latin church]] initiated, supported, and sometimes directed in the [[Middle Ages]]. The members of the church defined this movement in legal and [[Theology|theological]] terms that were based on the concepts of holy war and [[pilgrimage]]. In theological terms, the movement merged ideas of [[Old Testament]] wars that were believed to have been instigated and assisted by God with [[New Testament]] ideas of forming [[Christocentric|personal relationships with Christ]]. The institution of crusading developed with the encouragement of church reformers the 11th{{nbsp}}century in what is commonly known as the [[Gregorian Reform]] and declined after the 16th{{nbsp}}century Protestant [[Reformation]].
'''Crusading''' was the fighting of [[religious war]]s sanctioned by the [[Latin Church]] that began in the [[medieval period]] and lasted in various guises for centuries. The [[Crusades]] in the [[eastern Mediterranean]] aimed at recovering the [[Holy Land]] from [[Early Muslim conquests|Muslim rule]] are the most well known. ''Crusade'' as a term is applied to church-sanctioned and even non-religious campaigns fought for a variety of reasons including the suppression of [[paganism]] and [[Heresy in Christianity|heresy]], the resolution of conflict among rival Roman Catholic groups, or for political and territorial advantage. At the time of the early crusades the word did not exist, and it only later became the leading descriptive term in English.


The idea of crusading as holy war was based on the [[Greco-Roman world|Greco-Roman]] [[Just war theory]]. A "just war" was one where a legitimate authority is the instigator, there is a valid cause, and it is waged with good intentions. The Crusades were seen by their adherents as a special [[Christian pilgrimage]]{{snd}}a physical and spiritual journey authorised and protected by the church. The actions were both a pilgrimage and [[penance|penitental]], Participants were considered part of Christ's army and demonstrated this by attaching crosses of cloth to their outfits. This marked them as followers and devotees of Christ and was in response to biblical passages exhorting Christian "to carry one's cross and follow Christ". Everyone could be involved, with the church considering anyone who died campaigning a [[Christian martyr]]. This movement was an important part of late-medieval western culture, that impacted politics, the economy and wider society.
[[Pope Urban II]] preached for the [[First Crusade]] in 1095, at the [[Council of Clermont]]. He encouraged military support for Emperor [[Alexios I Komnenos|Alexios{{nbsp}}I]] who needed reinforcements for the [[Byzantine Empire]]’s conflict with westward migrating [[Turkic migration#Turkmens|Turks]] colonising [[Anatolia]]. Urban aimed to guarantee [[pilgrim]] access to the eastern Mediterranean holy sites under Muslim control. The crusade established four [[crusader states]] in the eastern Mediterranean: the [[County of Edessa]], the [[Principality of Antioch]], the [[Kingdom of Jerusalem]] and the [[County of Tripoli]]. The enthusiastic response to Urban's preaching across all social strata in western Europe established a precedent for further crusades. Volunteers became crusaders by taking a public vow and receiving [[Indulgence|plenary indulgences]] from the Church. Some were hoping for a mass ascension into heaven at Jerusalem or [[God in Christianity|God]]'s forgiveness for their sins. Others participated to satisfy feudal obligations, obtain glory and honour, or to seek economic and political gain.


The original focus and objective was the liberation of [[History of Jerusalem during the Middle Ages|Jerusalem]] and the sacred sites of Palestine from non-Christians. The city was considered to be Christ's legacy and it was symbolic of divine restoration. The site of Christ's redemptive acts was pivotal for the inception of the First Crusade and the subsequent establishment of crusading as an institution. The campaigns to reclaim the Holy Land were the ones that attracted the greatest support, but the crusading movement's theatre of war extended wider than just Palestine. Crusades were waged in the [[Iberian Peninsula]], northeastern Europe against the [[Wends]], the [[Baltic region]], campaigns were fought against those the church considered [[heretic]]s in France, Germany, and Hungary, as well as in Italy where Pope's indulged in armed conflict with their opponents. By definition all the crusades were waged with [[Pope|papal]] approval and through this reinforced the Western European concept of a single, unified Christian church under the [[papal primacy|Pope]].
Conventionally an arbitrary system devised by the historian [[Charles Mills (historian)|Charles Mills]] in 1820 is used to number nine distinct campaigns as Crusades. The Second Crusade achieved little beyond the capture of [[Lisbon]]. The Third Crusade failed to recapture Jerusalem. The Fourth diverted to sack [[Constantinople]]. The Fifth was defeated in Egypt. The Sixth regained Jerusalem by negotiation. The Seventh also ended in defeat in Egypt and the Eighth failed in Tunis. The Ninth is sometimes considered part of the Eighth and is of minor importance, only notable for the presence of [[Edward I of England|Prince Edward]], the future king of England. The last of the Eastern Crusader cities [[Siege of Acre (1291)|fell in 1291]] and there were no more crusades to recover the Holy Land. Territorial gains lasted longer in northern and western Europe. Crusades brought all the north-east Baltic and the neighbouring [[Slavs|Slavic]] tribes, known as [[Wends]], under Catholic control in the late 12th{{nbsp}}century. The French monarchy used the [[Albigensian Crusade]] to extend the kingdom to the Mediterranean Sea. The rise of the [[Ottoman Empire]] in the late 14th{{nbsp}}century prompted a Catholic response which led to further defeats at [[Battle of Nicopolis|Nicopolis]] and [[Battle of Varna|Varna]]. In the 15th{{nbsp}}century the pivotal events in Christian–Islamic relations were marked by two events. The Ottomans [[Fall of Constantinople|capture of Constantinople]] and the conclusive Spanish victory over the Moors of [[Granada War|Granada]]. The idea of crusading continued, not least in the form of the [[Knights Hospitaller]], until the end of the 18th{{nbsp}}century.
{{Campaignbox Crusades|state=expanded}}


==Major features==
Modern historians hold widely varying views of crusading. To some, their conduct was incongruous with the stated aims and the implied [[moral authority]] of the [[papacy]]. Muslims were killed in large numbers on many occasions, as were Christians of other denominations. The crusades had a profound impact on western civilisation. The republics of [[Republic of Genoa|Genoa]] and [[Republic of Venice|Venice]] flourished, establishing communes in the Crusader States and expanding trade with eastern markets. Venice gained a [[Stato da Màr|maritime Empire]]. The collective identity of the Latin Church was consolidated under papal leadership by the ideological developments of Crusading and these reinforced the connection between western Christendom, [[feudalism]] and [[militarism]]. Accounts of crusading heroism, [[chivalry]] and [[piety]] influenced [[Medieval romance]], [[Medieval philosophy|philosophy]] and [[Medieval literature|literature]].
{{further|Cluniac Reform|Gregorian Reform|History of the papacy (1048–1257)}}
Historians trace the beginnings of the crusading movement to the significant changes within the [[Latin church]] enacted during the mid and latter eleventh century.{{sfn|Bull|1995|p=26}} These are now known as the [[Gregorian Reform]], from a term popularised by the French historian [[Augustin Fliche]]. He named the changes after one of the leading reforming [[pope]]s [[Pope Gregory VII|Gregory VII]]. The use of the term oversimplifies what was in fact numerous discrete initiatives, not all of which were the result of papal action.{{sfn|Morris|1989|pp=80–81}}
==Terminology==


A group of [[Reformism (historical)|reformers]] took control of the governance of the church with ambitions to use this control to eradicate behaviour they viewed as corrupt.{{sfn|Bull|1995|p=26}} This takeover was initially supported by the [[Holy Roman Empire]] and by [[Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor]] in particular, but went on to lead to conflict with his son, [[Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor]]. The reformers believed in [[papal primacy]]. That is the Pope was the head of all of Christendom as heir of [[St Peter]]. Secular rulers, even including the emperor, were subject to this and could be removed.{{sfn|Barber|2012|pp=93–94}}
The term ''crusade'' used in modern [[historiography]] at first referred to the wars in the [[Holy Land]] beginning in 1095. The range of events to which the term has been applied has been greatly extended, so its use can create a misleading impression of coherence, particularly regarding the early crusades. The [[Latin]] terms used for the campaign of the [[First Crusade]] were {{lang|la|iter}}, "journey", and {{lang|la|peregrinatio}}, "pilgrimage".<ref name="Asbridge 2012 40">{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=40}}</ref> The terminology of crusading remained largely indistinguishable from that of [[Christian pilgrimage]] during the 12th{{nbsp}}century. This reflected the reality of the first century of crusading, when not all armed pilgrims fought and not all who fought had taken religious vows. It was not until the late 12th and early 13th centuries that a more specific "language of crusading" emerged.<ref name="Tyerman259">{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2006|p=259}}</ref> [[Pope Innocent III]] used the term {{lang|la|negotium crucis}} or "affair of the cross". [[Sinibaldo Fieschi]], the future Pope Innocent&nbsp;IV, used the terms {{lang|la|crux transmarina}}{{mdash}}"the cross overseas"{{mdash}}for crusades in the [[Outremer]] (crusader states) against Muslims and {{lang|la|crux cismarina}}{{mdash}}"the cross this side of the sea"{{mdash}}for crusades in Europe against other enemies of the church.<ref name="Tyerman480">{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2006|p=480}}</ref> The modern English "crusade" dates to the early 1700s.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=77}}{{efn-ua|Tyerman explains that "holy war" was the primary academic term from the early 16th century, until the German term ''Kreuzzug'' (war of the cross) and the French ''croisade'' became established. Regarding English usage, he writes: "[[A Dictionary of the English Language|Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary]] (1755) includes four variants: ''crusade, crusado, croisade'' and ''croisado'' (the word used by [[Francis Bacon]]). 'Crusade', perhaps first coined in 1706, certainly in vogue by 1753, when it was used in the English translation of [[Voltaire]]’s essay (published as ''History of the Crusades''; the following year as part of ''The General History and State of Europe''), was popularised through its use by [[David Hume|Hume]] (1761) and [[Edward Gibbon|Gibbon]]."{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=77}}}} The term used in modern [[Arabic]], {{lang|ar-Latn|ḥamalāt ṣalībiyya}} {{lang|ar|حملات صليبية|rtl=yes}}, lit. "[[:wikt:حملة|campaigns]] of the [[:wikt:صليب|cross]]", is a loan translation of the term "crusade" as used in western historiography.<ref>{{Harvnb|Determann|2008|p=13}}</ref>


The reformist groups opposed previously widespread behaviour such as [[simony|the sale of clerical positions]] and [[clerical marriage]].{{sfn|Morris|1989|p=80}} The changes were not without opposition, causing [[schism|splits]] within the church and between the church and the emperor.{{sfn|Morris|1989|p=82}} However, the reform faction successfully created the ideology for men they saw as God's agents. From the second half of the 11th{{nbsp}}century, it enabled them in the refashioning of the church along the moral and spiritual lines they believed in.{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=110}} Historians consider that this was a pivotal moment, because the church was now under the control of men who supported a concept of [[holy war]] and would plan to make it happen.{{sfn|Morris|1989|p=144}}
==Ideological development===


The reformers now viewed the church as an independent force with God given authority to act in the secular world for religious regeneration. The creation of the institutions of crusading were a means by which the church could act militarily with the support of the armed aristocracy. This would in turn lead to creation of formal processes for the raising of armed forces through which the church could enforce its will. While these fundamentals applied the crusading movement flourished, when they ceased to be significant the movement declined.{{sfn|Latham|2011|pp=240–241}}{{sfn|Latham|2012|pp=128-129}}
The use of violence for communal purposes was not alien to early Christians. The evolution of a Christian theology of war was inevitable when [[Roman citizenship]] became linked to Christianity and citizens were required to fight against the Empire's enemies. This was supported by the development of a doctrine of [[holy war]] dating from the works of the 4th-century [[Christian theology|theologian]] [[Augustine of Hippo|Augustine]]. Augustine maintained that an aggressive war was sinful, but acknowledged a "[[Just war theory|just war]]" could be rationalised if it was proclaimed by a legitimate authority such as a king or bishop, was defensive or for the recovery of lands, and a without an excessive degree of violence.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=14–15}}{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=14–15}}
Violent acts were commonly used for dispute resolution in Western Europe, and the papacy attempted to mitigate it.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=30–31}} Historians, such as [[Carl Erdmann]], thought the [[Peace and Truce of God]] movements restricted conflict between Christians from the 10th{{nbsp}}century; the influence is apparent in [[Pope Urban II]]'s speeches. But later historians, such as Marcus Bull, assert that the effectiveness was limited and it had died out by the time of the crusades.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=30–38}}
[[Pope Alexander II]] developed a system of recruitment via oaths for military resourcing that [[Pope Gregory VII|Gregory VII]] extended across Europe. {{sfn|Jotischky|2004|p=31}} Christian conflict with Muslims on the southern peripheries of [[Christendom]] was sponsored by the Church in the 11th{{nbsp}}century, including the [[Crusade of Barbastro|siege of Barbastro]] and [[Norman conquest of Sicily|fighting]] in [[Emirate of Sicily|Sicily]]{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=18–19, 289}} In 1074 Gregory&nbsp;VII planned a display of military power to reinforce the principle of papal sovereignty. His vision of a holy war supporting Byzantium against the Seljuks was the first crusade prototype, but lacked support.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|p=16}} Theologian [[Anselm of Lucca]] took the decisive step towards an authentic crusader ideology, stating that fighting for legitimate purposes could result in the remission of [[Christian views on sin|sins]].{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=27–28}}
The first crusade was advocated by Urban{{nbsp}}II at the Council of Clermont in 1095, promising [[absolution]] for the participants' sins.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=34,38}} An equivalence was created between crusades for the Holy Land and the Reconquista by [[Calixtus II]] in 1123. During the period of the Second Crusade [[Pope Eugene III|Eugenius III]] was persuaded by the [[Cistercians|Cistercian]] [[abbot]], [[Bernard of Clairvaux]], that the German's conquest of the pagan Slavs was also comparable.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|p=190}} The 1146 papal bull ''[[Divina dispensatione]]'' declared pagan conversion was a goal worthy of crusade.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=199–202}} Papal protection, penance and salvation for those killed was extended to participants in the suppression of heretical sects in 1179 during the [[Third Council of the Lateran]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=344}}
Elected pope in 1198, [[Pope Innocent III|Innocent III]] reshaped the ideology and practice of crusading. He emphasised crusader oaths and penitence, and clarified that the absolution of sins was a [[Grace in Christianity|gift from God]], rather than a reward for the crusaders' sufferings. Taxation to fund crusading was introduced and donation encouraged.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=235–237}}{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=524–525}} In 1199 he was the first pope to deploy the conceptual and legal apparatus developed for crusading to enforce papal rights. With his 1213 bull ''[[Quia maior]]'' he appealled to all Christians, not just the nobility, offering the possibility of vow redemption without crusading. This set a precedent for trading in spiritual rewards, a practice that scandalised devout Christians and later became one of the causes of the 16th-century [[Protestant Reformation]].{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=533–535}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=238–239}} From the 1220s crusader privileges were regularly granted to those who fought against heretics, schismatics or Christians the papacy considered non-conformist.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=336}} When Frederick II's army threatened Rome, [[Gregory IX]] used crusading terminology. Rome was seen as the [[Patrimony of Saint Peter]], and [[Canon law of the Catholic Church|canon law]] regarded crusades as defensive wars to protect theoretical Christian territory.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=195–198}}
[[Innocent IV]] rationalised crusading ideology on the basis of the Christians' right to ownership. He acknowledged Muslims' land ownership, but emphasised that this was subject to Christ's authority.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=256–257}} In the 16th{{nbsp}}century the rivalry between Catholic monarchs prevented anti-Protestant crusades but individual military actions were rewarded with crusader privileges, including Irish Catholic [[Second Desmond Rebellion|rebellions]] against English Protestant rule and the [[Spanish Armada]]'s attack on [[Elizabeth I of England|Queen Elizabeth I]] and England.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=358–359}}


===Penance and indulgence===
The crusades in the Holy Land are traditionally counted as nine distinct campaigns, numbered from the First Crusade of 1095–99 to the [[Ninth Crusade]] of 1271–72. This convention was used in 1820 by historian [[Charles Mills (historian)|Charles Mills]] in his ''[[History of the Crusades for the Recovery and Possession of the Holy Land]]''. It is often retained for convenience even though it is a somewhat arbitrary system for what some historians now consider to be seven major and numerous lesser campaigns.<ref name="Davies 1997, p. 358">{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|p=358}}</ref>
{{further|Crusade indulgence}}


Before the crusading movement was established, the church had developed a [[Restitution (theology)|system]] that enabled Christians to gain forgiveness and [[absolution|pardon for sins]] from the church on behalf of God. They did this by demonstrating genuine [[contrition]] through [[Confession (religion)|admissions of wrongdoing]] and acts of [[Atonement in Christianity|penance]]. Christianity's requirement to avoid violence was still a significant issue for the warrior class. Gregory VII offered them a potential solution In the latter part of the 11th{{nbsp}}century. This was that they too could have their sins forgiven if they supported him in fighting for papal causes, but only if this service was given altruistically.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=61}}{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=123}} Later popes expanded on this offer to those willing to fight for their causes. [[Urban II]] launched the [[First Crusade]] at [[Council of Clermont|Clermont]] in November 1095. He made two offers to those who would travel to Jerusalem and fight for control of the sites Christians considered sacred. They were that those who fought would receive exemption from [[penance]] for the sins they committed and while they fought the church would protect all their property from harm.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=69–70}} The enthusiasm of the crusading movement challenged what had been conventional theology. This can be seen in a letter from [[Sigebert of Gembloux]] to [[Robert II, Count of Flanders]]. Sigebert is critical of [[Pope Paschal II]] and in congratulating Robert on his safe return from Jerusalem he pointedly omits any reference at all of the fact that Robert had been fighting on a crusade.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995b|p=80}}
"[[Saracen]]" was a common Greek and Roman term for an [[Arab]] Muslim. It was derived from a name used for the nomadic peoples of the [[Syrian Desert|Syro-Arabian desert]] who raided the Syrian region of the [[Roman Empire]].<ref>{{OED|Saracen}}</ref> The first English use of "[[Muslim]]" is dated to the 17th{{nbsp}}century.<ref>{{OED|Muslim}}</ref> "Franks" and "Latins" were used by the peoples of the Near East during the crusades for western Europeans, distinguishing them from the Byzantine Christians who were known as "Greeks".<ref>{{OED|Frank}}</ref><ref>{{OED|Latin}}</ref> Crusader sources used the term "Syrians" to describe Arabic speaking Christians who were members of the [[Greek Orthodox Church]], and "Jacobites" for those who were members of the [[Syriac Orthodox Church|Syrian Orthodox Church]]<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=141}}</ref>


Later pope's would develop the institution even further. Not only would crusaders avoid what were considered the God-imposed punishments for their sins but the guilt and the sin itself would be expunged. The method through which this was achieved was the granting by the church of what was called a [[Indulgence#Plenary indulgences|plenary indulgence]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=3}} [[Calixtus II]] made the same offer privileges and extended the protection of property to crusaders' relations.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=2}} [[Innocent III]] reinforced the importance of the oaths crusaders took. He also emphasised the view the forgiveness of sin was a [[Grace in Christianity|gift from God]]. It was not considered a reward for the suffering endured by the crusader while on crusade.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=235–237}}{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=524–525}} It was in the 1213 [[papal bull]] called {{lang|ln|[[Quia maior]]}} that he reached out beyond the noble warrior class. He offered all other Christians the opportunity to redeem their vows without even going on crusade. This led to the unforeseen consequence of creating a market for religious rewards. This would later scandalise some devout Christians and through this become a contributing factor for the [[Protestant Reformation]] from the 16th{{nbsp}}century.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=533–535}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=238–239}} As late as the 16th{{nbsp}}century, some writers continued to seek atonement for their sins through the practice of crusading. At the same time [[John Foxe]] the English [[Martyrology|martyrologist]] and others saw this as "the impure [[idolatry]], and [[Profanity|profanation]]"{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=40–41}}
==Background==


Popes continued in the practice of issuing crusade bulls for generations, but [[Alberico Gentili]] and [[Hugo Grotius]] created an international rule of law that was secular rather than religious.{{sfn|Tyerman|2006|p=919}} The wars against the [[Ottoman Empire]] and in defence of Europe were conflicts on which [[Lutherans]], [[Calvinists]], and [[Roman Catholics]] could agree in principle. So the importance to recruitment of the granting of indulgences became increasingly redundant and declined.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=439-440}}
[[Image:First.Crusade.Map.jpg|thumb|300px|Map showing the political situation on the eve of the [[First Crusade]] in 1097. Map by [[William Robert Shepherd]] in 1911]]Christianity was adopted throughout the Roman Empire in [[Late Antiquity]]. The first Christian Roman Emperor, [[Constantine the Great]], founded the city of Constantinople in 324. In this city the Roman Empire continued until 1453, while the Empire in the west collapsed at the end of the 4th{{nbsp}}century. The city and the [[Byzantine Empire|Eastern Roman Empire]] are more generally known as Byzantium, the name of the older Greek colony it replaced.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=5–6}}</ref>


===Christianity and war===
Following the foundation of the Islamic religion by [[Muhammad]] in the 7th{{nbsp}}century, and continuing through the 8th{{nbsp}}century, Muslim Arabs under the [[Rashidun]] and [[Umayyad Caliphate]]s captured [[Muslim conquest of Syria|Syria]], [[Muslim conquest of Egypt|Egypt]], and [[Umayyad conquest of North Africa|North Africa]] from the Roman Empire, Sicily and [[Malta]] from the Byzantine Empire, [[Muslim conquest of Persia|Iran]] from the [[Sasanian Empire]] and the majority of [[Umayyad conquest of Hispania|Iberia]] from the [[Visigothic Kingdom]].<ref>{{harvnb|Tyerman|2006|pp=51–54}}.</ref> In 750 a bloody coup brought an end to Umayyad rule to be replaced by the [[Abbasid]]s and
[[File:SCONTRO A NABLUS - AFFRESCHI CONTROFACCIATA S. BEVIGNATE.JPG|thumb|upright=1.5|alt= Fresco from San Bevignate showing men on horseback fighting | [[Fresco]] from [[San Bevignate]] depicting the [[Templars]] battling the [[Saracens]], the [[Battle of Nablus (1242)]]]]
the Islamic state's centre of power moved to [[Baghdad]] from Syria, Palestine and Egypt.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=20}}</ref>
{{further|Just war theory}}


The 4th-century theologian [[Augustine of Hippo]] Christianised theories of {{lang|la|bellum justum}} or [[just war theory|just war]] that dated from the [[Greco-Roman world]]. In the 11th{{nbsp}}century [[Canon law of the Catholic Church|canon lawyers]] extended his thinking to create the [[paradigm]] of {{lang|la| bellum sacrum}}, or a form of Christian holy war.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=14–16,338,359}} The theory was based on the idea that Christian warfare could be justified even though it was considered a sin. It was necessary to meet three criteria if a war was to be considered just. Firstly, it must be declared by an authority that the church considered legitimate. Secondly, the war must have defensive objectives or to be for the recovery of stolen property and rights. Lastly, the intentions of those taking part must be good.{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=98}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=14}}
The initial phase of [[Turkic migration]] into the Middle East saw the intersection of Abbasid and Turkic history from the 9th{{nbsp}}century. One key driver of Middle Eastern state formation for the following thousand years was the use of slave soldiers. Prisoners from the borderlands of [[Khurasan]] and [[Transoxania]] were transported to central Islamic lands, converted to Islam and given military training. Known as [[ghulam]] or [[mamluk]]s the theory was, that as slaves they would be more loyal to their masters. In practice it took the Turks only a few decades to make the journey from guard, to commander, governor, dynastic founder and eventually king maker. Political cohesion gradually fragmentated. Examples include the [[Tulunids]] in Egypt and Syria (868–905) and the [[Ikhshidid dynasty|Ikhshidids]] who followed in Egypt (935–969).<ref>{{harvnb|Findley|2005|p=67}}</ref>


Using these theories the church supported various Christian groups in conflicts with their Muslim neighbours at the borders of Christendom. In what is now Northern Spain encouragement was given during the [[Crusade of Barbastro|siege of Barbastro]]. The [[Normans]] of Southern Italy were supported in their [[Norman conquest of Sicily|conquest]] of the [[Emirate of Sicily]]. Gregory VII even planned to lead a campaign himself in support of the Byzantine Empire in 1074. He was unable to gather the necessary support, possibly because his personal leadership was unacceptable. Despite this, his plans did leave a template for future crusades.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|p=16}} As did the campaigns in Spain where leading thinkers and fighters developed practical and fundamental arguments for the crusading movement.{{sfn|Madden|2013|p=15}}
[[Al-Andalus|Muslim Iberia]] (modern Portugal and Spain) established an independent state in the eighth century, [[Shia–Sunni relations|divisions]] between the [[Shia Islam|Shia]] and [[Sunni Islam|Sunni]] [[Islamic schools and branches|denominations of Islam]] intensified over the decades and in 969 North Africa broke away under the [[Fatimids]]. These were a Shi'ite faction named after [[Fatimah|Fatima]], the daughter of Muhammad. The Fatimids took control of swathes of the Near East including Jerusalem, Damascus and parts of the Mediterranean coastline. The Fatimids asserted their independence from the Sunni Abbasids and had a rival Shi'ite caliph who they considered the successor to Muhammad.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 39–41">{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=39–41}}</ref> From the 8th{{nbsp}}century, the Christians were campaigning to retake Iberia in what has become known as the [[Reconquista]] and from 1060 [[Normans|Norman]] adventurers began the conquest of the Muslim [[Emirate of Sicily]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=7–8}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|pp=336–339}}</ref>


The thoughts and writing on these theories were eventually consolidated into {{lang|la|Collectio Canonum}} or ''Collection of Canon Law'' by [[Anselm of Lucca]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=61}} [[Thomas Aquinas]] and others extended these theories in the 13th{{nbsp}}century. This created a concept of [[religious war]]. {{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=14–15}} This enabled various popes to use canon law in the call for crusades against their [[Crusades against Christians|enemies in Italy]]. Rome was the estate of St Peter, so the popes' campaigns were defensive and only fought for the preservation of Christian territory.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=195–198}} The church combined two themes in the creation of crusading, one from the [[Old Testament]] and one from the [[New Testament|New]]. The first was the wars of the Jews. These were believed to have come from the instigation and will of God. The second was the [[Christocentric]] ideas related to Christians forming individual relationships with Christ. It was believed these were instigated and assisted by God. Secondly, the [[Christocentric]] concept of forming an individual relationship with Christ that came from the [[New Testament]]. In this way the church was able to combine the ideas of holy war and [[Christian pilgrimage]] to create the legal and theocratic justifications for the crusading movement.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=14–16,338,359}}
The second wave of Turkish migration saw the arrival of the Seljuk Turks in the 10th{{nbsp}}century. These were a previously minor ruling clan from Transoxania who had recently converted to Islam and migrated into Iran to seek their fortunes.<ref>{{Harvnb|Findley|2005|p=66}}</ref> In the two decades following their arrival they conquered Iran, Iraq and the Near East.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=39}}</ref> The Seljuks and their followers were from the [[Sunni|Sunni Islamic]] tradition which quickly brought them into conflict in Palestine and Syria with the Shi'ite Fatimids.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 39–41"/>


The historian Carl Erdmann mapped out the three stages for the argument creating the institution of the crusading movement:
[[File:Aftermath of Manzikert.png|350px|thumb|The [[Byzantine empire]] lost control of [[Anatolia]] in the 1070s.|alt=Map of the Mediterranean Sea with the extent of the Byzantine Empire highlighted]]The recovery of territory by the Byzantine Empire reached its furthest extent in 1025, through the military successes of Emperor [[Basil II]]. Its frontiers stretched as far east as Iran. It controlled Bulgaria as well as much of southern Italy and piracy had been suppressed in the Mediterranean Sea. From this point, the arrival of new enemies on all frontiers placed intolerable strains on the resources of the state. In Italy they were confronted by the Normans; to the north, the [[Pechenegs]], the [[Serbs]] and the [[Cumans]], as well as the Seljuks to the east. Emperor [[Romanos IV Diogenes]] attempted to confront the Seljuks to suppress sporadic raiding; this led to the 1071 defeat of the Byzantine army at the [[Battle of Manzikert]]. Once considered a pivotal event by historians, Manzikert is now regarded as only one step in the expansion of the [[Great Seljuk Empire]] into [[Anatolia]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=27}}</ref> This situation was probably the cause of instability in the Byzantine hierarchy rather than the result. To maintain order, the Emperors were forced to recruit [[mercenary]] armies, sometimes from the very forces that posed the threat. Yet positive signs of the overall health of the Empire at this time have been identified by recent scholarship.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=42–46}}</ref>
* defending Christen unity was a just cause;
* that [[Pope Gregory I]] and his followers' ideas for missionary conquest was also in accordance;
* that [[Islam]] should be fought in defence of Christendom, an idea developed under the reformist popes [[Pope Leo IX|Leo IX]], [[Pope Alexander II|Alexander II]], and Gregory VII.{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=121}}


===Knights, chivalry and the military orders===
By the end of the 11th{{nbsp}}century, the age of Arab-led Islamic territorial expansion was long gone.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=40}}</ref> However, fractious frontier conditions between the Christian and Muslim world remained across the Mediterranean Sea. The territory around Jerusalem had been under Muslim control for more than four centuries. During this time levels of tolerance, trade, and political relationships between the Muslims and the Christians fluctuated. Catholic pilgrims had access to sacred sites and Christian residents in Muslim territories were given [[dhimmi]] status on payment of a poll tax, legal rights and legal protection. Indigenous Christians were also allowed to maintain existing churches, and marriages between people of different faiths were not uncommon.<ref name = Findley2005p73>{{harvnb|Findley|2005|p=73}}</ref> The Byzantine Empire and Islamic world were historic centres of wealth, culture and military power. As such, they viewed the West as a backwater that presented little organised threat.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=8}}</ref>
{{further|Chivalry|Knighthood|Military order (religious society)}}
[[File:Gestorum Rhodie obsidionis commentarii - BNF Lat6067 f3v.jpg|thumb|Grand Master [[Pierre d'Aubusson]] with senior knights, wearing the [[Maltese cross|"Rhodian cross"]] on their habits. Dedicatory miniature in ''Gestorum Rhodie obsidionis commentarii'' (account of the [[Siege of Rhodes (1480)|Siege of Rhodes of 1480]]), BNF Lat 6067 fol. 3v, dated 1483/4.]]


Innovations in military technology and thinking made the first crusades feasible. Tactics developed to utilise heavily armoured cavalry. Italy's [[maritime republics]] built increasingly large navies. Society was controlled by [[castles]] and the men who garrisoned them. These new techniques in turn developed new social mores developed during extensive training. In turn this led to the rise of combat as sport.{{sfn|Morris|1989|pp=150, 335}} At this time although knights were praised in literature they remained distinct from the aristocracy. Crusading and [[chivalry]] developed together, and in time chivalry helped shap the ethos, ideals and principles of crusaders.{{sfn|Bull|1995|p=22}} Tournaments were held where knights could exhibit their martial prowess. This provided venues where the crusading movement could recruit, spread propaganda and announce the enlistment of senior figures.{{sfn|Lloyd|1995|pp=43–44}} Despite the undoubted courage and commitment of crusading knights and some notable commanders in military terms the campaigns in the [[Levant]] were not typically impressive. The creation of disciplined units was challenging. In feudal Europe strategy and institutions were too immature. Power structures were too fragmented.{{sfn|Honig|2001|pp=113—114}}
==Causes==


Literature presented the exemplar of an idealised, perfect knight in works such as romance Alexandre written around 1130. These works extolled adventure, courage, charity and manners. The church could not accept readily all the values presented. Its spiritual views contrasted with ideas of excellence, achieved glory through military deeds and romantic love. Even though the church feared the warrior class it needed to co-opt its power and did this symbolically through developed liturgical [[blessing]]s to sanctify new knights.{{sfn|Morris|1989|pp=335-336}} In time kings represented themselves as members of the knighthood for propaganda purposes.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=53}} Crusading became seen as integral to the ideas of this ideal.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=50, 64}} From the time of the [[Fourth Crusade]], it became an adventure normalised in Europe, creating separation between the knights and other social classes. At this point the relationship between knightly adventure, religious, and secular motivation was altered.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995b|p=84}}
Historical analysis has demonstrated that the First Crusade had its roots in developments earlier in the 11th{{nbsp}}century but for contemporary Western chroniclers it seems to have been a surprising and unexpected event. The city of Jerusalem had become increasingly recognised by both [[laity]] and [[cleric]]s as symbolic of [[penitential]] devotion. There is evidence that segments of the western nobility were willing to accept a doctrine of papal governance in military matters. The [[Seljuk dynasty|Seljuk]] hold on the holy city was weak and the Byzantines were open to the opportunity presented by western military aid to fight them. This presented the papacy with a chance to reinforce the principle of papal sovereignty with a display of military power such as that proposed by [[Pope Gregory VII]] in 1074 but not followed through.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=46}}</ref> Warfare was endemic in Western Europe in this period with violence often a part of political discourse. Contemporaries recognised the moral danger which the papacy attempted to deal with by permitting or even encouraging certain types of warfare. The Christian population had a desire for a more effective church which evidenced itself in rioting in Italy and a greater general level of [[piety]]. This prompted investment and growth in [[Monastery|monasteries]] across England, France and Germany. Pilgrimage to the Holy Land began in the 4th{{nbsp}}century but expanded after safer routes through Hungary developed from 1000. It was an increasingly articulate piety within the knighthood and the developing devotional and penitential practises of the aristocracy that created a fertile ground for crusading appeals. Historians, such as [[Carl Erdmann]], once thought the [[Peace and Truce of God]] movements restricting warfare between Christians from the 10th{{nbsp}}century had an impact. The influence is apparent in [[Pope Urban II|Pope Urban's]] speeches. But later scholars, such as Marcus Bull, assert that the movement's effectiveness was limited and it had already died out by the time of the Crusades.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=35–38}}</ref> The motivations of the First Crusade also included a "[[messianism]] of the poor" inspired by an expected mass ascension into heaven at Jerusalem.<ref name="Cohn 1970 61, 64">{{Harvnb|Cohn|1970|pp=61, 64}}</ref>


In the polities created by the crusading movement in the [[Eastern Mediterranean]] known as the [[Crusader states]] the creation of military religious orders was one of the few innovations from outside Europe.{{sfn|Prawer|2001|p=252}} In 1119 a small band of knights formed to protect pilgrims journeying to Jerusalem. These became the [[Knights Templar]]. Many other orders followed this template. The [[Knights Hospitaller]] were providing medical services and added a military wing to become a much larger organisation. These orders became Latin Christendom's first professional fighting forces and played a major part in the defence of the [[Kingdom of Jerusalem]] and the other crusader states.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=168-169}} Papal acknowledgement encouraged significant donations of money, land and recruits from across western Europe. The orders built their own castles and developed international autonomy.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=169-170}}
Before the middle of the 11th-century [[Gregorian Reform]], rival Roman noble families and the Holy Roman Emperor competed to control a papacy that amounted to little more than a localised [[bishopric]]. Roman families appointed relatives and protégés as popes,<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=24}}</ref> while [[Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor|Emperor Henry III]] invaded Rome and replaced two rival candidates with his nominee. The reforming movement coalesced around [[Pope Leo IX]], intent on abolishing [[simony]] and [[clerical marriage]] and implementing a [[college of cardinals]] responsible for electing future popes.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=25}}</ref> This movement established an assertive, reformist papacy eager to increase its power and influence over secular Europe. A struggle for power developed between [[Church and state in medieval Europe]] from around 1075 and continued through the period of the First Crusade. This struggle, now known as the [[Investiture Controversy]],<ref>{{Harvnb|Rubenstein|2011|p=18}}</ref> was primarily about whether the Catholic Church or the [[Holy Roman Empire]] held the right to appoint church officials and other clerics. To gather military resources for his conflict with the Emperor, [[Pope Alexander II]] developed a system of recruitment via oaths that Pope Gregory&nbsp;VII extended into a network across Europe. This also supported the development of a doctrine of [[Religious war|holy war]] developed from the thinking of 4th-century theologian [[Augustine of Hippo]] on the treatment of [[heresy]]. Death in a just war came to be seen as martyrdom and warfare itself as a penitential activity.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=26–27}}</ref> Gregory's doctrine of papal primacy led to conflict with eastern Christians whose traditional view was that the pope was only one of the five patriarchs of the church alongside the Patriarchates of [[Patriarch of Antioch|Antioch]], [[Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople|Constantinople]], [[Patriarch of Alexandria|Alexandria]] and [[Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem|Jerusalem]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=27–30}}</ref> In 1054 Leo IX sent a legation to the Patriarch of Constantinople demanded that his supremacy be recognised. The Patriarch responded with an alternative manifesto so the legation excommunicated him. A Synod of the Greek church in turn excommuinicated the legation while condemning the Latin church as heretics in creed and practice leading to a split known as the [[East–West Schism]]. There were now two supposedly universal orthodox Christian realms. Where the principle line of division was between a heathen North and a Christian South, now it was between the Catholic West and an Orthodox East.<ref name="Davies 1997 328-332">{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|pp=328–332}}</ref>


When [[fall of Acre|Acre]] fell, bringing to a close the holding of Christian territory in the Holy Land the Hospitallers relocated to [[Cyprus in the Middle Ages|Cyprus]]. Later the order conquered and ruled [[Rhodes]] (1309–1522) and finally settled in [[Hospitaller Malta|Malta]] (1530–1798). The orders successor organisation, the [[Sovereign Military Order of Malta]] still exists today. King [[Philip&nbsp;IV of France]] extinguished the Templars around 1312. This was probably for financial and political reasons. He pressurised [[Pope Clement&nbsp;V]] to dissolve the order. The grounds of [[sodomy]], magic, and heresy listed in various [[papal bulls]] such as {{lang|ln|[[Vox in excelso]]}} and {{lang|ln|[[Ad providam]]}} were probably false.{{sfn|Davies|1997|p=359}}
It was the enmity between the Abbasids and Fatimids that prevented any concerted response to Christian invasion. Power theoretically rested with the respective [[List of Caliphs|caliphs]] in Baghdad and [[Cairo]]. In practice executive power was in secular hands: the Sultan in Baghdad and the Vizier in Cairo.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=20–21}}</ref> The conquered indigenous Arabs had lived under the Seljuks in relative peace and prosperity. In 1092 that relative stability began to disintegrate following the death of the [[vizier]] and effective ruler of the Seljuk Empire, [[Nizam al-Mulk]]. This was closely followed by the deaths of the Seljuk Sultan [[Malik-Shah I|Malik-Shah]] and the Fatimid khalif, [[Al-Mustansir Billah]]. Islamic historian [[Carole Hillenbrand]] has described this as analogous to the fall of the [[Iron Curtain]] in 1989 with the phrase “familiar political entities gave way to disorientation and disunity”.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hillenbrand|1999|p=33}}</ref> The confusion meant the Islamic world disregarded the world beyond; this caused it to be vulnerable to, and surprised by, the First Crusade.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=41}}</ref>


===Common people===
==In the eastern Mediterranean==
{{further|Popular crusades}}


[[File:Peter the Hermit.jpg|thumb|Miniature of [[Peter the Hermit]] leading the [[People's Crusade]]. From the ''[[Abreujamen de las estorias]]'' (14th century).]]Historians now take a greater interest than before questioning why significant numbers of the lower classes travelled on the early crusades or took part in the unsanctioned popular outbreaks of the 13th and 14th centuries.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|pp=8–9}} The papacy wanted to recruit warriors who could fight, but in the early years of the movement it was impossible to exclude others, including women. Indeed, retinues included many to provide services who could also fight in emergencies.{{sfn|Bull|1995|p=25}} The church considered that engaging in crusade must be entirely voluntary. Recruitment propaganda used understandable mediums which could also be unclear. For the poor the instituition of the crusade was offensive, while in church doctrines it was an act of self-defence.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|pp=8–9}}
===First Crusade and aftermath===
{{main|First Crusade}}


From the 12th{{nbsp}}century onwards the crusading movement generated propaganda material to spread the word. A good example was the work of a Dominican friar called [[Humbert of Romans]]. In 1268 he gathered the best crusading arguments in one work.{{sfn|Lloyd|1995|pp=46–48}}{{sfn|Morris|1989|pp=458, 495}} The poor had different viewpoints to the theologans. Often based on an end of the world [[Eschatology|eschatological]] belief. When Acre was lost to the Egyptians there were resulting popular but brief outbursts of crusade fervour.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=263}} However, the most Christians did not typically crusade to Jerusalem. Instead, they would often build models of the [[Holy Sepulchre]] or dedicate places of worship. These were acts theat existed before the crusading movement, but they became increasingly popular in association. They may have formed part of other forms of regular religious devotion. In 1099 Jerusalem was known as ''the remotest place'' but these practices made tangible crusading.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=xxv}}
In 1095, [[List of Byzantine Emperors|Byzantine Emperor]] [[Alexios I Komnenos]] requested military aid from Pope Urban II at the [[Council of Piacenza]], probably a small body of mercenary reinforcements he could direct and control. Alexios had restored the Empire's finances and authority but still faced numerous foreign enemies. Most significant were the migrating Turks, in particular the Seljuks and their followers, who had colonised the sparsely populated areas of Anatolia. Later that year at the Council of Clermont, Urban raised the issue of military support again and preached for a crusade.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=34}}</ref>
[[File:Peter the Hermit.jpg|thumb|Miniature of [[Peter the Hermit]] leading the [[People's Crusade]] ([[Egerton Collection|Egerton]] 1500, Avignon, 14th{{nbsp}}century)|alt=14th-century miniature of Peter the Hermit leading the People's Crusade]]Almost immediately, the French priest [[Peter the Hermit]] led thousands of mostly poor Christians out of Europe in what became known as the [[People's Crusade]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Hindley|2004|pp=20–21}}</ref> In transit through Germany these crusaders massacred Jewish communities in what became known as the [[Rhineland massacres]]. This was part of wide-ranging anti-Jewish activities, extending from limited, spontaneous violence to full-scale military attacks.<ref>{{Harvnb|Chazan|1996|p=60}}</ref> Jews were perceived to be as much an enemy as Muslims: they were held responsible for the [[crucifixion]], and were more immediately visible than the distant Muslims. Many people wondered why they should travel thousands of miles to fight non-believers when there were already non-believers closer to home.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2007|pp=99–100}}</ref> The end of the Peoples' Crusade was abrupt. Almost immediately after leaving Byzantine controlled territory on their journey to [[Nicaea]] the crusaders were annihilated in a Turkish ambush at the [[battle of Civetot]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=41}}</ref>


Unsanctioned popular crusading exploded in 1096, 1212, 1251, 1309, and 1320. These all exhibited violent [[antisemitism]] with the exception of the [[Children's Crusade]] of 1212. Despite hostility from the literate these crusades became so mytho-historicised in the written histories that they are some of the most highly remembered events transmitted by word of mouth from the period. That said "Children's Crusade" is not a precise definition. At the time the Latin {{lang|la|pueri}} was used for children;{{lang|la|peregrinatio}}, {{lang|la|iter}}, {{lang|la|expeditio}}, or {{lang|la|crucesignatio}} were used for crusade.{{sfn|Dickson|2008|p=xiii}}
Conflict with Pope Urban II meant that King [[Philip I of France]] and [[Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor|Holy Roman Emperor Henry{{nbsp}}IV]] declined to participate in the crusade. But members of the high aristocracy from France, western Germany, the [[Low Countries]], [[Languedoc]] and Italy led independent military contingents in loose, fluid arrangements based on bonds of lordship, family, ethnicity and language. Foremost amongst these was the elder statesman, [[Raymond IV, Count of Toulouse]]. He was rivalled by the relatively poor but martial [[Italo-Norman]] [[Bohemond I of Antioch|Bohemond of Taranto]] and his nephew [[Tancred, Prince of Galilee|Tancred]]. They were joined by [[Godfrey of Bouillon]] and his brother [[Baldwin I of Jerusalem|Baldwin]] and forces from [[Lorraine]], [[Lotharingia]], and [[Kingdom of Germany|Germany]]. These five princes were pivotal to the campaign, which was also joined by a northern French army led by: [[Robert Curthose]], Count [[Stephen, Count of Blois|Stephen II of Blois]], and Count [[Robert II, Count of Flanders|Robert II of Flanders]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=43–47}}</ref> The armies, which may have contained as many as 100,000 people including non-combatants, travelled eastward by land to [[Byzantium]] where they were cautiously welcomed by the Emperor.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hindley|2004|pp=30–31}}</ref> Alexios persuaded many of the princes to pledge allegiance to him; he also convinced them their first objective should be [[Nicaea]], the capital of the [[Sultanate of Rum]]. The over-confident Sultan [[Kilij Arslan I|Kilij Arslan]] left the city to resolve a territorial dispute, thus enabling its capture after a crusader [[Siege of Nicaea|siege]] and a Byzantine naval assault. This was a high point in Latin and Greek co-operation and the beginning of crusader attempts to take advantage of disunity in the Muslim world.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=52–56}}</ref>


The many surviving written sources are of questionable accuracy. Dates and details are not consistent and they are interwoven with typical myth-history stories and ideas.{{sfn|Dickson|2008|pp=9–14}} Clerical writing contrasted the imagined innocence of the {{lang|la|pueri}} with the sexual license that was seen on the official crusades. It was the sin of the crusaders that was believed to bring God's displeasure and explain why the crusades were not successful.{{sfn|Dickson|2008|p=24}}
The first experience of Turkish tactics, using lightly armoured mounted archers, occurred when an advanced party led by Bohemond and Robert was ambushed at [[Battle of Dorylaeum (1097)|Dorylaeum]]. The Normans resisted for hours before the arrival of the main army caused a Turkish withdrawal.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=57–59}}</ref> The crusader army marched for three arduous months to the former Byzantine city [[Antioch]], that had been in Muslim control since 1084. Numbers were reduced by starvation, thirst and disease, combined with Baldwin's decision to leave with 100 knights and their followers to carve out [[County of Edessa|his own territory in Edessa]] which became one of the crusader states.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=59–61}}</ref> The crusaders [[siege of Antioch|besieged]] Antioch for eight months but lacked the resources to fully invest the city; the residents lacked the means to repel the invaders. Finally, Bohemond persuaded a guard in the city to open a gate. The crusaders entered, massacring the Muslim inhabitants as well as many Christians amongst the Greek Orthodox, Syrian and Armenian communities.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=72–73}}</ref>


===Perception of Muslims===
A force to recapture the city was raised by [[Kerbogha]], the effective ruler of [[Mosul]]. The Byzantines did not march to the assistance of the crusaders because the deserting Stephen of Blois told them the cause was lost. Instead Alexius retreated from [[Philomelium]], where he received Stephen's report, to Constantinople. The Greeks were never truly forgiven for this perceived betrayal and Stephen was branded a coward.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=74–75}}</ref> Losing numbers through desertion and starvation in the besieged city, the crusaders attempted to negotiate surrender but were rejected. Bohemond recognised that the only remaining option was open combat and launched a counterattack. Despite superior numbers, Kerbogha's army {{mdash}} which was divided into factions and surprised by the Crusaders commitment and dedication{{mdash}} retreated and abandoned the siege.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge |2012|pp=72–82}}</ref> The crusaders then delayed for months while they argued over who would have the captured territory. The debate ended when news arrived that the Fatimid Egyptians had taken Jerusalem from the Seljuk Turks, making it imperative to attack before the Egyptians could consolidate their position. Bohemond remained in Antioch, retaining the city, despite his pledge to return it to Byzantine control, while Raymond led the remaining crusader army [[First Crusade: March down the Mediterranean coast|rapidly south along the coast to Jerusalem]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=146–153}}</ref>
{{further|Christianity and Islam}}


[[Image:Grandes chroniques Roland.jpg|thumb|300px|The eight phases of the ''Song of Roland'' in one picture; illustration by [[Simon Marmion]] from an [[illuminated manuscript]] of the ''Grandes Chroniques de France'' (15th century), currently preserved in the [[Hermitage Museum]], [[St. Petersburg]]]]Literature such as the 11th{{nbsp}}century {{lang|fr|chanson de geste}} {{lang|fr|[[Chanson de Roland]]}} did not explicitly mention the crusades. But is likely there were propaganda motivations behind presenting the Muslim characters in monstrous terms and as idolators. Whatever the motivation Christian writers continued to use these representations.<ref>{{Harvnb|Routledge|1995|p=93}}</ref> Muslim characters were described as evil and as less than human. Their physical appearance was described as devilish and they were represented as having dark skin. Islamic ritual was mocked and insults made to [[Mohammad]]. This caricature continued to be used long after the fighting over territory subsided. At no time was the noun Muslim used, instead Muslims were called Saracens. Other derogatory adjectives were also used, such as [[infidel]], [[gentile]], enemy of God, and [[pagan]]. This was literature that supported the church's opinion that the crusades were a [[Manichean]] contest between good and evil.{{sfn|Jubb|2005|pp=227–229}} According to the historian [[Jean Flori]] the purpose behind this was for the church to be able to destroy its ideologically is competitors for the purpose of justifying Christianity entry into aggressive violent conflict.{{sfn|Jubb|2005|p=232}} This prejudice was not derived from ethnic identity or race. The church considered that all of humanity were descended from [[Adam]] and [[Eve]]. Typical of medieval opinion this was a social construct in which the differentiators were cultural. For example, the [[First Crusade]] [[Chronicle]]rs adopted terminology inherited from the Greeks of [[Classical antiquity|antiquity]]. They use the ethnology-cultural term {{lang|la|barbarae nationes}} or barbarians for the Muslims, and self-identified crusaders as [[Latins]].{{sfn|Jubb|2005|p=226}}
An initial attack on the city failed, and the [[Siege of Jerusalem (1099)|siege]] became a stalemate, until the arrival of craftsmen and supplies transported by the [[Republic of Genoa|Genoese]] to [[Jaffa]] tilted the balance. Crusaders constructed two large siege engines; the one commanded by Godfrey breached the walls. For two days the crusaders massacred the inhabitants and pillaged the city. Historians now believe the accounts of the numbers killed have been exaggerated, but this narrative of massacre did much to cement the crusaders' reputation for barbarism.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=96–103}}</ref> Godfrey further secured the Frankish position by defeating an Egyptian relief force at [[Battle of Ascalon|Ascalon]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=104–106}}</ref> Now, most of the crusaders considered their pilgrimage complete and returned to Europe. When it came to the future governance of the city it was Godfrey who took leadership and the title Defender of the [[Church of the Holy Sepulchre|Holy Sepulchre]]. The presence of troops from Lorraine ended the possibility that Jerusalem would be an ecclesiastical domain and the claims of Raymond.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=62}}</ref> At that point Godfrey was left with a mere 300 knights and 2,000 infantry to defend Palestine. Tancred was the other prince who remained. His ambition was to gain a Crusader state princedom of his own.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 106">{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=106}}</ref> When Godfrey died in 1100 the Lorrainers foiled the attempt of [[Dagobert of Pisa|Jerusalem's Patriarch, Daimbert]] to seize power and enabled Godfrey's brother, Baldwin, to take the crown.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=62–63}}</ref>


As contact increased respect for the Turks developed. {{lang|la|[[Gesta Francorum]]}} presents some negativity but also respect for them as opponents. It was considered values of chivalry were shared. In the {{lang|fr|[[Aspremont (chanson de geste)|Chanson d'Aspremont]]}} they were presnted as equals following the same codes of conduct. By the time of the [[Third Crusade]] the class differences were shown as within camps rather the between camps. The elite warrior class in both camps shared an identity that was not divided on religious or political groups. Epics began to include incidents of conversion to Christianity. This in part may have offered hope for a positive resolution at a time when military failure pointed to defeat.{{sfn|Jubb|2005|pp=234–235}}
The Islamic world seems to have barely registered the crusade; certainly, there is limited written evidence before 1130. This may be in part due to a reluctance to relate Muslim failure, but it is more likely to be the result of cultural misunderstanding. [[Al-Afdal Shahanshah]], the new vizier of Egypt, and the Muslim world mistook the crusaders for the latest in a long line of Byzantine mercenaries, rather than religiously motivated warriors intent on conquest and settlement.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=111–113}}</ref> The Muslim world was divided between the Sunnis of Syria and Iraq and the Shi'ite Fatimids of Egypt. Even the Turks remained divided, they had found unity unachievable since the death of Sultan Malik-Shah in 1092, with rival rulers in [[Damascus]] and [[Aleppo]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=21–22}}</ref> In Baghdad the Seljuk sultan, [[Barkiyaruq]], vied with an Abbasid caliph, [[Al-Mustazhir]], in a [[Mesopotamia]]n struggle. This gave the Crusaders a crucial opportunity to consolidate without any pan-Islamic counter-attack.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=114}}</ref>


There remain a number of [[Crusade songs]] from the many crusaders who also wrote poetry such as [[Theobald I of Navarre]], [[Folquet de Marselha]], and [[Conon de Béthune]]. In return for [[patronage]] from the leaders of the crusades, poets wrote praising the ideals of the nobility.{{sfn|Routledge|1995|pp=94–95}} These relationships were of a feudal nature and were presented in this context. To demonstrate this the crusaders were God's vassals fighting the restore to him the (Holy) land.{{sfn|Routledge|1995|pp=97}} Muslims were presented as having stolen this land. Their mistreatment of its Christian inhabitants was considered an injustice for which revenge was required. In return, the perception of the Islamic [[Polity|polities]] resulted in an opposing position. This encouraged violent resistance to the idea of the imposition Christian governance on these terms.{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=120}}
===Islamic recovery of Edessa and the Second Crusade===
{{main|Second Crusade}}
[[File:Temple mount.JPG|thumb|upright=1.35|The present-day [[Temple Mount]] in Jerusalem, known to the crusaders as "the [[Solomon's Temple|Temple of Solomon]]". This was the founding headquarters of the [[Knights Templar]] and the order derived its name from the location.|alt=Contemporary photograph of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem]]The Crusader states were almost constantly at defensive or expansionist war in the early 12th{{nbsp}}century. This led to high mortality rates among the nobility as well as a policy of encouraging settlers from the West and Christians from across the Jordan.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=65–67}}</ref> Bohemond seized Christian cities in [[Cilicia]], refused to return Antioch and in 1108 organised a Crusade against the Byzantine Empire. The Crusade ended in [[Siege of Dyrrhachium (1107–1108)|failure]] after Alexius starved Bohemond of supplies by cutting his supply lines. The resulting [[Treaty of Devol]], although never implemented, forced Bohemond to acknowledge Alexius as his feudal overlord.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=142–145}}</ref> Relations between Edessa and Antioch were variable: they fought together in the defeat at [[Battle of Harran]], but the Antiocheans claimed suzerainty and attempted to block the return of [[Baldwin II of Jerusalem|Count Baldwin]]{{mdash}}later king of Jerusalem{{mdash}}from his captivity after the battle.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=70}}</ref> This conflict demonstrates the Crusader involvement in Near East politics with Muslims and Christians fighting on both sides. The expansion of Norman Antioch came to an end in 1119 with a major defeat by the Turks at the [[Battle of Ager Sanguinis|battle of the Field of Blood]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=67–68}}</ref>


==History==
Under the papacies of successive popes, smaller groups of crusaders continued to travel to the eastern Mediterranean to fight the Muslims and aid the crusader states. The third decade of the 12th{{nbsp}}century saw campaigns by French nobleman [[Fulk V of Anjou]], the [[Venetian Crusade|Venetians]] who captured Tyre, and King [[Conrad III of Germany]], as well as the foundation of the [[Knights Templar]], a military order of warrior monks which became international and widely influential. The Templars, along with the other Military Orders, are estimated to have provided half of the crusader states total military strength.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=327–333}}</ref>


[[File:Passages d'outremer Fr5594, fol. 19r, Concile de Clermont.jpg|thumb|alt=Illustration of the Council of Clermont | Illustration of the [[Council of Clermont]], [[Jean Colombe]], ''[[Passages d'outremer|Les Passages d'Outremer]]'', BnF Fr{{nbsp}}5594, {{Circa|1475}} ]]
For the first time, the rise of [[Imad ad-Din Zengi]] saw the Crusaders threatened by a Muslim ruler attempting to restore jihad to Near Eastern politics. After his father was executed for treason in the Seljuk succession crisis little is known of his early years. He became [[Atabeg]] of Mosul in 1127 and used this to expand his control to Aleppo and then Damascus. In 1144 he [[Siege of Edessa (1144)|conquered Edessa]]. After a delay of nearly two years preaching began for what subsequently became known as the Second Crusade. Initially, support was sluggish, partly because Pope [[Pope Eugene III|Eugenius III]] delegated the preaching. The French [[Benedictines|Benedictine]] [[abbot]], [[Bernard of Clairvaux]] spread the message that the loss was the result of sinfulness, and redemption was the reward for crusading. Simultaneously, the anti-Semitic crusade preaching of a [[Cistercians|Cistercian]] monk called Rudolf initiated further massacres of Jews in the [[Rhineland]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=85}}</ref> This formed part of a general increase in crusading activity, including in Iberia and northern Europe.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=201–218}}</ref>
{{further|Res publica Christiana|First Crusade}}


In the late 11th and early 12th{{nbsp}}century the papacy became an entity capable of organised violence in the same manner as secular kingdoms and principalities. This required command and control systems that were not always fully developed or efficient. The result was the papacy leading secular fighting forces for its own ends.{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=117}}
Zengi was murdered in uncertain circumstances. His elder son [[Saif ad-Din Ghazi I|Saif ad-Din]] succeeded him as atabeg of [[Mosul]] while a younger son [[Nur ad-Din (died 1174)|Nur ad-Din]] succeeded him in Aleppo.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=228–229}}</ref> For the first time ruling monarchs were campaigning{{mdash}}[[King Louis VII]] of France and Conrad{{nbsp}}III{{mdash}}but the crusade was not a success. Edessa had been destroyed, making its recovery impossible, and the crusade's objectives were unclear. Hostility developed between the French and the Byzantines. The French blamed the Byzantines for defeats suffered against the Seljuks in Anatolia, while the Byzantines laid claims on future territorial gains in northern Syria. As a result, in a decision that historians now criticise, the crusaders attacked the Seljuks of Damascus. This broke a long period of cooperation and coexistence between Jerusalem and Damascus. Bad luck, poor tactics and a feeble five-day [[Siege of Damascus (1148)|siege of Damascus]] led to internal arguments; the barons of Jerusalem withdrew support and the crusaders retreated before the arrival of a relief army led by Zengi's sons. Morale fell, hostility to the Byzantines grew and distrust developed between the newly arrived crusaders and those that had made the region their home after the earlier crusades.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=84–91}}</ref>


This was begun by [[Pope Alexander II]] around 1159. He involved the papacy in the long running conflict with Muslims in the Mediterranean region. The church became involved in, and gave approval for, campaigns in [[Norman conquest of southern Italy#Conquest of Sicily, 1061–1091|Sicily]], [[Reconquista|Spain]] and [[Mahdia campaign of 1087|North Africa]] where the church worked with the republics of [[Republic of Pisa|Pisa]] and [[Republic of Genoa|Genoa]].{{sfn|Morris|1989|p=147}}
===Rise of Saladin and the Third Crusade===
{{main|Third Crusade}}


Urban II laid the foundations of the crusading movement at the [[Council of Clermont]] in 1095. He was responding to requests for military support from the Byzantine Emperor [[Alexios I Komnenos]] that he received during the earlier [[Council of Piacenza]]. Alexios was fighting [[Turkish people]] who were migrating into [[Anatolia]], threatened [[Constantinople]] and had formed the [[Seljuk Empire]]. Urban expressed two key objectives for the crusade. Firstly, the freeing of Christians from Muslim rule. Secondly, freeing the church known as the Holy Sepulchre from Muslim control. This was believed to mark the location of Chris's tomb in Jerusalem.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=65, 69-70}}{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=1}}
After the conquest of Ascalon in 1153 opened a strategic road south from Palestine, Jerusalem demonstrated an increasing interest in expanding into Egyptian territory. In 1160 King [[Baldwin III of Jerusalem|Baldwin III]] planned an invasion that was only prevented by Egypt paying a tribute of 160,000 gold [[dinar]]s.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=268}}</ref> In 1163 Shawar{{mdash}}who had been deposed as vizier in an outbreak of systemic and murderous political intrigue{{mdash}}arrived in Damascus to meet with Nur ad-Din. His aim was to gain the political and military support necessary to regain his position. Nur ad-Din prevaricated before responding when it became clear that, otherwise, the crusaders might gain a strategic foothold on the Nile. Some historians consider this decision a visionary attempt to surround the crusaders.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=269}}</ref> Nur ad-Din sent his Kurdish general, [[Shirkuh]], who stormed Egypt and restored Shawar. However, Shawar asserted his independence and allied with Baldwin's brother and successor King [[Amalric of Jerusalem|Amalric]]. When Amalric broke the alliance in a ferocious attack, Shawar again requested military support from Syria. Shirkuh was sent by Nur ad-Din for a second time, accompanied by his nephew, Yusuf ibn Ayyub, who became known by his honorific 'Salah al-Din' ('the goodness of faith'), which has been westernised as [[Saladin]]. Amalric retreated. Saladin captured Shawar on his way to peace negotiations and he was quickly executed. Shirkuh was appointed vizier. When he died two months later, Saladin successfully intrigued to be appointed vizier.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=272–275}}</ref> Nur ad-Din died in 1174, the first Muslim to unite Aleppo and Damascus in the crusading era. Assuming control after the death of his overlord Nur al-Din, Saladin had the strategic choice of establishing Egypt as an autonomous power or attempting to become the pre-eminent Muslim in the eastern Mediterranean; he chose the latter.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=282–286}}</ref>


In the 12th{{nbsp}}century, [[Gratian]] and the [[Decretists]] elaborated on [[Augustinianism]]. Aquinas continued this in the 13th{{nbsp}}century.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=14,21}} This extended the reformers philosophy to end secular control of the Latin church and impose control over the [[Eastern Orthodox Church]]. It developed further the paradigm of working in the secular world for the imposition of what the church considered justice.{{sfn|Latham|2012|p=118}} After the initial success of the early crusades the settlers who remained or later migrated were militarily vulnerable. During the 12th and 13th centuries, frequent supportive expeditions were required to maintain territory that had been gained. A cycle developed of military failure, pleas for support and declarations of crusades from the church.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=36}}
[[File:Philippe Auguste arrivant en Palestine.jpg|upright=1.35|thumb|left|Miniature showing [[Philip II of France|King Philip{{nbsp}}II of France]] arriving in the eastern Mediterranean ([[Royal manuscripts, British Library|Royal MS]] 16 G VI, middle of the 14th{{nbsp}}century) |alt=Miniature of Phillip of France arriving in the eastern Mediterranean]]
As Nur al-Din's territories became fragmented after his death, Saladin legitimised his ascent by positioning himself as a defender of Sunni Islam subservient to both the [[List of Abbasid caliphs|Caliph of Baghdad]] and to Nur al-Din's 11-year-old son and successor, [[As-Salih Ismail al-Malik]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=287–288}}</ref> While claiming to be the young prince's regent until the boy died seven years later, he seized Damascus and much of Syria but failed to take Aleppo.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=292}}</ref> After building a defensive force to resist a planned attack by the Kingdom of Jerusalem that never materialised, his first contest with the Latin Christians was not a success. His overconfidence and tactical errors led to defeat at the [[Battle of Montgisard]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=307–308}}</ref> Despite this setback, Saladin established a domain stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates through a decade of politics, coercion and low-level military action.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=322}}</ref> After a life-threatening illness early in 1186, he determined to make good on his propaganda as the champion of Islam, embarking on heightened campaigning against the Latin Christians.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=333–336}}</ref> [[Guy of Lusignan|King Guy]] responded by raising the largest army that Jerusalem had ever put into the field. Saladin lured the force into inhospitable terrain without water supplies, surrounded the Latins with a superior force, and routed them at the [[Battle of Hattin]]. Guy was amongst the Christian nobles taken prisoner, but he was later released. Saladin offered the Christians the option of remaining in peace under Islamic rule or taking advantage of 40 days' grace to leave. As a result of his victory, much of Palestine quickly fell to Saladin, including{{mdash}}after a short five-day [[Siege of Jerusalem (1187)|siege]]{{mdash}}Jerusalem.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=343–357}}</ref> According to [[Abbas Benedictus|Benedict of Peterborough]], [[Pope Urban III]] died of deep sadness on 19{{nbsp}}October 1187 after hearing of the defeat.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=367}}</ref>


=== 12th century ===
Urban III's successor as pope, [[Pope Gregory VIII|Gregory VIII]], issued a [[papal bull]] titled ''[[Audita tremendi]]'' that proposed what became known as the [[Third Crusade]] to recapture Jerusalem. In August 1189, the freed King Guy attempted to recover [[Acre, Israel|Acre]] from Saladin by [[Siege of Acre (1189–91)|surrounding the strategic city]], only for his own forces to be besieged in turn.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 686">{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=686}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=398–405}}</ref> Both armies could be supplied by sea, so a long stalemate commenced. The crusaders became so deprived at times they are thought to have resorted to cannibalism.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=424}}</ref> Travelling overland to join the crusade, [[Frederick I, Holy Roman Emperor|Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I]] drowned in the [[Saleph River]]; few of his men reached their destination.<ref>{{harvnb|Tyerman|2007|pp=35–36}}</ref> [[Richard I of England|Richard the Lionheart, King of England]], travelled by sea; his sister and his [[Berengaria of Navarre|fiancée]] travelled separately. In response to their capture by the Cypriot ruler, [[Isaac Komnenos of Cyprus|Isaac Komnenos]], Richard conquered the island in 1191.<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=429–430}}</ref> [[Philip II of France]] was the first king to arrive at the siege of Acre; Richard arrived on 8{{nbsp}}June 1191.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 686"/> The arrival of the French and [[Angevin kings of England|Angevin]] forces turned the tide in the conflict, and the Muslim garrison of Acre finally surrendered on 12{{nbsp}}July. Philip considered his vow fulfilled and returned to France to deal with domestic matters, leaving most of his forces behind. But Richard travelled south along the Mediterranean coast, defeated the Muslims near [[Arsuf]], and recaptured the port city of Jaffa. He twice advanced to within a day's march of Jerusalem. Richard judged that{{mdash}}while Saladin had a mustered army{{mdash}}he himself lacked the resources to successfully capture the city or defend it in the unlikely event of a successful assault. This marked the end of Richard's crusading career and was a calamitous blow to Frankish morale.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=509}}</ref> A three-year truce was negotiated that allowed Catholics unfettered access to Jerusalem.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=512–513}}</ref> Politics in England forced Richard's departure, never to return; Saladin died in March 1193.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 686"/>
[[Image:Baldwin II ceeding the Temple of Salomon to Hugues de Payens and Gaudefroy de Saint-Homer.jpg|thumb|alt=13th-century miniature of King Baldwin II granting the captured Al Aqsa Mosque to Hugues de Payens |13th-century miniature of [[Baldwin II of Jerusalem]] granting the captured [[Al-Aqsa|Al Aqsa Mosque]] to [[Hugues de Payens]]]]The success of the First Crusade that began the crusading movement and the century was seen as astonishing. The explanation for this was given that it was only possible through the will of God.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995b|pp=78–80}} Paschal succeeded Urban as pope before news of the outcome reached Europe. He had experience of the fighting in Spain so readily applied similar remissions of sin to the combatants there, without the need for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=293}} He did not stop there with the application of the institutions of crusading. He also did this against the Orthodox christians of Byzantium in favour of [[Bohemond I of Antioch]] for political reasons in Italy.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=335}}


It was in certain social and feudal networks that early crusade recruitment concentrated. Not only did these groups provide manpower, but also funding. Although it may have been pragmatic acceptance of the pressure of the reform movement that prompted the sales of churches and [[tithes]]. These families often had a history of pilgrimage, along with connections to [[Cluniac Reforms|Cluniac monasticism]] and the reformed papacy. They honoured the same saints. With inter-marriage this cultural mores were spread through society.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995b|p=87}} Paschal's successor [[Pope Calixtus II]] shared his Spanish interests. In 1123, at the [[First Council of the Lateran]] it was decided that crusading would be deployed in both Iberia and the [[Levant]]. The outcome was a campaign by [[Alfonso the Battler]] against Granada in 1125.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=2}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=293}}
===Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople===
{{main|Fourth Crusade|Sack of Constantinople}}
[[File:ConquestOfConstantinopleByTheCrusadersIn1204.jpg|thumb|300px|[[Siege of Constantinople (1204)|Conquest]] of the [[Eastern Orthodox|Orthodox]] city of [[Constantinople]] by the crusaders in 1204 (BNF [[Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal|Arsenal MS]] 5090, 15th{{nbsp}}century)|alt=Image of siege of Constantinople]]


The crusaders established polities known as the Latin East, because it was impossible to defend Jersualem in isolation. Despite this, regular campaigns were required in addition to the capability provided by the military orders. In Spain further expeditions were launched in 1114, 1118, and 1122. Eugenius III developed an equivalence between fighting the [[Wends]], fighting the Muslims in Spain and the Muslims in [[Second Crusade|Syria]]. The later crusade failed, with the result that the movement suffered its largest crisis until the 1400s. Fighting continued in Spain where there was three campaigns and there was one in the East in 1177. But it was the news of the crusaders defeat by the Muslims at the [[Battle of Hattin]] that restored the energy and commitment of the movement.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=2}}
Pope Innocent III announced a new Crusade on his election in 1198.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=163}}</ref> Crusaders arrived in insufficient numbers to pay the Venetians for the fleet for which they had contracted. Enrico Dandolo, the [[Doge of Venice]], diverted the crusaders to [[Siege of Zara|seize]] the Christian city of [[Zadar|Zara]] for supplies and to compensate for the failure to fulfil the treaty. Innocent III's role was ambivalent. He only condemned the attack when the siege started. He withdrew his legate to disassociate from the attack but seems to have accepted it as inevitable. Historians question whether for him, the papal desire to salvage the crusade may have outweighed the moral consideration of shedding Christian blood.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=168}}</ref>


The [[Renaissance of the 12th century]] coincided with the early years of crusading. Crusading themes were the subject of developing [[vernacular]] literature in the languages of Western Europe. Examples of [[Epic poetry]] include the {{lang|fr|[[Chanson d'Antioche]]}} describing the events in the 1268 [[Siege of Antioch (1268)|siege of Antioch]] and {{lang|fr|[[Canso de la Crozada]]}} about the [[Albigensian Crusade|crusading]] against the [[Cathars]] in Southern France. These are given the collective name of {{lang|fr|[[Chansons de geste]]}} in the [[French language]] which is borrowed from Latin for the term deeds done.{{sfn|Routledge|1995|pp=91–92}} Surviving [[Crusade song|songs]] about Crusading are rarer. But there are examples in the literary language of southern France, [[Occitan language|Occitan]], French, German, Spanish, and Italian that touch on the topic in an [[allegory|allegorical]] that date from the later half of the century. Two notable Occitan [[troubadours]] were [[Marcabru]] and [[Cercamon]]. They composed songs in the styles called {{lang|fr|[[sirventes]]}} and {{lang|fr|[[pastorela]]}} on the subject of lost love. Crusading wasn't a distinct genre, but the subject. The troubadours had northern French equivalents called {{lang|fr|[[Trouvère]]}} and German ones called {{lang|gn|[[Minnesang|Minnesänger]]}}. Collectively they left bodies of works themed on the crusades later in the century.{{sfn|Routledge|1995|pp=93–94}} This material transmitted information about crusading unmediated by the church. It is reinforced the status quo, the class identity of the nobility and its position in society. When the outcomes of events was less positive this was also a method of spreading criticisms of organisation and behaviour.{{sfn|Routledge|1995|p=111}}
Innocent did excommunicate the Venetians who continued to plot to further their aggressive territorial objectives. They were joined by King [[Philip of Swabia]], who intended to use the Crusade to restore his exiled nephew, [[Alexios IV Angelos]], to the throne of Byzantium. The latter would require the overthrow of [[Alexios III Angelos]], the uncle of Alexios&nbsp;IV.<ref name="Davies 1997 359–360">{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|pp=359–360}}</ref> It was agreed the crusade would attack Constantinople supporting Venice's objectives. The plan was that when these were achieved, Alexios IV would provide the crusade passage to the Holy Land or Egypt.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=167–168}}</ref>


In the latter part of the century Europeans developed language, fashion and cultural mores for crusading. Terms were adopted for those involved such as {{lang|la|crucesignatus}} or {{lang|la|crucesignata}}. These indicated that they were marked by the cross. This was reinforced by cloth crosses that they attached to their clothes. All of this was taken from the Bible. [[Luke 9]]:23, [[Mark 8]]:34 and [[Matthew 16]]:24 all implored believers to pick up their cross and follow Christ.{{sfn|Morris|1989|p=478}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=2}} It was a personal relationship with God that these crusaders were attempting to form. It demonstrated their belief. It enabled anyone to become involved, irrespective of gender, wealth, or social standing. This was {{lang|la|imitatio Christi}}, an "[[imitation of Christ]]", a sacrifice motivated by charity for fellow Christians. It began to be considered that all those who died campaigning were martyrs.{{sfn|Buck|2020|p=298}}
Alexios III fled. The crusaders initially took [[Siege of Constantinople (1203)|Constantinople]] easily, but not the wider Byzantine Empire. But Alexios{{nbsp}}IV Angelos was unable or unwilling to fulfil his commitments and the original purpose of the campaign was defeated by his murder in a violent anti-Latin Byzantine revolt. In response the crusaders [[Sack of Constantinople (1204)|sacked]] the city, which involved three days of pillaging churches and killing many Greek Orthodox Christians. The continuation of the crusade was now impossible because many crusaders now lacked the desire for further campaigning and the crusade no longer had the necessary Byzantine logistical support. The result was that the Fourth Crusade never came within {{convert|1000|miles}} of its objective of Jerusalem.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge |2012|p=530}}</ref> Instead it increased Latin territory in the East including Constantinople, demonstrated that poor organisation could wreck an expedition and set a precedent that crusades could legitimately attack not only Muslims but other enemies of the Papacy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=170}}</ref>


===13th century===
===Conflict with Egypt including the Fifth and Sixth Crusades===
{{main|Fifth Crusade|Sixth Crusade}}
The 13th{{nbsp}}century saw a new military threat to the Christian and Islamic worlds. The [[Mongol Empire|Mongols]] swept west from Mongolia through southern Russia, Poland and Hungary while also defeating the Seljuks and threatening the crusader states. Although the Mongols were predominately pagans, some were [[Nestorianism|Nestorian Christians]]. This gave the Papacy hope they might become allies.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=237–238}}</ref> Separately, Europe saw popular outbursts of ecstatic piety in support of the crusades, such as that resulting in the [[Children's Crusade]] in 1212. Large groups of young adults and children spontaneously gathered, believing their innocence would enable success where their elders had failed. Few, if any at all, journeyed to the eastern Mediterranean. Although little reliable evidence survives for these events, they provide an indication of how hearts and minds could be engaged for the cause.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=533–535}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Dickson|2008}}</ref>


[[File:Jean de Mandeville and Edward II.png|thumb|Jean de Mandeville is sent forth from England on his expedition by [[Edward II]]]]Towards the end of the 12th{{nbsp}}century the crusading movement existed in a culture where is was believed that everything that happened was [[wikt:Providentialism|predestined]], either by God or fate. This [[Providentialism]] meant that the population welcomed, accepted and believed in a wide range of prophecy. One significant example of this was the writing of [[Joachim of Fiore]]. He included the fighting of the infidel in opaque works that combined writings on the past, on the present, and on the future.{{sfn|Barber|2012|p=408}} These works [[foreshadowing|foreshadowed]] the Children's Crusade. Joachim believed all history and the future could be divided into three ages. The third of these was the age of the Holy Spirit. The representatives of this age were children, or {{lang|la|pueri}}. Others aligned themselves to this idea. [[Salimbene]] and other [[Franciscans]] self described themselves as {{lang|la|ordo parvulorum}}. This translates as ''order of little ones''. Another example of this [[Apocalypticism]] can be seen in elements of the ''[[Austrian Chronicle of the 95 Rulers|Austrian Rhymed Chronicle]]''. In this apocalyptic mytho-history was melded to descriptions of the Children's Crusade. Innocent III built on this in 1213 announcing the end of Islam in the calls for the [[Fifth Crusade]] by announcing that the days of were over.{{sfn|Dickson|2008|pp=24–26}}
Saladin's brother [[Al-Adil I|Al-Adil]] disinherited Saladin's sons from the [[Ayyubid]] succession. He lacked the Islamic moral authority of his brother required to unite the Muslim world. The result was that he left the remainder of the kingdom of Jerusalem in peace between 1194 and 1217 prompting a revival of the kingdom. Innocent III's [[Fourth Council of the Lateran|Fourth Lateran Council]] in 1213 called for another Crusade. In the papal bull ''[[Quia maior]]'' he did much to codify existing practices in preaching, recruitment and financing the crusades. The plenary indulgence was defined as forgiveness of the sins confessed to a priest for those who fought in, or even provided funding for crusades. [[Geoffrey Chaucer]]'s [[The Pardoner's Tale]] may demonstrate a cynical view of vow commutation but it was a pragmatic approach that led to more people taking the cross and raising more money in the following century than in the previous hundred years.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=178–181}}</ref> The lack of immediate threat and the wait for the expiration of a number of treaties meant that crusading did not resume until 1217, after Innocent's death.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=214}}</ref>


The crusading movement found that creating a single accepted ideology and an understanding of that ideology was a practical challenge. This was because the church did not have the necessary bureaucratic systems to consolidate thinking across the papacy, the monastic orders, [[mendicant]] friars, and the developing universities.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=20}} Ideas were transmitted through inclusion in literary works that included romances, travelogues like [[Mandeville's Travels]], poems such as [[Piers Plowman]] and [[John Gower]]'s [[Confessio Amantis]], and works by [[Geoffrey Chaucer]].{{sfn|Madden|2013|p=155}}{{sfn|Housley|2002|p=29}}{{sfn|Mannion|2014|p=21}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=330}} At this point in time the ideas of nationalism were largely absent. A more atomised society meant that literature tended to rather praise individual deeds of heroes like [[Charlemagne]] and the actions of major families.{{sfn|Richard|2005|p=207}} Innocent III developed new practices and revised the ideology of crusading from 1198 when he became pope. This included a new executive office constituted for the organisation of the Fourth Crusade. Executives were appointed in each church province in addition to autonomous preaching by the like of [[Fulk of Neuilly]]. This led to papal sanctioned provincial administrations and the codification of preaching. Local church authorities were required to report to these administrators on crusading policy. Propaganda was now more coherent despite an occasionally ad-hoc implementation.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=46}} Funding was increased through the introduction of [[hypothecated tax]] and greater donations.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=235–237}}{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=524–525}} He was also the first pope to deploy the apparatus of crusading against his fellow Christians.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=533–535}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=238–239}} This innovation became a frequent approach by the papacy that was used against those it considered [[dissenters]], heretics, or [[schism]]atics.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=336}}
In what is categorised as the Fifth Crusade a force{{mdash}}primarily raised from Hungary, Germany, Flanders{{mdash}}led by King [[Andrew II of Hungary]] and [[Leopold VI, Duke of Austria]] achieved little. Leopold and [[John of Brienne]], the King of Jerusalem and later Latin Emperor of Constantinople, besieged and captured [[Damietta]], but an army advancing into Egypt was compelled to surrender.<ref>{{Harvnb|Riley-Smith|2005|pp=179–180}}</ref> Damietta was returned, and an eight-year truce agreed.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hindley|2004|pp=561–562}}</ref>


====Popular crusading====
[[File:Friedrich II. mit Sultan al-Kamil.jpg|left|thumb|alt=Manuscript illumination of five men outside a fortress|[[Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor|Holy Roman Emperor Frederick{{nbsp}}II]] (left) meets [[al-Kamil]] (right), illumination from [[Giovanni Villani]]'s ''[[Nuova Cronica]]'' ([[Vatican Library]] ms. Chigiano L VIII 296, 14th{{nbsp}}century).]][[Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor|Holy Roman Emperor Frederick{{nbsp}}II]] was excommunicated for breaking a treaty obligation with the pope and failing to join the crusade. But after his marriage to [[Isabella II of Jerusalem]], John of Brienne's daughter and heir, he had a claim to the kingdom of Jerusalem prompting him to journey to Acre in 1228. Frederick was culturally the Christian monarch most empathetic to the Muslim world, having grown up in Sicily, with a Muslim bodyguard and even a harem. His great diplomatic skills meant the Sixth Crusade was largely a negotiation supported by force.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=566–571}}</ref> A peace treaty was agreed upon giving Latin Christians most of Jerusalem and a strip of territory that linked the city to Acre while the Muslims controlled their sacred areas. In return, an alliance was made with [[Al-Kamil]], [[Sultan of Egypt]], against all of his enemies of whatever religion. The treaty, and suspicions about Frederick's ambitions in the region, made him unpopular, and he was forced to return to his domains when they were attacked by [[Pope Gregory IX]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=569}}</ref>
{{see|popular crusade}}
In 1212 there was an outbreak of popular crusading that is now known as the Childrens' crusade. This was the first of a number of similar events which lasted until 1514 the [[György Dózsa|Hungarian Peasants' Crusade]]. What these all had in common was that they were independent of the church. The first seems to have been a response to the preaching of the Albigensian Crusade and also religious processions seeking God's support for the fighting in Iberia. The church considered such outbreaks by rather unconventional crusaders as unauthorised and therefore illegitimate.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=258-260}} There is little remaining evidence for the identities, thoughts and feelings of those who took part.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995b|pp=66-67}} One unaccredited piece is the [[Berthold (patriarch of Aquileia)#Legacy|Austrian Rhymed Chronical]]. This includes alledgedly verbatim lyrics of the marching song of children heading east and offers evidence of eschatological beliefs.{{sfn|Dickson|2008|p=14}} The church was unable to comprehend the [[charisma]] of impoverished secular leaders like [[Nicholas of Cologne]] and how this could be used in recruiting such large followings.{{sfn|Dickson|2008|p=101-102}} Modern academic opinion is split on the definition of a crusade. Riley-Smith disregards these popular uprisings as not meeting the criteria, while Gary Dickson has produced in depth research.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=223}}


====Early century====
Attention given to the conflict between the Holy Roman Empire and the papacy often meant that the responsibility for the prioritisation of campaigns in the Crusader states fell to secular, rather than papal, leadership. What is sometimes known as the [[Barons' Crusade]] was first led by Count [[Theobald I of Navarre]] and when he returned to his lands, by the king of England's brother, the newly arrived [[Richard of Cornwall]]. Sultan al-Kamil had died and his family were battling for the succession in Egypt and Syria. This allowed the crusaders to follow Frederick's tactics of combining forceful diplomacy with playing rival factions off against each other.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=573}}</ref> The sparsely populated Jerusalem was in Christian hands and the territorial reach was that of the Kingdom before the disaster at Hattin in 1187. This brief renaissance for Frankish Jerusalem was illusory. The Jerusalem nobility rejected the succession of the Emperor's son to the kingdom's throne. As a result, the kingdom could no longer rely on the resources of the Holy Roman Empire and was left dependent on Ayyubid division, the crusading orders and other western aid for survival.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=574}}</ref>


In the years between 1217 and 1221 Cardinal [[Pope Gregory IX|Hugo Ugolino]] of Segni led preaching campaigns and helped relax controls on funding and recruitment. He used the five percent income tax on the church known as the "clerical twentieth" to pay mercenaries in the Fifth Crusade and other {{lang|la|crucesignati}}.{{sfn|Tyerman|2006|p=620}} In 1227, Hugo became pope and adopted the name Gregory IX.{{sfn|Tyerman|2006|p=648}} He clashed with Frederick II over territory in Italy, excommunicating him in 1239 and deploying the the crusading tools of indulgences, privileges, and taxes in 1241.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=351-352}}{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|p=211}} The Christian right to land ownership was foundational to crusading ideology, although [[Innocent IV]] acknowledged Muslim rights he considered these only existed under the authority of Christ.{{sfn|Jotischky|2004|pp=256–257}} [[Pope Alexander IV|Alexander IV]] continued the policies of both Gregory IX and Innocent IV from his ascension in 1254 which led to further crusading against the Hohenstaufen dynasty.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=352}}
The Mongols displaced a central Turkish Asian people, the [[Khwārazm-Shāh dynasty|Khwarazmian]], providing Al-Kamil's son [[As-Salih Ismail, Emir of Damascus|As-Salah]] with useful allies.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=231}}</ref> The Khwarazmians savagely [[Siege of Jerusalem (1244)|captured Jerusalem]], pursuing the Christian refugees. Only 300 reached safety at [[Ramla]]. A combined Egyptian Khwarazmian army then defeated a Frankish-Damascene army at the battle of [[Battle of La Forbie|La Forbie]]. This was the last occasion the Crusader State nobility had the resources to put an army in the field. The Patriarch of Jerusalem put the total losses at 16,000; only 36 out of 348 templars, 26 out of 351 [[Knights Hospitaller|Hospitallers]] and 3 out 0f 400 [[Teutonic Order|Teutonic knights]] escaped alive.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=574–576}}</ref> When Innocent IV wrote to the Mongols to question what right they had to attack peaceful Christians in Russia, Poland and Hungary they replied by demanding his total submission to their authority<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=238}}</ref>


===Crusades of Saint Louis===
====Criticism====
{{main|Seventh Crusade|Eighth Crusade|Ninth Crusade|Aragonese Crusade}}
Thirteenth{{nbsp}}century politics in the eastern Mediterranean were complex, with numerous powerful and interested parties. The French were led by the very devout [[Louis IX of France|Louis IX]], king of France, and his ambitiously expansionist brother [[Charles I of Naples|Charles]]. Communication with th Mongols was hindered by the enormous distances involved. Louis sent an embassy to the Mongols in Iran in 1249 seeking a [[Franco-Mongol alliance]].<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=615}}</ref> When the reply found him in Palestine in 1251 it was again only a demand for tribute. Louis organised a new crusade, called the Seventh Crusade, to attack Egypt, arriving in 1249.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman |2006|pp=770–775}}</ref> He was defeated at [[Battle of Al Mansurah|Mansura]] and captured [[Battle of Fariskur|as he retreated]] to Damietta. Another ten-year truce was agreed. Louis and his nobles were ransomed while the other prisoners were given a choice between conversion to Islam or beheading.<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=605}}</ref> He remained in Syria until 1254 to consolidate the crusader states.<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=606–608}}</ref> A brutal power struggle developed in Egypt between various [[Mamluk Sultanate (Cairo)|Mamluk]] leaders and the remaining weak Ayyubid rulers. The Mamluks were slave soldiers that had been used by Muslim rulers for centuries. Most of them were Turks from the [[Eurasian Steppe]] or Christians from Anatolia; kidnapped as boys, converted to Islam and given military training.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=590}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=239}}</ref> The threat presented by an invasion by the Mongols led to [[Qutuz]] seizing the sultanate in 1259 and uniting with another faction led by [[Baibars]] to defeat the Mongols at [[Battle of Ain Jalut|Ain Jalut]]. The Mamluks then quickly gained control of Damascus and Aleppo before Qutuz was assassinated, most probably by Baibers.<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=616–621}}</ref>


Early [[criticism of crusading]] and the conduct of crusaders is evident. While the concept itself was seldom questioned in the 12th and 13th centuries, there were vigorous objections to crusades targeting heretics and Christian secular powers. The assault on Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade and the diversion of resources against church enemies in Europe, such as the Albigensian heretics and the Hohenstaufen, drew condemnation. Troubadours in southern France expressed discontent with expeditions, lamenting the neglect of the Holy Land. The behavior of participants was seen as falling short of the expectations of a holy war, with chroniclers and preachers decrying instances of sexual immorality, greed, and arrogance. Western Europeans attributed failures and setbacks, such as those during the First Crusade and the defeat of the kingdom of Jerusalem at Hattin by Saladin, to human frailty. Gerhoh of Reichersberg linked the shortcomings of the Second Crusade to the arrival of the Antichrist and accused the movement of fostering increased puritanism.{{sfn|Tyerman|2006|p=247}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=28}}
Between 1265 and 1271, Sultan Baibars drove the Franks to a few small coastal outposts.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2006|pp=816–817}}
</ref> Baibars had three key objectives: to prevent an alliance between the Latins and the Mongols, to cause dissension among the Mongols (particularly between the [[Golden Horde]] and the Persian [[Ilkhanate]]), and to maintain access to a supply of slave recruits from the Russian steppes. He supported [[Manfred, King of Sicily|King Manfred of Sicily's]] failed resistance to the attack of Charles and the papacy. Dissention in the crusader states led to conflicts such as the [[War of Saint Sabas]]. Venice drove the Genoese from Acre to Tyre where they continued to trade with Baibars' Egypt. Indeed, Baibars negotiated free passage for the Genoese with [[Michael VIII Palaiologos|Michael{{nbsp}}VIII Palaiologos]], [[Empire of Nicaea|Emperor of Nicaea]], the newly restored ruler of Constantinople.<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=628–630}}</ref> In 1270 Charles turned his brother King Louis{{nbsp}}IX's crusade, known as the Eighth, to his own advantage by persuading him to attack his rebel Arab vassals in [[Tunis]]. The crusader army was devastated by disease, and Louis himself died at Tunis on 25{{nbsp}}August. The fleet returned to France. [[Edward I of England|Prince Edward]], the future king of England, and a small retinue arrived too late for the conflict but continued to the Holy Land in what is known as the Ninth Crusade. Edward survived an assassination attempt, negotiated a ten-year truce, and then returned to manage his affairs in England. This ended the last significant crusading effort in the eastern Mediterranean.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=643–644}}</ref>


In response to criticism, the movement implemented ceremonial processions, calls for reform, bans on gambling and extravagance, and restrictions on the participation of women. The ''Würzburg Annals'' condemned the conduct of the crusaders, attributing it to diabolical influence. The defeat of [[Louis IX of France]] at the [[Battle of Mansurah (1250)|Battle of Mansurah]] in 1250 triggered debates on crusading in sermons and writings, including Humbert of Romans's work ''De praedicatione crucis''—concerning the preaching of the cross. Humbert raised doubts about the method of forcible conversion.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|p=314}}
===Decline and fall of the Crusader States===


====Later century====
[[File:Akra1291.jpg|thumb|right|alt=13th-century miniature of the Siege of Acre|Miniature of the [[Siege of Acre (1291)]] (''Estoire d'Oultre-Mer'', BNF fr. 2825, fol 361v, ca. 1300)]]
The causes of the decline in crusading and the failure of the crusader states are multi-faceted. Historians have attempted to explain this in terms of Muslim reunification and [[jihadi]] enthusiasm but [[Thomas Asbridge]], amongst others, considers this too simplistic. Muslim unity was sporadic and the desire for [[jihad]] ephemeral. The nature of crusades was unsuited to the conquest and defence of the Holy Land. Crusaders were on a personal pilgrimage and usually returned when it was completed. Although the philosophy of crusading changed over time, the crusades continued to be conducted by short-lived armies led by independently minded potentates, rather than with centralised leadership. What the crusader states needed were large standing armies. Religious fervour enabled significant feats of military endeavour but proved difficult to direct and control. Succession disputes and dynastic rivalries in Europe, failed harvests and heretical outbreaks, all contributed to reducing Latin Europe's concerns for Jerusalem. Ultimately, even though the fighting was also at the edge of the Islamic world, the huge distances made the mounting of crusades and the maintenance of communications insurmountably difficult. It enabled the Islamic world, under the charismatic leadership of Zengi, Nur al-Din, Saladin, the ruthless Baibars and others, to use the logistical advantages of proximity to victorious effect.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge |2012|pp=660–664}}</ref>


Prominent critics such as Matthew Paris in ''{{lang|la|[[Chronica Majora]]}}'' and Richard of Mapham, the [[dean of Lincoln]], voiced notable concerns at the council. The military orders, especially the Teutonic Order, faced censure for their arrogance, greed, luxurious lifestyles funded by their wealth, and inadequate deployment of forces in the Holy Land. Internal conflicts between the Templars and Hospitallers, as well as among Christians in the Baltic, hindered collaborative efforts. The church perceived military actions in the East as less effective due to the independence of these orders and their perceived reluctance to engage in combat with Muslims, with whom critics believed they maintained overly cordial relations. A minority perspective, advocated by [[Roger Bacon]] and others, argued that aggressive actions, particularly in the Baltic, impeded the conversion efforts.{{sfn|Forey|1995|p=211}}
The mainland [[Crusader states]] were finally extinguished with the fall of [[Fall of Tripoli (1289)|Tripoli]] in 1289 and [[Siege of Acre (1291)|Acre]] in 1291. It is reported that many Latin Christians evacuated to Cyprus by boat, were killed or enslaved. Despite this, Ottoman census records of Byzantine churches show that most parishes in the former Crusader states survived at least until 16th-century and remained Christian.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge |2012|p=656}}</ref><ref name="Jotischky 2004 131">{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=131}}</ref>


The movement continued to exhibit traits of innovation, commitment, resilience, and flexibility by consolidating methods of organisation and finance, which facilitated its survival.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=260}} In the face of a significant low point of the movement in 1274, the [[Second Council of Lyons]] began the gathering of ideas to improve crusading organisation and finance. This demonstrated the resilience that would enable the movement's continuing existence.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=260}} One of [[Pope Gregory X]]'s objectives was the reunification of the Latin and Greek churches, which he viewed as essential for a new crusade.{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=399-401}} Gregory created a complex tax gathering system for the funding of crusading, dividing Latin Christendom in 1274 into twenty-six collectorates. Each of these was under the direction of a general collector who further delegated the assessment of tax liability to reduce fraud. The vast amounts raised by this system led to clerical criticism of obligatory taxation.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=57}}
==In Europe==


===14th century===
The success of the First Crusade led to further and multifaceted crusading in the Middle Ages. The Western Europeans developed a different, overtly spiritual, perception of the reconquest of the [[Iberian Peninsula]]. Other conflicts began to be seen as crusades with crusading privileges and legal frameworks applied. These conflicts outside the Holy Land included the territorial wars in the Baltic, the popes' wars against their political enemies in Italy and, after the Fourth Crusade, the defence of the [[Latin Empire]] of Constantinople.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=182}}</ref>


[[File:London, British Museum, Royal MS 19 D I, fol. 168r.png|thumb|Start of the ''[[Directorium ad passagium faciendum]]'', in a French translation by [[Jean de Vignay]], from a manuscript of the 1330s]]
===Reconquista===
{{main|Reconquista}}
[[File:La Rendición de Granada - Pradilla.jpg|thumb|''La Rendición de Granada'' – 1882 painting of the [[Treaty of Granada (1491)|Surrender of Granada]] in 1491 by [[Francisco Pradilla Ortiz]]|alt=19th-century painting of the surrender of Granada]]
At the time of the First Crusade, Spain had the largest population of Latin Christians living under Muslim rule. The period of Islamic conquest was over by {{circa}} 900, and in 1031 the collapse of the [[Caliphate of Córdoba]] created the political conditions that would make the Reconquista possible. The Christian powers in Spain had no common identity or shared history based on tribe or ethnicity. As a result, the [[Kingdom of León]], the [[Kingdom of Navarre]] and [[Principality of Catalonia|Catalonia]] united and divided several times in the 11th and 12th centuries. Although small, all had developed a military aristocracy and technique.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=183–184}}</ref> By the time of the Second Crusade three kingdoms had become powerful enough to embark on the conquest of Islamic territory{{mdash}}[[Crown of Castile|Castile and León]], [[Crown of Aragon|Aragon and Catalonia]] and [[Kingdom of Portugal|Portugal]]. A consensus has emerged among modern historians against the view of a generation of Spanish scholars who believed that a Spanish religious and national victory over Islam was inevitable.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=188}}</ref> In 1123 Pope [[Calixtus II]] issued a bull creating an equivalence between the Reconquista and crusading in the east against Muslims. It was during the period of the Second Crusade that the Reconquista was placed within the context of crusading and Pope Eugenius III named Iberia as an objective. The Genoese provided logistic support, a mixed band of crusaders [[Siege of Lisbon|captured Lisbon]], which was one of the few Christian victories of the [[Second Crusade]], and Bernard of Clairvaux preached for the campaign in the same terms as he did against the [[Wends]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=190}}</ref>


Between the councils of Lyon in 1274 and Vienna in 1314, there existed over twenty treatises concerning the recovery of the Holy Land. These were instigated by Popes who, following the lead of Innocent III, sought counsel on the matter. This led to unfulfilled strategies for the blockading Egypt and possible expeditions to establish a foothold that would pave the way for full-scale crusades with professional armies. Discussions among writers often revolved around the intricacies of [[Capetian dynasty|Capetian]] and [[House of Barcelona|Aragonese]] dynastic politics. Periodic bursts of popular crusading occurred throughout the decades, spurred by events like the Mongol victory at [[Battle of Wadi al-Khaznadar|Homs]] and grassroots movements in France and Germany. Despite numerous obstacles, the papacy's establishment of taxation, including a six-year tithe on clerical incomes, to fund contracted professional crusading armies, represented a remarkable feat of institutionalisation.{{sfn|Housley|1995|pp=262–265}}
In 1212, the [[Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa]] was won by the Spanish with the support of 70,000 foreign combatants responding to a crusade preached by Innocent III. Many of the foreigners deserted because of the tolerance the Spanish demonstrated for the defeated Muslims. For the Spanish, the Reconquista was a war of domination rather than a war of extinction.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=191}}</ref> This contrasted with the treatment of the Christians formerly living under Muslim rule, the [[Mozarabs]]. The [[Roman Rite]] was relentlessly imposed, and the native Christians were absorbed into the mainstream Roman church by the Cistercians, [[Cluny Abbey|Cluniac]] clerical appointments and the military orders.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 131"/> The Reconquista continued to attract crusaders and crusader privileges.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=192}}</ref> Al-Andalus, Islamic Spain, was completely suppressed in 1492 when the [[Emirate of Granada]] surrendered. At this point the remaining Muslim and Jewish inhabitants were expelled from the peninsula.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=7–8}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|pp=444–454}}</ref>


Beginning in 1304 and lasting the entire 14th{{nbsp}}century, the [[Teutonic Order]] used the privileges Innocent IV had granted in 1245 to recruit crusaders in Prussia and [[Livonia]], in the absence of any formal crusade authority. Knightly volunteers from every Catholic state in western Europe flocked to take part in campaigns known as {{lang|de|Reisen}}, or journeys, as part of a chivalric cult.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=275}} Commencing in 1332, the numerous [[Holy League]]s in the form of temporary alliances between interested Christian powers, were a new manifestation of the movement. Successful campaigns included the [[Smyrniote crusades|capture of Smyrna]] in 1344, the [[Battle of Lepanto]] in 1571, and the recovery of territory in the [[Balkans]] between 1684 and 1697.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=4}}
=== Campaigns against heretics and schismatics ===


After the [[Treaty of Brétigny]] between England and France, the anarchic political situation in Italy prompted the [[curia]] to begin issuing indulgences for those who would fight the [[Routiers|merceneries]] threatening the pope and his court at [[Avignon]]. In 1378, the [[Western Schism]] split the papacy into two and then three, with rival Popes declaring crusades against each other. The growing threat from the [[Ottoman Turks]] provided a welcome distraction that would unite the papacy and divert the violence to another front.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=270}} By the end of the century, the Teutonic Order's {{lang|de|Reisen}} had become obsolescent. Commoners had limited interaction with crusading beyond the preaching of indulgences, the success of which depended on the preacher's ability, local powers' attitudes, and the extent of promotion. However, there is no evidence that the failure to organize anti-Turkish crusading was due to popular apathy or hostility rather than to finance and politics.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=281}}
[[File:Albigensian Crusade 01.jpg|thumb|upright=1.35|alt=Two illuminations: the pope admonishing a group of people and mounted knights attacking unarmed people with swords|Miniatures showing [[Pope Innocent III]] excommunicating, and the crusaders massacring, Cathars(BL Royal 16 G VI, fol. 374v, 14th{{nbsp}}century)]]At the [[Third Council of the Lateran]] in 1179, Pope Innocent III set a precedent relevant to those crusades that were and are considered as political. In this he encouraged those who suppressed sects considered heretical by the offering of indulgences. One early 13th-century example was the twenty years of campaigning{{mdash}}primarily by French nobility{{mdash}} to suppress a [[heretical]] sect called the [[Catharism|Cathars]] in southern France. This is now known as the [[Albigensian Crusade]] and is named after the city of [[Albi]], one of the main centres of Catharism. The thirty-year delay in instigating the crusade illustrates a lack of priority given to the campaign in comparison with the more immediate response in crusading rhetoric regarding the papal territorial conflicts in Italy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=193–194}}</ref>


===15th century===
The Albigensian Crusade taught the papacy that it was in fact far easier to attack those who tolerated heresy rather than to identify and eradicate the heresy itself. Pressure was exerted on the [[History of Milan#Middle Ages|Commune of Milan]] because of allegations that the city tolerated Catharism. In Languedoc, feudal lords who failed in its suppression had their lands confiscated and titles forfeited. The historian [[Norman Housley]] notes the strong political undertones and connection between [[heterodoxy]] and anti-papalism. The pope and the [[Inquisition]] would claim that anyone not with them was against them and label opponents as Cathars without requiring evidence. Indulgences were offered to anti-heretical groups such as the [[Militia of Jesus Christ]] and the [[Order of the Blessed Virgin Mary|Society of the Blessed Virgin]] in Milan.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=194}}</ref>


[[Eugenius&nbsp;IV]] became Pope in 1431 and entered into ecumenical negotiation with the Byzantine Empire. [[John V Palaiologos]]'s discussions with Eugenius led to an announcement of unification of the Latin, Greek Orthodox, [[Armenian Apostolic Church|Armenian]], [[Church of the East|Nestorian]], and [[Maronite Cypriots|Cypriot Maronite]] churches. In return the Byzantines received military assistance. Between 1440 and 1444, Eugenius coordinated efforts to defend Constantinople from the Turks. However, this strategy failed in a disastrous defeat at the [[Battle of Varna]] in November 1444. The fall of Constantinople to Mehmed II in 1453 marked the beginning of a twenty-eight-year expansion of the sultanate.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=279}}
=== Political campaigns ===


[[Pius II]] suggested to Mehmed II the possibility of converting to Christianity and emulating the legacy of Constantine. Despite coming close to organizing an anti-Turkish crusade in 1464, his plans ultimately failed. Throughout his papacy and those of his immediate successors, the raised funds and military resources were insufficient, poorly timed, or misallocated for effective action against the Turks. This was despite:
Historians such as [[Joseph Strayer]] consider all crusades as political and aimed at the conquest of territory. This is despite numerous papal sponsored holy wars from the 11th{{nbsp}}century to the 14th{{nbsp}}century having a rhetorical connection to a spiritual mission. It was not until the end of the 12th{{nbsp}}century that Innocent IIII became the first pope who deployed the conceptual and legal apparatus developed for crusading to enforce papal rights. The cause was over who would be guardian of the underage Emperor Frederick II. It did set a precedent for political crusades but ultimately achieved nothing.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=193–194}}</ref>
* the commissioning of advisory tracts reconsidering the political, financial, and military issues;
* Frankish rulers exiled from the Holy Land who toured Christendom's courts seeking assistance;
* individuals, such as [[Cardinal Bessarion]], dedicating themselves to the crusading movement; and
* the continued levying of church taxes and preaching of indulgences.{{sfn|Housley|1995|pp=279–280}}


Warfare was now more professional and costly.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=281}} This was driven by factors including contractual recruitment, increased intelligence and espionage, a greater emphasis on naval warfare, the grooming of alliances, new and varied tactics to deal with different circumstances and opposition, and the hiring of experts in siege warfare.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=264}} There was disillusionment and suspicion of how practical the objectives of the movements were. Lay sovereigns were more independent and prioritized their own objectives. The political authority of the papacy was reduced by the Western Schism, so popes such as Pius II and [[Innocent VIII]] found their congresses ignored. Politics and self-interest wrecked any plans. All of Europe acknowledged the need for a crusade to combat the Ottoman Empire, but effectively all blocked its formation. Popular feeling is difficult to judge: actual crusading had long since become distant from most commoners' lives. One example from 1488 saw [[Wageningen]] parishioners influenced by their priest's criticism of crusading to such a degree they refused to allow the collectors to take away donations. This contrasts with chronicle accounts of successful preaching in [[Erfurt]] at the same time and the extraordinary response for a crusade to relieve Belgrade in 1456.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=281}}
Gregory IX avoided crusading terminology in the 1230s during his conflict with Frederick II and his Italian supporters, until Frederick threatened to take Rome in 1240.  Rome was seen as the [[Patrimony]] of St Peter and canon law regarded crusades as defensive wars to protect what was theoretically Christian territory. This was not universally accepted in Christian Europe and there was widespread resistance to clerical taxation to fund these campaigns. Crusading was also unsuitable for these Italian campaigns against the [[Hohenstaufen]]. Crusades required clear limitations and firm objectives, but this was a war of attrition.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=195}}</ref> The conflict continued after Frederick II's death when the focus moved to Sicily. [[Pope Urban IV]] offered full full crusading indulgences in return for its conquest to Charles of Anjou. In the same year he also offered these to others to campaign in [[Sardinia]] and against the Byzantines.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=196–197}}</ref>


Around the end of the 15th{{nbsp}}century, the military orders were transformed. [[Kingdom of Castile|Castile]] nationalized its orders between 1487 and 1499. In 1523, the Hospitallers retreated from Rhodes to Crete and Sicily and in 1530 to Malta and Gozo. The [[State of the Teutonic Order]] became the hereditary [[Duchy of Prussia]] when the last Prussian master, [[Albert, Duke of Prussia|Albrecht of Brandenburg-Ansbach]], converted to [[Lutheranism]] and became the first duke under oath to his uncle the [[Sigismund I the Old|Polish king]].{{sfn|Luttrell|1995|pp=348}}
The [[papal election, 1280–81|1281 election]] of a French pope, [[Pope Martin IV|Martin{{nbsp}}IV]], brought the full power of the papacy into line behind Charles. He prepared to launch a crusade against Constantinople but, in what became known as the [[Sicilian Vespers]], an uprising fomented by the Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII proclaimed [[Peter III of Aragon]] as [[king of Sicily]] depriving Charles of the resources of the island. In response, Martin excommunicated Peter and called for an [[Aragonese Crusade]], which was unsuccessful.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=198}}</ref>


===Pagans in the North===
===16th century===
In the 16th{{nbsp}}century, the rivalry between Catholic monarchs prevented anti-Protestant crusades, but individual military actions were rewarded with crusader privileges, including Irish Catholic [[Second Desmond Rebellion|rebellions]] against [[English Reformation|English Protestant]] rule and the [[Spanish Armada]]'s attack on England under [[Elizabeth I of England|Queen Elizabeth I]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=358–359}} In 1562, [[Cosimo I de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany]], became the hereditary Grand Master of the [[Order of Saint Stephen]], a Tuscan military order he founded, which was modelled on the knights of Malta.{{sfn|Luttrell|1995|p=352}} The Hospitallers remained the only independent military order with a positive strategy. Other orders continued as aristocratic corporations while lay powers absorbed local orders, outposts, and priories.{{sfn|Luttrell|1995|p=364}}


===17th century and later===
[[File:Deutscher Orden in Europa 1300.png|thumb|upright=2|Map of the branches of the [[Teutonic Order]] in Europe around 1300. Shaded area is sovereign territory, Grand Master HQ in Venice is highlighted)|alt=Map of the branches of the Teutonic Order in Europe around 1300 showing sovereign territory in the Baltic and the Grand Master's HQ in Venice]] In 1147, the papacy began to describe the wars waged by Scandinavian and German Christians against the pagans in the Baltic coastal region as crusades. Bernard of Clairvaux persuaded Pope Eugenius III that the conflict with the Wends was a holy war analogous to the Reconquista, even though the Germans were more motivated by wars of territorial conquest than events in the east. This Wendish Crusade saw [[Saxons]], [[Danes]], and [[Poles]] begin to forcibly convert the neighbouring tribes of [[Polabian Slavs]] or "Wends".<ref name="Jotischky 2004 199">{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=199}}</ref> This, and further campaigns against Estonian and Finnish pagans were understood in religious terms by contemporaries as a struggle against paganism. The theoretical justification, however, was weak without the argument that the crusaders were fighting to reclaim Christian territory.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 199"/>
Crusading continued in the 17th{{nbsp}}century, mainly associated with the [[Hapsburg]]s and the Spanish national identity. Crusade indulgences and taxation were used in support of the [[Cretan War (1645–1669)]], the [[Battle of Vienna]], and the [[Holy League (1684)]]. Although the Hospitallers continued the military orders in the 18th{{nbsp}}century, the crusading movement soon ended in terms of acquiescence, popularity, and support.{{sfn|Housley|1995|p=293}}


The [[French Revolution]] resulted in widespread confiscations from the military orders, which were now largely irrelevant, apart from minor effects in the Hapsburg Empire.{{sfn|Luttrell|1995|p=364}} The Hospitallers continued acting as a military order from its territory in Malta until the island was conquered by [[Napoleon]] in 1798.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|p=4}}{{sfn|Luttrell|1995|p=360}} In 1809, Napoleon went on to suppress the Order of St Stephen, and the Teutonic Order was stripped of its German possessions before relocating to Vienna. At this point, its identity as a military order ended.{{sfn|Luttrell|1995|p=352}}
Military orders played a controversial role in the Baltic, most notably the Teutonic Knights who were founded in Palestine after the [[Siege of Acre (1189–1191)|Siege of Acre]] in the 1190s and modelled on the Templars. A precedent for the knights had already been set by the [[Livonian Brothers of the Sword]] and the [[Order of Dobrzyń]] who were founded to defend [[Riga]] and German commercial interests. The Teutonic Knights' strong links to German imperium diverted efforts from the Holy Land to Prussia and [[Livonia]]. The order conducted harsh and brutal suppression of the local populations, including Orthodox Christians. In this way Latin control was extended {{convert|300|mi|abbr=off}} to the east in the 13th{{nbsp}}century.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=202–203}}</ref> Historian [[Robert Bartlett (historian)|Robert Bartlett]] defines the conquest and organisation of power in the Baltic as part of a general movement for 'the expansion of Latin Christendom'. It was made possible by the crusading ideology placing the full machinery of the Church behind superior military technology. It enabled the recruitment of troops via preaching, the offer of spiritual rewards for combatants and the administrative machinery to establish government in the conquered territories.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 206">{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=206}}</ref>


In 1936, the Catholic church in Spain supported the coup of [[Francisco Franco]], declaring a crusade against [[Marxism]] and [[atheism]]. Thirty-six years of [[National Catholicism]] followed, during which the idea of Reconquista as a foundation of historical memory, celebration, and Spanish national identity became entrenched in conservative circles. Reconquista lost its historiographical hegemony when Spain restored democracy in 1978, but it remains a fundamental definition of the medieval period within conservative sectors of academia, politics, and the media because of its strong ideological connotations.<ref>{{Harvnb|García-Sanjuán|2018|p=4}}</ref>
===Late medieval and early modern crusades===


==Legacy==
{{anchor|Crusades of the 14th and 15th centuries}}
[[File:NikopolisSchlacht.jpg|thumb|right|upright=.9|The [[Battle of Nicopolis]] in a miniature by [[Jean Colombe]] titled ''Les Passages d'Outremer'', [[Bibliothèque nationale de France#Manuscript collection|BnF]] Fr 5594, c.{{nbsp}}1475 |alt=Image of the Battle of Nicopolis]] Crusades were launched during the 14th and 15th centuries to counter [[Ottoman conquest of the Balkans|further Ottoman expansion in the Balkans]]. The Ottomans had conquered most of the [[Balkans]] and reduced Byzantine influence to the area immediately surrounding [[Constantinople]] after their victory at the [[Battle of Kosovo]] in 1389. [[Pope Boniface IX]] proclaimed a new [[Crusade of Nicopolis]] to recover the city from the Ottomans, that ended in 1396 with a comprehensive defeat in the [[Battle of Nicopolis]] and left Bulgaria in Muslim hands for 500 years.<ref name="Davies 1997 391">{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|p=391}}</ref> As the Ottomans pressed westward, Sultan [[Murad II]] destroyed the last [[Crusade of Varna|papal-funded crusade]] at [[Varna]] on the [[Black Sea]] in 1444. Four years later, he crushed the [[Battle of Kosovo (1448)|last Hungarian expedition]].<ref name="Davies 1997 448">{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|p=448}}</ref> After the fall of Constantinople the crusading response was largely symbolic even when there was a genuine plan, such as [[Philip the Good|Duke Phillip of Burgundy's]] promotion of a crusade that never materialised at the [[Feast of the Pheasant]] in 1454.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=260}}</ref>


The crusading movement left an enduring legacy, defining western culture in the late medieval period and leaving an historical impact on the Islamic world. The impact touched every aspect of European life.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|1995|pp=4–5, 36}}
Venice was the only polity to continue to pose a significant threat to the Ottomans in the Mediterranean, but it pursued the "crusade" mostly for its commercial interests, leading to the protracted [[Ottoman–Venetian Wars]], which continued, with interruptions, until 1718. The end of crusading in terms of at least nominal efforts by Catholic Europe against Muslim incursions, came in the 16th{{nbsp}}century, when the [[Italian Wars|Franco-Imperial wars]] assumed continental proportions. King [[Francis I of France]] sought allies from all quarters, including from German Protestant princes and Muslims. Amongst these, he entered into one of the [[capitulations of the Ottoman Empire]] with Ottoman Sultan [[Suleiman the Magnificent]] while making common cause with [[Hayreddin Barbarossa]], an Ottoman admiral, and the Sultan's North African vassals.<ref>{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|pp=544–545}}</ref>

==Crusader states==

[[File:Map Crusader states 1135-en.svg|thumb|upright=1.35|Map of the eastern Mediterranean in 1135. The Frankish [[crusader states]] are indicated with a red cross {{color|red|☩}}: [[Kingdom of Jerusalem]], [[County of Tripoli]], [[Principality of Antioch]], County of Edessa. The [[Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia|Principality of Armenian Cilicia]] was a crusader state under Armenian ([[Rubenids|Rubenid]]) rule. The remnant of the [[Byzantine Empire]] is visible in the west; the (nascent) [[Seljuk Empire]] and [[Fatimid Caliphate|Fatimid Egypt]] are shown in green. |alt=Map of the states of the eastern Mediterranean in 1135]]

{{main|Crusader states}}

===Demography in the Outremer===

After the First Crusade's capture of Jerusalem and victory at Ascalon most crusaders considered their personal pilgrimage complete and returned to Europe. Godfrey of Bouillon found himself left with only 300 knights and 2,000 infantry to defend the territory won in the eastern Mediterranean.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 106"/> At this point the Franks held Jerusalem and two great Syrian cities—Antioch and Edessa—but not the surrounding country. Jerusalem remained economically underdeveloped despite the advantages of being the centre of administration of church and state and benefiting from streams of pilgrims.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|p= 87}}</ref> Modern research based on historical geography techniques indicate that Muslims and indigenous Christian populations were less integrated than previously thought. Palestinian Christians lived around Jerusalem and in an arc stretching from [[Jericho]] and [[Jordan River|the Jordan]] to [[Hebron]] in the south. Central areas appear to have had a Muslim majority population from the 6th{{nbsp}}century, when the [[Samaritans|Samarian]] communities were destroyed. These communities were thought to be of near equivalent size.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 131"/>

The Frankish population of the Kingdom of Jerusalem became concentrated in three major cities. By the 13th{{nbsp}}century the population of [[Tyre, Lebanon|Tyre]] probably exceeded 60,000, then came Acre and the capital itself was the smallest of the three with a population somewhere between 20,000 and 30,000.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|p=82}}</ref> At the zenith of the crusader states, the total Latin population of the region reached around 250,000 with the kingdom of Jerusalem amounting to about 120,000 and the total combined numbers in Tripoli, Antioch and Edessa being broadly similar.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|p=396}}</ref> By way of context, Josiah Russell estimates the population of Islamic territory in the region as 12.5 million in 1000{{mdash}}Anatolia 8 million, Syria 2 million, Egypt 1.5 million and North Arica 1 million {{mdash}} with the European areas that provided crusaders having a population of 23.7 million. He estimates that by 1200 that these figures had risen to 35.6 million in Islamic territory{{mdash}}Anatolia 7 million, Syria 2.7 million, Egypt 2.5 million and North Africa 1.5 million{{mdash}} while the Crusader's home countries population was 35.6 million.<ref>{{Harvnb|Russell|1985|p=298}}</ref>

===Colonisation===

The new territories were based on shared language, family or feudal ties and the settlers' regions of origin. The [[Principality of Antioch]], founded in 1098 and ruled by Bohemond, became Norman in character and custom. The Kingdom of Jerusalem, founded in 1099, followed the traditions of northern France. The [[County of Tripoli]], founded in 1104 (although the city of Tripoli itself remained in Muslim control until 1109) by [[Raymond de Saint-Gilles]] became [[Provence|Provençal]]. The County of Edessa, founded in 1098, differed in that although it was ruled by men from northern France, relatives of the [[counts of Boulogne]] and [[House of Courtenay|lords of Courtenay]], its largely [[Armenians|Armenian]] and Jacobite native nobility was preserved.<ref name="Prawer 2001 60–63"/><ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=147–150}}</ref> These states were the first examples of "Europe overseas". They are generally known by historians as ''Outremer'', from the [[French language|French]] ''outre-mer'' ("overseas" in English).<ref>{{OED|Outremer}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Riley-Smith|2005|pp=50–51}}</ref>

===Ethnic segregation===

The [[right of conquest|"Law of Conquest"]] supported the seizure of land and property by impecunious crusaders from the indigenous population, enabling poor men to become rich and part of the nobility. However some historians, like Andrew Jotischky, question the model once proposed, where the primary motivation was understood in sociological and economic rather than spiritual terms.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=37–38}}</ref> The Franks did not distinguish on grounds of religion; the basic division in society was between Frank and non-Frank, and not between Christian and Muslim. The new Frankish rulers did not expel the native population but adopted strict segregation and at no point attempted to integrate it by way of religious conversion. In this way the crusaders created a colonial nobility that perpetuated itself through an incessant flow of religious pilgrims and settlers keen to take economic advantage.<ref name="Prawer 2001 60–63">{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=60–63}}</ref>

The key differentiator in status and economic position in the crusader states was between urban and rural dwellers. There was no Frankish peasantry; this was a role fulfilled by the native peoples. The Franks imposed their own feudal culture on agricultural production which made little difference to the conditions of the rural population. However, the Muslim poll tax on non-Muslims was reversed. This enabled the feudal Lords to raise punitive levels of revenue from indigenous peoples, whether Muslim, Jewish or Christian. Very few Muslims lived in urban areas except those in servitude, although indigenous Christians could gain legal status and acquire wealth through commerce and industry in towns.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=128–129}}</ref>

===Communes===

[[File:crusader coins of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.jpg|thumb|350px|Crusader coins of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Left: [[French denier|Denier]] in European style with [[Holy Sepulchre]] (1162–75). Centre: [[Kufic]] gold [[bezant]] (1140–80). Right: gold bezant with Christian symbol (1250s). Gold coins were first copied dinars and bore Kufic script, but after 1250 [[Christian symbols]] were added following papal complaints (British Museum)|alt= Photograph of three crusader coins from the British Museum. Left: A Denier in European style with Holy Sepulchre (1162–75). Centre: a Kufic gold bezant (1140–80). Right: gold bezant with Christian symbol (1250s). Gold coins were first copied dinars and bore Kufic script, but after 1250 [[Christian symbols]] were added following papal complaints]]Largely based in the ports of Acre and Tyre, Italian, Provençal and Spanish communes had distinct cultural characteristics and exerted significant political power. Separate from the Frankish nobles or burgesses, the communes were autonomous political entities closely linked to their countries of origin. This gave the inhabitants the ability to monopolise foreign trade and almost all banking and shipping in the crusader states. Every opportunity to extend trade privileges was taken. One example saw the Venetians receiving one-third of Tyre, its territories and exemption from all taxes, after Venice participated in the successful [[Siege of Tyre (1124)|1124 siege]] of the city. Despite all efforts, the two ports were unable to replace Alexandria and Constantinople as the primary centres of commerce in the region.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=85–87}}</ref> Instead, the communes competed with the [[king of Jerusalem]] and each other to maintain economic advantage. Power derived from the support of the communards' native cities rather than their number, which never reached more than hundreds. Thus, by the middle of the 13th{{nbsp}}century, the rulers of the communes were barely required to recognise the authority of the crusaders and divided Acre into several fortified miniature republics.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=87–93}}</ref>

===Military===

Records preserved by [[John of Ibelin (jurist)|John of Ibelin]] indicate that the military force of the kingdom of Jerusalem was based on a feudal host of about 647 to 675 knights in 1170. Each [[feudatory]] would also provide his own armed retainers. This force would be augmented by mercenary ''serjants'' and John records 5,025 of these. In times of emergency, the king could also call upon a general muster of the population. Historian [[Joshua Prawer]] estimates that the military orders could match the fighting strength of the king's army. This means the total military strength of the kingdom can be estimated at 1,200 knights and 10,000 ''serjants''. This indicates further territorial gains were possible, but these were likely to be nothing more than ephemeral because of a lack of the required numbers to maintain military domination. This demographic lack of numbers was also a problem defensively. Putting an army into the field required draining every crusader castle and city of all able-bodied fighting men. In the case of a defeat such as the battle of Hattin, there remained no one to resist the invaders. Muslim armies were incohesive and seldom campaigned beyond a period between sowing and harvest. As a result, the crusaders adopted delaying tactics when faced with a superior invading Muslim force. They would avoid direct confrontation, instead retreating to strongholds and waiting for the Muslim army to disperse. It took generations before the Muslims recognised that the destruction of the walled cities and castles would end crusader rule. This strategic change forced the crusaders away from the tactic of gaining and holding territory, including Jerusalem. Instead the aim was to attack and destroy Egypt. By removing this constant regional challenge, the Crusaders hoped to gain the necessary time to improve the kingdom's demographic weakness.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=327–333}}</ref>

===Latin rule in Greece===
{{Main|Frankokratia}}

[[File:LatinEmpire2.png|thumb|upright=2.0|alt= Multi-coloured map of [[Latin Empire|Latin]] and [[Byzantine Empire]]s|Map of the Latin and Byzantine Empires in 1205. Green marks the dated acquisitions of Venice, Pink the Greek successor states of the Byzantine Empire while shades of Purple indicate the Latin Empire and its vassal states.]]The conquest of Christian Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade created a significant increase in the Frankish crusader presence in the eastern Mediterranean. Those crusaders that remained established control over the city, [[Thrace]], Greece, the extreme north west of Anatolia as well as the [[Ionian Islands|Ionian]] and [[Aegean Islands]]. A council of six Venetians and six Franks selected [[Baldwin I, Latin Emperor|Count Baldwin of Flanders]] as a new Latin Emperor.<ref name="Jotischky 2004 206"/> This established a Latin Empire in the east and partitioned the Byzantine territory. Venice gained a [[Stato da Màr|maritime domain]] including one-eighth of Constantinople, [[Istria]], [[Venetian Dalmatia|Dalmatia]], [[Venetian Albania|Albania]], [[Lordship of Negroponte|Negroponte]], the [[Kingdom of the Morea]], the [[Aegean Sea|Aegean]] islands of the [[Duchy of the Archipelago]], the islands of [[Crete]] and the [[Kingdom of Candia]].

The Venetians endured a long standing conflict with the Ottoman Empire until the final possessions were lost in the [[Ottoman–Venetian War (1714–1718)|Seventh Ottoman–Venetian War]] in the 18th{{nbsp}}century. This period of [[History of Greece|Greek history]] is known as the ''[[Frankokratia]]'' or ''Latinokratia'' ("Frankish or Latin rule") and designates a period when Catholic western European nobles, primarily from France and Italy, ruled over the [[Eastern Orthodox Church|Orthodox]] [[Byzantine Greeks]] on former Byzantine territory.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=206–212}}</ref>

==Military orders==
{{Main|Military order (religious society)}}
[[Image:Baldwin II ceeding the Temple of Salomon to Hugues de Payens and Gaudefroy de Saint-Homer.jpg|thumb|13th-century miniature of [[Baldwin II of Jerusalem]] granting the captured [[Al Aqsa Mosque]] to [[Hugues de Payens]]|alt=13th-century miniature of King Baldwin II granting the captured Al Aqsa Mosque to Hugues de Payens]]
The crusaders' propensity to follow the customs of their Western European homelands meant that there were very few innovations developed from the culture in the crusader states. Three notable exceptions to this are the military orders, warfare and fortifications.<ref>{{harvnb| Prawer|2001| p=252}}</ref> The Knights Hospitaller, formally the Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, were founded in Jerusalem before the First Crusade but added a martial element to their ongoing medical functions to become a much larger military order.<ref>{{harvnb|Asbridge|2012|p=169}}</ref> In this way the knighthood entered the previously monastic and ecclesiastical sphere.<ref>{{harvnb| Prawer|2001| p=253}}</ref>

Military orders like the Knights Hospitaller and Knights Templar provided Latin Christendom's first professional armies in support of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states. The Templars, formally the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ and the Temple of Solomon, and their [[Al-Aqsa Mosque|Temple of Solomon]] were founded around 1119 by a small band of knights who dedicated themselves to protecting pilgrims en{{nbsp}}route to Jerusalem.<ref>{{harvnb| Asbridge|2012| p= 168}}</ref> The Hospitallers and the Templars became supranational organisations as papal support led to rich donations of land and revenue across Europe. This, in turn, led to a steady flow of new recruits and the wealth to maintain multiple fortifications in the crusader states. In time, they developed into autonomous powers in the region.<ref>{{harvnb| Asbridge|2012|pp=169–170}}</ref> After the fall of Acre the Hospitallers first relocated to Cyprus, then conquered and ruled [[Rhodes]] (1309–1522) and Malta (1530–1798), and [[Sovereign Military Order of Malta|continue in existence to the present-day]]. King [[Philip IV of France]] probably had financial and political reasons to oppose the Knights Templar, which led to him exerting pressure on [[Pope Clement V]]. The pope responded in 1312, with a series of papal bulls including ''[[Vox in excelso]]'' and ''[[Ad providam]]'' that dissolved the order on the alleged and probably false grounds of sodomy, magic and heresy.<ref name="Davies 1997 359">{{Harvnb|Davies|1997|p=359}}</ref>

==Art and architecture==
{{Further|Art of the crusades}}

[[File:Crac des chevaliers syria.jpeg|thumb|12th-century [[Knights Hospitaller]] castle of [[Krak des Chevaliers]] in Syria, one of the first castles to use concentric fortification, i.e. concentric rings of defence that could all operate at the same time. It has two curtain walls and sits on a promontory.|alt=photograph of 12th-century Hospitaller castle of Krak des Chevaliers in Syria showing concentric rings of defence, curtain walls and location sitting on a promontory.]]According to Joshua Prawer no major European poet, theologian, scholar or historian settled in the crusader states. Some went on pilgrimage, and this is reflected in new imagery and ideas in the important area of western poetry. Although they did not migrate East themselves, their output often encouraged others to journey on pilgrimage to the east.<ref>{{harvnb| Prawer|2001| p=468}}</ref>

Historians consider military architecture{{mdash}}demonstrating a synthesis of the European, Byzantine and Muslim traditions{{mdash}}the most original and impressive artistic achievement of the crusades. Castles were a tangible symbol of the dominance of a Latin Christian minority over a largely hostile majority population. They also acted as centres of administration.<ref>{{harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=280–281}}</ref> Modern historiography rejects the 19th-century consensus that Westerners learnt the basis of military architecture from the Near East, as Europe had already experienced rapid growth in defensive technology before the First Crusade. Direct contact with Arab fortifications originally constructed by the Byzantines did influence developments in the east. But the lack of documentary evidence means that it remains difficult to differentiate between the importance of this design culture and the constraints of situation, which led to the inclusion of oriental design features such as large water reservoirs and the exclusion of occidental features like moats.<ref>{{harvnb|Prawer|2001|pp=295–296}}</ref>

Typically, early church design was in the [[French Romanesque architecture|French Romanesque]] style. This can be seen in the 12th-century rebuilding of the Holy Sepulchre. It retained some of the Byzantine details, but new arches and chapels were built to northern French, Aquitanian and Provençal patterns. There is little trace of any surviving indigenous influence in sculpture, although in the Holy Sepulchre the [[Capital (architecture)|column capitals]] of the south facade follow classical Syrian patterns.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|p=146}}</ref>

In contrast to architecture and sculpture, it is in the area of visual culture that the assimilated nature of the society was demonstrated. Throughout the 12th and 13th centuries the influence of indigenous artists was demonstrated in the decoration of shrines, painting and the production of manuscripts. In addition, Frankish practitioners borrowed methods from the Byzantines and indigenous artists and iconographical practice. Monumental and panel painting, mosaics and illuminations in manuscripts adopted an indigenous style leading to a cultural synthesis illustrated by the [[Church of the Nativity]]. Wall mosaics were unknown in the west but in widespread use in the crusader states. Whether this was by indigenous craftsmen or learnt by Frankish ones is unknown, but a distinctive original artistic style evolved.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=145–146}}</ref>

Manuscripts were produced and illustrated in workshops housing Italian, French, English and local craftsmen leading to a cross-fertilisation of ideas and techniques. An example of this is the [[Melisende Psalter]], created by several hands in a workshop attached to the Holy Sepulchre. This style could have either reflected or influenced the taste of patrons of the arts. But what is seen is an increase in stylised Byzantine-influenced content. This even extended to the production of [[icons]], unknown at the time to the Franks, sometimes in a Frankish style and even of western saints. This is seen as the origin of Italian panel painting.<ref>{{Harvnb|Jotischky|2004|pp=147–149}}</ref> While it is difficult to track illumination of manuscripts and castle design back to their sources textual sources are simpler. The translations made in Antioch are notable, but they are considered of secondary importance to the works emanating from Muslim Spain and from the hybrid culture of Sicily.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 667–668"/>

==Legacy==


Historians have debated whether the Latin States created by the movement in the Eastern Europe were the first examples of [[History of colonialism|European colonialism]]. The ''Outremer'' is the name that is often used for these states. This translates as a ''Europe Overseas''.{{sfn|Davies|1997|p=359}}{{sfn|Morris|1989|p=282}} In mid-19th{{nbsp}}century historiography this became a focus for European [[nationalism]] and associated with European colonialism.{{sfn|Madden|2013|p=227}}{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=4-5}} This is a view that was contested. The Latin settlements did not easily fit to the model of a colony. They were neither directly controlled or exploited by a homeland. Historians have used the idea of a religious colony in order to accommodate these discrepancies in their colonial theories. A different definition covers a territory conquered and settled with religious motivation. This territory maintains close contact with its homeland, share the same religious views and requires support in both military and financial terms. [[Frankokratia|Venetian Greece]] carved out of the Byzantine Empire as a result of the crusading movement following the Fourth Crusade offers a better match to the traditional model of colonialism. Venice had a political and economic stake in these territories. Indeed, this was to such a degree that the region attracted settlers that would otherwise migrated to the Latin East. It this way its success actually weakened the crusader states.{{sfn|Phillips|1995|pp=112–113}}
The Kingdom of Jerusalem was the first experiment in [[European colonialism]], setting up the Outremer as a "Europe Overseas". The raising, transportation, and supply of large armies led to flourishing [[Trade route|trade]] between Europe and the Outremer. The Italian city-states of Genoa and Venice flourished, planting profitable trading colonies in the eastern Mediterranean.<ref>{{Harvnb|Housley|2006|pp=152–154}}</ref> The crusades consolidated the papal leadership of the Latin Church, reinforcing the link between Western Christendom, feudalism, and militarism and increased the tolerance of the clergy for violence.<ref name="Davies 1997 359–360" /> Muslim libraries contained classical Greek and Roman texts that allowed Europe to rediscover pre-Christian philosophy, science and medicine.<ref>{{Harvnb|Nicholson|2004|pp=93–94}}</ref> The growth of the system of indulgences became a catalyst for the [[Reformation]] in the early 16th{{nbsp}}century.<ref>{{Harvnb| Housley |2006|pp=147–149}}</ref> The crusades also had a role in the formation and institutionalisation of the military and the [[Dominican Order|Dominican]] orders as well as of the [[Medieval Inquisition]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Strayer|1992|p=143}}</ref>


The crusading movement created a flourishing system of [[Trade route|trade]] in the Mediterranean. New routes were created to serve the Outremer with [[Republic of Genoa|Genoa]] and Venice planting profitable trading outposts across the region.
The behaviour of the crusaders in the eastern Mediterranean area appalled the Greeks and Muslims, creating a lasting barrier between the Latin world and the Islamic and Orthodox religions. This became an obstacle to the reunification of the Christian church and fostered a perception of Westerners as defeated aggressors.<ref name="Davies 1997 359–360" /> Many historians argue that the interaction between the western Christian and Islamic cultures played a significant, ultimately positive, part in the development of European civilisation and the [[Renaissance]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Nicholson|2004|p=96}}</ref> Relations between Europeans and the Islamic world, stretched across the entire length of the Mediterranean Sea, led to an improved perception of Islamic culture in the West. But this broad area of interaction also makes it difficult for historians to identify the specific sources of cultural cross-fertilisation.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 667–668">{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=667–668}}</ref>
{{sfn|Housley|2006|pp=152–154}} Many historians argue that the increasingly frequent contact between the Latin Christian and Islamic cultures was a positive. It was foundational in the progress of European civilisation and the [[Renaissance]].{{sfn|Nicholson|2004|p=96}} Closer contact with the Muslim and Byzantine worlds enabled access for western European scholars to classical Greek and Roman texts. This led to the rediscovery by pre-Christian philosophy, science, and medicine.{{sfn|Nicholson|2004|pp=93–94}} It is difficult to identify exactly the source of cultural interchange. The increase of knowledge of Islamic culture was the result of contact that stretched the breadth of the [[Mediterranean Sea]].{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=667–668}}


Historical parallelism and the tradition of drawing inspiration from the Middle Ages have become keystones of [[political Islam]] encouraging ideas of a modern jihad and long struggle while secular [[Arab nationalism]] highlights the role of [[western imperialism]].<ref name="Asbridge 2012 675–680">{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=675–680}}</ref> Muslim thinkers, politicians and historians have drawn parallels between the crusades and modern political developments such as the mandates given for the governance of [[French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon|Syria, Lebanon]], [[Mandatory Palestine|Palestine]], and Israel by the United Nations.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asbridge|2012|pp=674–675}}</ref> Right-wing circles in the [[Western world]] have drawn opposing parallels, considering Christianity to be under an Islamic religious and demographic threat that is analogous to the situation at the time of the crusades. Crusader symbols and [[Criticism of Islam|anti-Islamic]] rhetoric are presented as an appropriate response, even if only for [[propaganda]] purposes. These symbols and rhetoric are used to provide a religious justification and inspiration for a struggle against a religious enemy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Koch|2017|p=1}}</ref> Some historians, such as [[Thomas F. Madden]], argue that modern tensions are the result of a constructed view of the crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th{{nbsp}}century and transmitted into Arab nationalism. For him the crusades are a medieval phenomenon in which the crusaders were engaged in a defensive war on behalf of their co-religionists.<ref>{{Harvnb|Madden|2013|pp=204–205}}</ref>
The movement enabled the papacy to consolidate its leadership of the Latin church. The clergy became inured to violence, while the church developed closer links with [[feudalism]] and military capability.{{sfn|Davies|1997|p=359}} The [[Medieval Inquisition]], Dominican and military orders as were all institutionalised.{{sfn|Strayer|1992|p=143}} A catalyst for the Reformation was the growing opposition to developments in the use of indulgences.{{sfn| Housley |2006|pp=147–149}} Relations between western Christians, the Greeks and the Muslims were also soured by the behaviour of the crusaders. These differences became an enduring barrier between the Latin, the Orthodox and Islamic worlds. The crusading movement had a reputation of a defeated aggressor and unification of the Christian churches became problematic.{{sfn|Davies|1997|p=359}} [[Political Islam]] makes historical parallels, provoking paradigms of jihad and struggle. [[Arab nationalism]] looks on the movement as an example of [[Western imperialism]].{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=675–680}} Thinkers, politicians, and historians in the Islamic world draw an equivalence with more recent events like the [[League of Nations]] [[French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon|mandates to govern Syria, Lebanon]], [[Mandatory Palestine|Palestine]], and the [[United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine]].{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=674–675}} An opposing analogy has developed in [[Western world]] right-wing circles. Here, Christianity is considered to be under an similar existential Islamic religious and demographic threat. The result is [[Criticism of Islam|anti-Islamic]] rhetoric and symbols. This provides an argument for a contest with a religious foe.{{sfn|Koch|2017|p=1}} [[Thomas F. Madden]] argues that these modern tensions are the result of constructed view developed during the 19th{{nbsp}}century by the colonial powers. This in turn led to the rise of Arab nationalism. For Madden, the crusading movement is a defensive and solely medieval phenomenon.{{sfn|Madden|2013|pp=204–205}}


==Historiography==
==Historiography==


{{Main|Historiography of the Crusades}}
{{main|Historiography of the Crusades|Islamic views on the crusades}}


Almost immediately, the First Crusade provoked literary examination. Initially this served as propaganda for the crusading movement and was based on a few separate but related works. One of these, {{lang|la|Gesta Francorum}} literally translates as the deeds of the Franks. It created a template for later works based on papal, northern French, and [[Benedictines|Benedictine]] ideas. It considered military success or failure entirely to God's will in its promotion of violent action.{{sfn|Tyerman |2011|pp=8–12}}
===Medieval===


[[Albert of Aachen]] produced contrasting vernacular stories of adventure.{{sfn|Tyerman |2011|pp=16–17}} At this point the early chroniclers concentrated on the moral lessons that could be taken from the crusades. This reinforced normative moral and cultural positions.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=32}} Academic crusade historian Paul Chevedden argued that the early accounts were already an [[anachronism]]. The writers were writing with the knowledge of the unexpected success of the First Crusade. For Chevedden, more can be learned about how the crusading movement was viewed in the 11th{{nbsp}}century in the works of Urban II who died ignorant of the crusade's success.{{sfn|Chevedden|2013|p=13}} Albert's adventure stories were developed and extended in turn by [[William of Tyre]] before the end of the 12th{{nbsp}}century.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=16–17}} William documented the early history of the military [[Crusader States]]. In this he illustrated the tension between secular and [[wikt:providential|providential]] motivation.{{sfn|Tyerman |2011|pp=16–17}}
[[File:CouncilofClermont.jpg|thumb|Illustration of the [[Council of Clermont]], [[Jean Colombe]], ''Les Passages d'Outremer'', BnF Fr{{nbsp}}5594, c.{{nbsp}}1475 |alt=Illustration of the Council of Clermont]]Originally, medieval understanding of the crusades was narrowly focussed on a limited set of interrelated texts, most notably ''[[Gesta Francorum]]'' which possibly dates from as early as 1099. This created a papalist, northern French and Benedictine template for later works. These all demonstrated a degree of martial advocacy that attributed both success and failure to God's will.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman |2011|pp=8–12}}</ref> This clerical view was soon challenged by vernacular adventure stories based on the work of [[Albert of Aachen]]. The historian [[William of Tyre]] expanded on Albert's writing in his ''Historia''. Completed by 1200, William's work describes the warrior state the Outremer had become through the tensions between the [[wikt:providential|providential]] and secular.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman |2011|pp=16–17}}</ref> Medieval crusade historiography remained more interested in presenting moralistic lessons than information, extolling the crusades as a moral exemplar and a cultural norm.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|p=32}}</ref>


In the 16th{{nbsp}}century the [[Reformation]] and the Ottoman expansion shaped opinion. Protestant [[Martyrology|martyrologist]] [[John Foxe]] writing in his 1566 work ''History of the Turks'' blamed the sins of the Catholic Church for the failure of the crusades. He also criticised the use of crusading against those he considered had maintained the faith, such as the Albigensians and Waldensians. The Lutheran scholar Matthew Dresser (1536–1607) went further. He praised for their faith, but considered that Urban II was motivated by his conflict with [[Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor|Emperor Henry IV]]. Dresser considered that the flaw in the crusading movement was that the idea of restoring the physical holy places was "detestable superstition".{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=38–42}} One of the first to number the crusades was the French Catholic lawyer [[Étienne Pasquier]]. His suggestion was that there were six. In his work he highlighted the failures. In addition he raised the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. The key points were the victims of papal aggression, the sale of indulgences, abuses in the church, corruption, and conflicts at home.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=47–50}}
===Reformation===


[[Age of Enlightenment]] philosopher-historians such as [[David Hume]], [[Voltaire]] and [[Edward Gibbon]] used crusading as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilisation and cultural mores. For them the positives effects of crusading, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities were able to purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. This view was then criticised in the 19th{{nbsp}}century by crusade enthusiasts as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the crusades.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=79}} Alternatively, [[Claude Fleury]] and [[Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz]] proposed that the crusades were one stage in the improvement of European civilisation; that paradigm was further developed by the [[Rationalism|Rationalists]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=67}}
Attitudes toward the crusades during the Reformation were shaped by the radical fragmentation of religious orthodoxy, the perceived threat of the Ottomans and the [[French Wars of Religion]]. Protestant martyrist [[John Foxe]] in his ''History of the Turks'' (1566) blamed the sins of the Roman church for the failure of the crusades. He also condemned the use of crusades against those he considered had maintained the faith, such as the Albigensians and [[Waldensians]]. Lutheran scholar Matthew Dresser (1536–1607) extended this view. The crusaders were lauded for their faith but Urban II's motivation was seen as part of his conflict with German Emperor Henry IV. On this view, the crusade was flawed, and the idea of restoring the physical Holy Places was "detestable superstition".<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman |2011|pp=38–42}}</ref> French Catholic lawyer [[Étienne Pasquier]] (1529–1615) is thought to be the first to number the crusades; he suggested there were six. His work highlighted the failures of the crusades and the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. It lists victims of papal aggression, [[Indulgence|sale of indulgences]], church abuses, corruption, and conflicts at home.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|pp=47–50}}</ref>


The idea that the crusades were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In scholarly literature, the term "holy war" was replaced by the neutral German ''kreuzzug'' and French ''croisade''.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=71}} Gibbon followed [[Thomas Fuller]] in dismissing the concept that the crusades were a legitimate defence, as they were disproportionate to the threat presented; Palestine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|p=87}} [[William Robertson (historian)|William Robertson]] expanded on Fleury in a new, empirical, objective approach, placing crusading in a narrative of progress towards modernity. The cultural consequences of growth in trade, the rise of the Italian cities and progress are elaborated in his work. In this he influenced his student [[Walter Scott]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=80–86}} Much of the popular understanding of the crusades derives from the 19th{{nbsp}}century novels of Scott and the French histories by [[Joseph François Michaud]].{{sfn|Tyerman|2019|pp=448–449,454}} Michaud's viewpoint provoked Muslim attitudes. Previously, the crusading movement had aroused little interest among Islamic and Arabic scholars. This changed with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the penetration of European power into the Eastern Mediterrarean.{{sfn|Asbridge |2012 |pp=675–680}}
===Enlightenment===


In a 2001 article{{mdash}}"The Historiography of the Crusades"{{mdash}}Giles Constable attempted to categorise what is meant by "Crusade" into four areas of contemporary crusade study. His view was that ''Traditionalists'' such as [[Hans Eberhard Mayer]] are concerned with where the crusades were aimed, ''Pluralists'' such as [[Jonathan Riley-Smith]] concentrate on how the crusades were organised, ''Popularists'' including Paul Alphandery and Etienne Delaruelle focus on the popular groundswells of religious fervour, and ''Generalists'', such as Ernst-Dieter Hehl focus on the phenomenon of Latin holy wars.{{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=225–226}}{{sfn|Constable|2001|pp=1–22}} The historian [[Thomas F. Madden]] argues that modern tensions are the result of a constructed view of the crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th{{nbsp}}century and transmitted into Arab nationalism. For him the crusades are a medieval phenomenon in which the crusaders were engaged in a [[defensive war]] on behalf of their co-religionists.{{sfn|Madden|2013|pp=204–205}}
[[Age of Enlightenment]] philosopher historians such as [[David Hume]], [[Voltaire]] and [[Edward Gibbon]] used crusading as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilisation and cultural mores. For them the positives effects of crusading, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities were able to purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. This view was then criticised in the 19th{{nbsp}}century by crusade enthusiasts as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the crusades.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|p=79}}</ref> Alternatively, [[Claude Fleury]] and [[Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz]] proposed that the crusades were one stage in the improvement of European Civilisation; that paradigm was further developed by [[Rationalism|Rationalists]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|p=67}}</ref>


The Byzantines harboured a negative perspective on holy warfare, failing to grasp the concept of the Crusades and finding them repugnant. Although some initially embraced Westerners due to a common Christianity, their trust soon waned. With a pragmatic approach, the Byzantines prioritised strategic locations such as Antioch over sentimental objectives like Jerusalem. They couldn't comprehend the merging of pilgrimage and warfare. The advocacy for infidel eradication by St. Bernard and the militant role of the Templars would deeply shock them. Suspicions arose among the Byzantines that Westerners aimed for imperial conquest, leading to growing animosity. Despite occasionally using the term "holy war" in historical contexts, Byzantine conflicts were not inherently holy but perceived as just, defending the empire and Christian faith. War, to the Byzantines, was justified solely for the defence of the empire, in contrast to Muslim expansionist ideals and Western knights' notion of holy warfare to glorify Christianity.{{sfn|Dennis|2001|pp=31-40}}
In France the idea that the crusades were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In academic circles the phrase “Holy War” was the main descriptor, but the more neutral terms ''kreuzzug'' from German and the French ''croisade'' became established. The word "crusade" entered the English language in the 18th{{nbsp}}century as a hybrid from Spanish, French and Latin.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|p=71}}</ref> Gibbon followed [[Thomas Fuller]] in dismissing the concept that the crusades were a legitimate defence as they were disproportionate to the threat presented. Palestine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|p=87}}</ref>


Scholars like [[Carole Hillenbrand]] assert that within the broader context of Muslim historical events, the Crusades were considered a marginal issue when compared to the collapse of the [[Caliphate]], the [[Mongol invasions]], and the rise of the Turkish Ottoman Empire, supplanting [[Arabs|Arab]] rule.{{sfn|Hillenbrand|1999|p=5}} Arab historians, influenced by historical opposition to Turkish control over their homelands, adopted a Western perspective on the Crusades.{{sfn|Hillenbrand|1999|p=5}} Syrian Christians proficient in Arabic played a vital role by translating French histories into Arabic. The first modern biography of Saladin was authored by the Ottoman Turk [[Namık Kemal]] in 1872, while the Egyptian Sayyid Ali al-Hariri produced the initial Arabic history of the Crusades in response to Kaiser [[Wilhelm II]]'s visit to Jerusalem in 1898.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=675–677}} The visit triggered a renewed interest in Saladin, who had previously been overshadowed by more recent leaders like [[Baybars]]. The reinterpretation of Saladin as a hero against Western imperialism gained traction among nationalist Arabs, fueled by anti-imperialist sentiment.{{sfn|Riley-Smith|2009|pp=6–66}} The intersection of history and contemporary politics is evident in the development of ideas surrounding jihad and Arab nationalism. Historical parallels between the Crusades and modern political events, such as the establishment of [[Israel]] in 1948, have been drawn.{{sfn|Asbridge|2012|pp=674–675}} In contemporary Western discourse, right-wing perspectives have emerged, viewing Christianity as under threat analogous to the Crusades, using crusader symbols and anti-Islamic rhetoric for propaganda purposes.{{sfn|Koch|2017|p=1}} Madden argues that Arab nationalism absorbed a constructed view of the Crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century, contributing to modern tensions. Madden suggests that the crusading movement, from a medieval perspective, engaged in a [[defensive war]] on behalf of co-religionists.{{sfn|Madden|2013|pp=204–205}}
[[William Robertson (historian)|William Robertson]] expanded on Fleury in a new, empirical, objective approach placing crusading in a narrative of progress towards modernity. The cultural consequences of growth in trade, the rise of the Italian cities and progress are elaborated in his work. In this he influenced his student [[Walter Scott]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|pp=80–86}}</ref> Jonathan Riley-Smith considers that much of the popular understanding of the crusades derives from the 19th{{nbsp}}century novels of Scott and the French histories by [[Joseph François Michaud]].

===Contemporary historiography===

In a influential article published in 2001 [[Giles Constable]] attempted to define four categories of contemporary crusade study. ''Traditionalists'' such as [[Hans Eberhard Mayer]] were concerned with where the crusades were aimed and restricted themselves to those crusades aiming to recover Jerusalem. ''Pluralists'' such as [[Jonathan Riley-Smith]] concentrated on how the crusades were organised and included all campaigns with vows and privileges, not only in the Holy Land. ''Popularists'' including Paul Alphandery and Etienne Delaruelle focussed on those that were characterised by popular groundswells of religious fervour including the First, [[Children's Crusade|Children's]] and [[Shepherds' Crusade (1320)|Shepherds']] Crusades. The fourth, widest and final category, ''Generalists'', such as Ernst-Dieter Hehl regard crusades as Latin holy wars{{mdash}}deo auctore.<ref>{{Harvnb|Tyerman|2011|pp=225–2266}}</ref>

===Muslim historiography===

The Muslim world exhibited little interest in European culture until the 16th{{nbsp}}century and in the crusades until the middle of the 19th{{nbsp}}century. There was no history of the crusades translated into Arabic until 1865 and no published work by a Muslim until 1899.<ref>{{Harvnb|Nicholson|2004|p=95}}</ref> In the late 19th{{nbsp}}century, Arabic-speaking Syrian Christians began translating French histories into Arabic, leading to the replacement of the term "wars of the Ifranj"{{snd}}Franks{{snd}}with ''al-hurub al Salabiyya''{{snd}}wars of the Cross. [[Namık Kemal]] published the first modern Saladin biography in 1872. The Jerusalem visit in 1898 of [[Wilhelm II, German Emperor|Kaiser Wilhelm]] prompted further interest, with Sayyid Ali al-Hariri producing the first Arabic history of the crusades.<ref name="Asbridge 2012 675–680"/>


==See also==
==See also==
Line 271: Line 197:
* [[List of principal crusaders]]
* [[List of principal crusaders]]
* [[List of Crusader castles]]
* [[List of Crusader castles]]
* [[Women in the Crusades]]

* [[Criticism of crusading]]
==Notes==
{{notelist-ua|30em}}


==References==
==References==
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==Bibliography==
==Bibliography==
{{refbegin|30em}}
{{refbegin|30em}}
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* {{cite book|last=Madden|first=Thomas F.|authorlink=Thomas F. Madden|title=The Concise History of the Crusades|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers|year=2013|edition=Third|isbn=978-1-442-21576-4|ref=harv}}
* {{cite book|last=Housley|first=Norman|author-link=Norman Housley|chapter=The Crusading Movement 1271-1700|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|pages=260–294|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|year=1995|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Nicholson|first=Helen|title=The Crusades|publisher=[[Greenwood Publishing Group]]|year=2004|isbn=978-0-313-32685-1|ref=harv|url=https://archive.org/details/crusades00nich}}
* {{cite book|last=Prawer|first=Joshua|authorlink=Joshua Prawer|title=The Crusaders' Kingdom|publisher=Phoenix Press|year=2001|isbn=978-1-84212-224-2|ref=harv}}
* {{cite book|last=Housley|first=Norman|author-link=Norman Housley|title=Religious Warfare in Europe, 1400-1536|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|year=2002|isbn=0-19-820811-1}}
* {{cite book|last=Riley-Smith|first=Jonathan|author-link=Jonathan Riley-Smith|title=The Crusades: A Short History|edition=Second|publisher=[[Yale University Press]]|year=2005|isbn=978-0-300-10128-7|ref=harv|url=https://archive.org/details/00book837650140}}
* {{cite book|last=Housley|first=Norman|author-link=Norman Housley|title=Contesting the Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/housley-contesting-the-crusades/page/n3/mode/2up|publisher=[[Blackwell Publishing]]|year=2006|isbn=978-1-4051-1189-8}}
* {{cite book|last=Russell|first=Josiah C.|chapter=The Population of the Crusader States|pages=295&ndash;314|editor-last1=Zacour|editor-first1=Norman P.|editor-last2=Hazard| editor-first2=Harry W.|title=A History of the Crusades|chapter-url=https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=tgfMNfBIgSwC|volume=5 The Impact of the Crusades on the Near East|year=1985|publisher=The University of Wisconsin Press|isbn=0-299-09140-6|ref=harv}}
* {{cite book|last=Jotischky|first=Andrew|title=Crusading and the Crusader States|publisher=[[Longman|Pearson Longman]]|year=2004|edition=1st|isbn=978-0-582-41851-6|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rTUlDwAAQBAJ}}
* {{cite book|first=Jay|last=Rubenstein|authorlink=Jay Rubenstein|title=Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for Apocalypse|publisher=[[Basic Books]]|year=2011|ref=harv|isbn=978-0-465-01929-8}}
* {{cite book|last=Jubb|first=M.|year=2005|chapter=The Crusaders' Perceptions of their Opponents|pages=225–244|editor-last=Nicholson|editor-first=Helen J.|title=Palgrave Advances in the Crusades|publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]]|isbn=978-1-4039-1237-4}}
* {{cite journal |last=Koch |first=Ariel |title=The New Crusaders: Contemporary Extreme Right Symbolism and Rhetoric |journal=[[Perspectives on Terrorism]] |volume=11 |issue=5 |date=2017 |pages=13–24 |url=http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/index.php/pot/article/view/641/html |issn=2334-3745 |access-date=2020-10-04 |archive-date=2021-03-24 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210324112022/http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/index.php/pot/article/view/641/html |url-status=dead }}
* {{cite book|last=Strayer|first=Joseph Reese|authorlink=Joseph Strayer|year=1992|title=The Albigensian Crusades|publisher=[[University of Michigan Press]]|isbn=978-0-472-06476-2|ref=harv|url=https://archive.org/details/albigensiancrusa00stra}}
* {{cite journal|last1=Latham|first1=Andrew A.|title=Theorizing the Crusades: Identity, Institutions, and Religious War in Medieval Latin Christendom|journal=International Studies Quarterly|date=2011|volume=55|issue=1|pages=223–243|doi=10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00642.x|jstor=23019520|doi-access=free}}
* {{cite book|last=Tyerman|first=Christopher|authorlink=Christopher Tyerman|title=God's War: A New History of the Crusades|publisher=[[Belknap Press]]|year=2006|isbn=978-0-674-02387-1|ref=harv|url=https://archive.org/details/godswarnewhistor00tyer}}
* {{cite book|last=Tyerman|first=Christopher|title=The Crusades|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=x5z1MqPHWLgC|year=2007|publisher=[[Sterling Publishing Company]] |isbn=978-1-4027-6891-0|ref=harv}}
* {{cite book|last=Latham|first=Andrew A.|title=Theorizing Medieval Geopolitics - War and World Order in the Age of the Crusades|year=2012 |publisher=[[Routledge]]|isbn=978-0-415-87184-6}}
* {{cite book|ref=harv|last=Tyerman|first=Christopher|title=The Debate on the Crusades, 1099-2010|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=t_DEyAEACAAJ|year=2011|publisher=[[Manchester University Press]]|isbn=978-0-7190-7320-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Lloyd|first=Simon|chapter=The Crusading Movement 1095-1274|pages=34–64|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Tyerman|first=Christopher|title=The World of the Crusades|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GIOVDwAAQBAJ|year=2019|publisher=[[Yale University Press]]|isbn=978-0-300-21739-1|ref=harv}}
* {{cite book|last=Luttrell|first=Anthony|chapter=The Military Orders, 1312{{ndash}}1798|pages=326–364|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Madden|first=Thomas F.|author-link=Thomas F. Madden|title=The Concise History of the Crusades|publisher=[[Rowman & Littlefield]] Publishers|year=2013|edition=Third|isbn=978-1-4422-1576-4}} <!-- 1999 edition available at https://archive.org/details/concisehistoryof00madd/page/n5/mode/2up -->
* {{cite book|last=Mannion|first=Lee|title=Narrating the Crusades|year=2014|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|isbn=978-1-107-05781-4}}
* {{cite book|last=Morris|first=Colin|title=The Papal Monarchy - The Western Church from 1050 to 1250|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=S-DnCwAAQBAJ&q=The+Papal+Monarchy+The+Western+Church+from+1050+to+1250|year=1989|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-826925-0|access-date=2022-05-27|archive-date=2023-08-18|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230818205619/https://books.google.com/books?id=S-DnCwAAQBAJ&q=The+Papal+Monarchy+The+Western+Church+from+1050+to+1250|url-status=live}}
* {{cite book|last=Nicholson|first=Helen|title=The Crusades|publisher=[[Greenwood Publishing Group]]|year=2004|isbn=978-0-313-32685-1|url=https://archive.org/details/crusades00nich}}
* {{cite book|last=Phillips|first=Jonathan|chapter=The Latin East, 1098-1291|pages=112–140|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Prawer|first=Joshua|author-link=Joshua Prawer|title=The Crusaders' Kingdom|publisher=Phoenix Press|year=2001|isbn=978-1-84212-224-2}}
* {{cite book|last=Richard|first=Jean|author-link=Jean Richard (historian)|year=2005|chapter=National feeling and the lagacy of the crusade|pages=204–224|editor-last=Nicholson|editor-first=Helen J.|title=Palgrave Advances in the Crusades|publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]]|isbn=978-1-4039-1237-4}}
* {{cite book|last=Riley-Smith|first=Jonathan|author-link=Jonathan Riley-Smith|chapter=The Crusading Movement and Historians|pages=1–12|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Riley-Smith|first=Jonathan|author-link=Jonathan Riley-Smith|chapter=The State of Mind of the Crusaders to the East|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|year=1995b|pages=66–90|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book |last=Riley-Smith|first=Jonathan |author-link=Jonathan Riley-Smith|title=What Were the Crusades?|publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]]|year= 2009|isbn=978-0-230-22069-0}}
* {{cite book|last=Routledge|first=Michael|chapter=Songs|pages=90–110|editor-last=Riley-Smith|editor-first=Jonathan|title=The Oxford Illustrated History of The Crusades|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordillustrate0000unse_q0x8/page/n5/mode/2up|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-285428-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Strayer|first=Joseph Reese|author-link=Joseph Strayer|year=1992|title=The Albigensian Crusades|publisher=[[University of Michigan Press]]|isbn=978-0-472-06476-2|url=https://archive.org/details/albigensiancrusa00stra}}
* {{cite book|last=Tyerman|author-link=Christopher Tyerman|first=Christopher|title=God's War: A New History of the Crusades|publisher=[[Belknap Press]]|year=2006|isbn=978-0-674-02387-1|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ULDUopVCVPoC|access-date=2022-04-20|archive-date=2023-08-18|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230818205558/https://books.google.com/books?id=ULDUopVCVPoC|url-status=live}}
* {{cite book|last=Tyerman|first=Christopher|author-link=Christopher Tyerman|title=The Debate on the Crusades, 1099–2010|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=t_DEyAEACAAJ|year=2011|publisher=[[Manchester University Press]]|isbn=978-0-7190-7320-5|access-date=2020-10-04|archive-date=2023-08-18|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230818205557/https://books.google.com/books?id=t_DEyAEACAAJ|url-status=live}}
* {{cite book|last=Tyerman|first=Christopher|author-link=Christopher Tyerman|title=The World of the Crusades|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GIOVDwAAQBAJ|year=2019|publisher=[[Yale University Press]]|isbn=978-0-300-21739-1|access-date=2020-10-04|archive-date=2023-08-18|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230818205557/https://books.google.com/books?id=GIOVDwAAQBAJ|url-status=live}}
{{refend}}
{{refend}}

==Further reading==
{{refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite book|last=Cobb|first=Paul M.|title=The Race for Paradise : an Islamic History of the Crusades|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|year=2014|ref=none}}
* {{cite book|last=Flori|first=Jean|year=2005|chapter=Ideology and Motivations in the First Crusade|editor-last=Nicholson|editor-first=Helen J.|title=Palgrave Advances in the Crusades|pages=15–36|publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]]|doi=10.1057/9780230524095_2|isbn=978-1-4039-1237-4|ref=none}}
* {{cite journal|last1=Horowitz|first1=Michael C.|title=Long Time Going:Religion and the Duration of Crusading|journal=International Security|date=2009|volume=34|issue=27|pages=162–193|jstor=40389216|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40389216|publisher=MIT Press|doi=10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.162|s2cid=57564747|ref=none|access-date=2022-08-16|archive-date=2022-08-16|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220816082248/https://www.jstor.org/stable/40389216|url-status=live}}
* {{cite journal|last=Kedar|first=Benjamin Z.|title=Crusade Historians and the Massacres of 1096|journal=Jewish History|volume=12|issue=2|year=1998|pages=11–31|doi=10.1007/BF02335496|s2cid=153734729|ref=none}}
* {{cite book|last=Kostick|first=Conor|title=The Social Structure of the First Crusade|publisher=Brill|year=2008|ref=none}}
* {{cite book|last=Maier|first=C.|year=2000|title=Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|doi=10.1017/CBO9780511496554|isbn=978-0-521-59061-7|ref=none}}
* {{cite book|last=Polk|first=William R.|title=Crusade and Jihad: The Thousand-Year War Between the Muslim World and the Global North|publisher=Yale University Press |year=2018|ref=none}}
* {{cite book|last=Riley-Smith|first=Jonathan|chapter=The crusading movement|pages=127–140|editor1-last=Hartmann|editor1-first=Anja V.|editor2-last=Hauser|editor2-first=Beatrice|title=War, Peace and World Orders in European History|year=2001|publisher=[[Routledge]]|isbn=978-0-415-24440-4|ref=none}}
* {{cite book|last=Tuck|first=Richard|year=1999|title=The Rights of War and Peace: Political Thought and the International Order from Grotius to Kant|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-820753-5|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=d3RYAwAAQBAJ|ref=none}}
* {{cite journal |last1=Tyerman|first1=Christopher|author-link=Christopher Tyerman|title=Were There Any Crusades in the Twelfth Century?|journal=The English Historical Review|date=1995|volume=110|issue=437|pages=553–577|jstor=578335|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|doi=10.1093/ehr/CX.437.553|ref=none|doi-access=free}}
{{refend}}

{{Crusader States}}
{{Crusader States}}
{{Fragments of the Byzantine Empire}}
{{Middle Ages}}
{{Middle Ages}}
{{History of Europe}}
{{History of Europe}}
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|portal1 = Christianity
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|portal6 = Religion
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{{Authority control}}
{{Authority control}}
{{short description|A series of religious wars sanctioned by the Latin Church in the medieval period}}


[[Category:Crusades| ]]
[[Category:Crusades| ]]

Latest revision as of 12:47, 19 June 2024

photograph of the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem
The church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. This is a site of Christian pilgrimage built where Christian Roman authorities pinpointed the purported location of Jesus' burial and resurrection in Jerusalem in 325.[1] One of the objectives of the Crusades was to free the Holy Sepulchre from Muslim control.[2]

The crusading movement encompasses the framework of ideologies and institutions that described, regulated, and promoted the Crusades. The crusades were religious wars that the Christian Latin church initiated, supported, and sometimes directed in the Middle Ages. The members of the church defined this movement in legal and theological terms that were based on the concepts of holy war and pilgrimage. In theological terms, the movement merged ideas of Old Testament wars that were believed to have been instigated and assisted by God with New Testament ideas of forming personal relationships with Christ. The institution of crusading developed with the encouragement of church reformers the 11th century in what is commonly known as the Gregorian Reform and declined after the 16th century Protestant Reformation.

The idea of crusading as holy war was based on the Greco-Roman Just war theory. A "just war" was one where a legitimate authority is the instigator, there is a valid cause, and it is waged with good intentions. The Crusades were seen by their adherents as a special Christian pilgrimage – a physical and spiritual journey authorised and protected by the church. The actions were both a pilgrimage and penitental, Participants were considered part of Christ's army and demonstrated this by attaching crosses of cloth to their outfits. This marked them as followers and devotees of Christ and was in response to biblical passages exhorting Christian "to carry one's cross and follow Christ". Everyone could be involved, with the church considering anyone who died campaigning a Christian martyr. This movement was an important part of late-medieval western culture, that impacted politics, the economy and wider society.

The original focus and objective was the liberation of Jerusalem and the sacred sites of Palestine from non-Christians. The city was considered to be Christ's legacy and it was symbolic of divine restoration. The site of Christ's redemptive acts was pivotal for the inception of the First Crusade and the subsequent establishment of crusading as an institution. The campaigns to reclaim the Holy Land were the ones that attracted the greatest support, but the crusading movement's theatre of war extended wider than just Palestine. Crusades were waged in the Iberian Peninsula, northeastern Europe against the Wends, the Baltic region, campaigns were fought against those the church considered heretics in France, Germany, and Hungary, as well as in Italy where Pope's indulged in armed conflict with their opponents. By definition all the crusades were waged with papal approval and through this reinforced the Western European concept of a single, unified Christian church under the Pope.

Major features[edit]

Historians trace the beginnings of the crusading movement to the significant changes within the Latin church enacted during the mid and latter eleventh century.[3] These are now known as the Gregorian Reform, from a term popularised by the French historian Augustin Fliche. He named the changes after one of the leading reforming popes Gregory VII. The use of the term oversimplifies what was in fact numerous discrete initiatives, not all of which were the result of papal action.[4]

A group of reformers took control of the governance of the church with ambitions to use this control to eradicate behaviour they viewed as corrupt.[3] This takeover was initially supported by the Holy Roman Empire and by Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor in particular, but went on to lead to conflict with his son, Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor. The reformers believed in papal primacy. That is the Pope was the head of all of Christendom as heir of St Peter. Secular rulers, even including the emperor, were subject to this and could be removed.[5]

The reformist groups opposed previously widespread behaviour such as the sale of clerical positions and clerical marriage.[6] The changes were not without opposition, causing splits within the church and between the church and the emperor.[7] However, the reform faction successfully created the ideology for men they saw as God's agents. From the second half of the 11th century, it enabled them in the refashioning of the church along the moral and spiritual lines they believed in.[8] Historians consider that this was a pivotal moment, because the church was now under the control of men who supported a concept of holy war and would plan to make it happen.[9]

The reformers now viewed the church as an independent force with God given authority to act in the secular world for religious regeneration. The creation of the institutions of crusading were a means by which the church could act militarily with the support of the armed aristocracy. This would in turn lead to creation of formal processes for the raising of armed forces through which the church could enforce its will. While these fundamentals applied the crusading movement flourished, when they ceased to be significant the movement declined.[10][11]

Penance and indulgence[edit]

Before the crusading movement was established, the church had developed a system that enabled Christians to gain forgiveness and pardon for sins from the church on behalf of God. They did this by demonstrating genuine contrition through admissions of wrongdoing and acts of penance. Christianity's requirement to avoid violence was still a significant issue for the warrior class. Gregory VII offered them a potential solution In the latter part of the 11th century. This was that they too could have their sins forgiven if they supported him in fighting for papal causes, but only if this service was given altruistically.[12][13] Later popes expanded on this offer to those willing to fight for their causes. Urban II launched the First Crusade at Clermont in November 1095. He made two offers to those who would travel to Jerusalem and fight for control of the sites Christians considered sacred. They were that those who fought would receive exemption from penance for the sins they committed and while they fought the church would protect all their property from harm.[14] The enthusiasm of the crusading movement challenged what had been conventional theology. This can be seen in a letter from Sigebert of Gembloux to Robert II, Count of Flanders. Sigebert is critical of Pope Paschal II and in congratulating Robert on his safe return from Jerusalem he pointedly omits any reference at all of the fact that Robert had been fighting on a crusade.[15]

Later pope's would develop the institution even further. Not only would crusaders avoid what were considered the God-imposed punishments for their sins but the guilt and the sin itself would be expunged. The method through which this was achieved was the granting by the church of what was called a plenary indulgence.[16] Calixtus II made the same offer privileges and extended the protection of property to crusaders' relations.[17] Innocent III reinforced the importance of the oaths crusaders took. He also emphasised the view the forgiveness of sin was a gift from God. It was not considered a reward for the suffering endured by the crusader while on crusade.[18][19] It was in the 1213 papal bull called Quia maior that he reached out beyond the noble warrior class. He offered all other Christians the opportunity to redeem their vows without even going on crusade. This led to the unforeseen consequence of creating a market for religious rewards. This would later scandalise some devout Christians and through this become a contributing factor for the Protestant Reformation from the 16th century.[20][21] As late as the 16th century, some writers continued to seek atonement for their sins through the practice of crusading. At the same time John Foxe the English martyrologist and others saw this as "the impure idolatry, and profanation"[22]

Popes continued in the practice of issuing crusade bulls for generations, but Alberico Gentili and Hugo Grotius created an international rule of law that was secular rather than religious.[23] The wars against the Ottoman Empire and in defence of Europe were conflicts on which Lutherans, Calvinists, and Roman Catholics could agree in principle. So the importance to recruitment of the granting of indulgences became increasingly redundant and declined.[24]

Christianity and war[edit]

Fresco from San Bevignate showing men on horseback fighting
Fresco from San Bevignate depicting the Templars battling the Saracens, the Battle of Nablus (1242)

The 4th-century theologian Augustine of Hippo Christianised theories of bellum justum or just war that dated from the Greco-Roman world. In the 11th century canon lawyers extended his thinking to create the paradigm of bellum sacrum, or a form of Christian holy war.[25] The theory was based on the idea that Christian warfare could be justified even though it was considered a sin. It was necessary to meet three criteria if a war was to be considered just. Firstly, it must be declared by an authority that the church considered legitimate. Secondly, the war must have defensive objectives or to be for the recovery of stolen property and rights. Lastly, the intentions of those taking part must be good.[26][27]

Using these theories the church supported various Christian groups in conflicts with their Muslim neighbours at the borders of Christendom. In what is now Northern Spain encouragement was given during the siege of Barbastro. The Normans of Southern Italy were supported in their conquest of the Emirate of Sicily. Gregory VII even planned to lead a campaign himself in support of the Byzantine Empire in 1074. He was unable to gather the necessary support, possibly because his personal leadership was unacceptable. Despite this, his plans did leave a template for future crusades.[28] As did the campaigns in Spain where leading thinkers and fighters developed practical and fundamental arguments for the crusading movement.[29]

The thoughts and writing on these theories were eventually consolidated into Collectio Canonum or Collection of Canon Law by Anselm of Lucca.[12] Thomas Aquinas and others extended these theories in the 13th century. This created a concept of religious war. [30] This enabled various popes to use canon law in the call for crusades against their enemies in Italy. Rome was the estate of St Peter, so the popes' campaigns were defensive and only fought for the preservation of Christian territory.[31] The church combined two themes in the creation of crusading, one from the Old Testament and one from the New. The first was the wars of the Jews. These were believed to have come from the instigation and will of God. The second was the Christocentric ideas related to Christians forming individual relationships with Christ. It was believed these were instigated and assisted by God. Secondly, the Christocentric concept of forming an individual relationship with Christ that came from the New Testament. In this way the church was able to combine the ideas of holy war and Christian pilgrimage to create the legal and theocratic justifications for the crusading movement.[25]

The historian Carl Erdmann mapped out the three stages for the argument creating the institution of the crusading movement:

  • defending Christen unity was a just cause;
  • that Pope Gregory I and his followers' ideas for missionary conquest was also in accordance;
  • that Islam should be fought in defence of Christendom, an idea developed under the reformist popes Leo IX, Alexander II, and Gregory VII.[32]

Knights, chivalry and the military orders[edit]

Grand Master Pierre d'Aubusson with senior knights, wearing the "Rhodian cross" on their habits. Dedicatory miniature in Gestorum Rhodie obsidionis commentarii (account of the Siege of Rhodes of 1480), BNF Lat 6067 fol. 3v, dated 1483/4.

Innovations in military technology and thinking made the first crusades feasible. Tactics developed to utilise heavily armoured cavalry. Italy's maritime republics built increasingly large navies. Society was controlled by castles and the men who garrisoned them. These new techniques in turn developed new social mores developed during extensive training. In turn this led to the rise of combat as sport.[33] At this time although knights were praised in literature they remained distinct from the aristocracy. Crusading and chivalry developed together, and in time chivalry helped shap the ethos, ideals and principles of crusaders.[34] Tournaments were held where knights could exhibit their martial prowess. This provided venues where the crusading movement could recruit, spread propaganda and announce the enlistment of senior figures.[35] Despite the undoubted courage and commitment of crusading knights and some notable commanders in military terms the campaigns in the Levant were not typically impressive. The creation of disciplined units was challenging. In feudal Europe strategy and institutions were too immature. Power structures were too fragmented.[36]

Literature presented the exemplar of an idealised, perfect knight in works such as romance Alexandre written around 1130. These works extolled adventure, courage, charity and manners. The church could not accept readily all the values presented. Its spiritual views contrasted with ideas of excellence, achieved glory through military deeds and romantic love. Even though the church feared the warrior class it needed to co-opt its power and did this symbolically through developed liturgical blessings to sanctify new knights.[37] In time kings represented themselves as members of the knighthood for propaganda purposes.[38] Crusading became seen as integral to the ideas of this ideal.[39] From the time of the Fourth Crusade, it became an adventure normalised in Europe, creating separation between the knights and other social classes. At this point the relationship between knightly adventure, religious, and secular motivation was altered.[40]

In the polities created by the crusading movement in the Eastern Mediterranean known as the Crusader states the creation of military religious orders was one of the few innovations from outside Europe.[41] In 1119 a small band of knights formed to protect pilgrims journeying to Jerusalem. These became the Knights Templar. Many other orders followed this template. The Knights Hospitaller were providing medical services and added a military wing to become a much larger organisation. These orders became Latin Christendom's first professional fighting forces and played a major part in the defence of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states.[42] Papal acknowledgement encouraged significant donations of money, land and recruits from across western Europe. The orders built their own castles and developed international autonomy.[43]

When Acre fell, bringing to a close the holding of Christian territory in the Holy Land the Hospitallers relocated to Cyprus. Later the order conquered and ruled Rhodes (1309–1522) and finally settled in Malta (1530–1798). The orders successor organisation, the Sovereign Military Order of Malta still exists today. King Philip IV of France extinguished the Templars around 1312. This was probably for financial and political reasons. He pressurised Pope Clement V to dissolve the order. The grounds of sodomy, magic, and heresy listed in various papal bulls such as Vox in excelso and Ad providam were probably false.[44]

Common people[edit]

Miniature of Peter the Hermit leading the People's Crusade. From the Abreujamen de las estorias (14th century).

Historians now take a greater interest than before questioning why significant numbers of the lower classes travelled on the early crusades or took part in the unsanctioned popular outbreaks of the 13th and 14th centuries.[45] The papacy wanted to recruit warriors who could fight, but in the early years of the movement it was impossible to exclude others, including women. Indeed, retinues included many to provide services who could also fight in emergencies.[46] The church considered that engaging in crusade must be entirely voluntary. Recruitment propaganda used understandable mediums which could also be unclear. For the poor the instituition of the crusade was offensive, while in church doctrines it was an act of self-defence.[45]

From the 12th century onwards the crusading movement generated propaganda material to spread the word. A good example was the work of a Dominican friar called Humbert of Romans. In 1268 he gathered the best crusading arguments in one work.[47][48] The poor had different viewpoints to the theologans. Often based on an end of the world eschatological belief. When Acre was lost to the Egyptians there were resulting popular but brief outbursts of crusade fervour.[49] However, the most Christians did not typically crusade to Jerusalem. Instead, they would often build models of the Holy Sepulchre or dedicate places of worship. These were acts theat existed before the crusading movement, but they became increasingly popular in association. They may have formed part of other forms of regular religious devotion. In 1099 Jerusalem was known as the remotest place but these practices made tangible crusading.[50]

Unsanctioned popular crusading exploded in 1096, 1212, 1251, 1309, and 1320. These all exhibited violent antisemitism with the exception of the Children's Crusade of 1212. Despite hostility from the literate these crusades became so mytho-historicised in the written histories that they are some of the most highly remembered events transmitted by word of mouth from the period. That said "Children's Crusade" is not a precise definition. At the time the Latin pueri was used for children;peregrinatio, iter, expeditio, or crucesignatio were used for crusade.[51]

The many surviving written sources are of questionable accuracy. Dates and details are not consistent and they are interwoven with typical myth-history stories and ideas.[52] Clerical writing contrasted the imagined innocence of the pueri with the sexual license that was seen on the official crusades. It was the sin of the crusaders that was believed to bring God's displeasure and explain why the crusades were not successful.[53]

Perception of Muslims[edit]

The eight phases of the Song of Roland in one picture; illustration by Simon Marmion from an illuminated manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques de France (15th century), currently preserved in the Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg

Literature such as the 11th century chanson de geste Chanson de Roland did not explicitly mention the crusades. But is likely there were propaganda motivations behind presenting the Muslim characters in monstrous terms and as idolators. Whatever the motivation Christian writers continued to use these representations.[54] Muslim characters were described as evil and as less than human. Their physical appearance was described as devilish and they were represented as having dark skin. Islamic ritual was mocked and insults made to Mohammad. This caricature continued to be used long after the fighting over territory subsided. At no time was the noun Muslim used, instead Muslims were called Saracens. Other derogatory adjectives were also used, such as infidel, gentile, enemy of God, and pagan. This was literature that supported the church's opinion that the crusades were a Manichean contest between good and evil.[55] According to the historian Jean Flori the purpose behind this was for the church to be able to destroy its ideologically is competitors for the purpose of justifying Christianity entry into aggressive violent conflict.[56] This prejudice was not derived from ethnic identity or race. The church considered that all of humanity were descended from Adam and Eve. Typical of medieval opinion this was a social construct in which the differentiators were cultural. For example, the First Crusade Chroniclers adopted terminology inherited from the Greeks of antiquity. They use the ethnology-cultural term barbarae nationes or barbarians for the Muslims, and self-identified crusaders as Latins.[57]

As contact increased respect for the Turks developed. Gesta Francorum presents some negativity but also respect for them as opponents. It was considered values of chivalry were shared. In the Chanson d'Aspremont they were presnted as equals following the same codes of conduct. By the time of the Third Crusade the class differences were shown as within camps rather the between camps. The elite warrior class in both camps shared an identity that was not divided on religious or political groups. Epics began to include incidents of conversion to Christianity. This in part may have offered hope for a positive resolution at a time when military failure pointed to defeat.[58]

There remain a number of Crusade songs from the many crusaders who also wrote poetry such as Theobald I of Navarre, Folquet de Marselha, and Conon de Béthune. In return for patronage from the leaders of the crusades, poets wrote praising the ideals of the nobility.[59] These relationships were of a feudal nature and were presented in this context. To demonstrate this the crusaders were God's vassals fighting the restore to him the (Holy) land.[60] Muslims were presented as having stolen this land. Their mistreatment of its Christian inhabitants was considered an injustice for which revenge was required. In return, the perception of the Islamic polities resulted in an opposing position. This encouraged violent resistance to the idea of the imposition Christian governance on these terms.[61]

History[edit]

Illustration of the Council of Clermont
Illustration of the Council of Clermont, Jean Colombe, Les Passages d'Outremer, BnF Fr 5594, c. 1475

In the late 11th and early 12th century the papacy became an entity capable of organised violence in the same manner as secular kingdoms and principalities. This required command and control systems that were not always fully developed or efficient. The result was the papacy leading secular fighting forces for its own ends.[62]

This was begun by Pope Alexander II around 1159. He involved the papacy in the long running conflict with Muslims in the Mediterranean region. The church became involved in, and gave approval for, campaigns in Sicily, Spain and North Africa where the church worked with the republics of Pisa and Genoa.[63]

Urban II laid the foundations of the crusading movement at the Council of Clermont in 1095. He was responding to requests for military support from the Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos that he received during the earlier Council of Piacenza. Alexios was fighting Turkish people who were migrating into Anatolia, threatened Constantinople and had formed the Seljuk Empire. Urban expressed two key objectives for the crusade. Firstly, the freeing of Christians from Muslim rule. Secondly, freeing the church known as the Holy Sepulchre from Muslim control. This was believed to mark the location of Chris's tomb in Jerusalem.[64][2]

In the 12th century, Gratian and the Decretists elaborated on Augustinianism. Aquinas continued this in the 13th century.[65] This extended the reformers philosophy to end secular control of the Latin church and impose control over the Eastern Orthodox Church. It developed further the paradigm of working in the secular world for the imposition of what the church considered justice.[66] After the initial success of the early crusades the settlers who remained or later migrated were militarily vulnerable. During the 12th and 13th centuries, frequent supportive expeditions were required to maintain territory that had been gained. A cycle developed of military failure, pleas for support and declarations of crusades from the church.[67]

12th century[edit]

13th-century miniature of King Baldwin II granting the captured Al Aqsa Mosque to Hugues de Payens
13th-century miniature of Baldwin II of Jerusalem granting the captured Al Aqsa Mosque to Hugues de Payens

The success of the First Crusade that began the crusading movement and the century was seen as astonishing. The explanation for this was given that it was only possible through the will of God.[68] Paschal succeeded Urban as pope before news of the outcome reached Europe. He had experience of the fighting in Spain so readily applied similar remissions of sin to the combatants there, without the need for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.[69] He did not stop there with the application of the institutions of crusading. He also did this against the Orthodox christians of Byzantium in favour of Bohemond I of Antioch for political reasons in Italy.[70]

It was in certain social and feudal networks that early crusade recruitment concentrated. Not only did these groups provide manpower, but also funding. Although it may have been pragmatic acceptance of the pressure of the reform movement that prompted the sales of churches and tithes. These families often had a history of pilgrimage, along with connections to Cluniac monasticism and the reformed papacy. They honoured the same saints. With inter-marriage this cultural mores were spread through society.[71] Paschal's successor Pope Calixtus II shared his Spanish interests. In 1123, at the First Council of the Lateran it was decided that crusading would be deployed in both Iberia and the Levant. The outcome was a campaign by Alfonso the Battler against Granada in 1125.[17][69]

The crusaders established polities known as the Latin East, because it was impossible to defend Jersualem in isolation. Despite this, regular campaigns were required in addition to the capability provided by the military orders. In Spain further expeditions were launched in 1114, 1118, and 1122. Eugenius III developed an equivalence between fighting the Wends, fighting the Muslims in Spain and the Muslims in Syria. The later crusade failed, with the result that the movement suffered its largest crisis until the 1400s. Fighting continued in Spain where there was three campaigns and there was one in the East in 1177. But it was the news of the crusaders defeat by the Muslims at the Battle of Hattin that restored the energy and commitment of the movement.[17]

The Renaissance of the 12th century coincided with the early years of crusading. Crusading themes were the subject of developing vernacular literature in the languages of Western Europe. Examples of Epic poetry include the Chanson d'Antioche describing the events in the 1268 siege of Antioch and Canso de la Crozada about the crusading against the Cathars in Southern France. These are given the collective name of Chansons de geste in the French language which is borrowed from Latin for the term deeds done.[72] Surviving songs about Crusading are rarer. But there are examples in the literary language of southern France, Occitan, French, German, Spanish, and Italian that touch on the topic in an allegorical that date from the later half of the century. Two notable Occitan troubadours were Marcabru and Cercamon. They composed songs in the styles called sirventes and pastorela on the subject of lost love. Crusading wasn't a distinct genre, but the subject. The troubadours had northern French equivalents called Trouvère and German ones called Minnesänger. Collectively they left bodies of works themed on the crusades later in the century.[73] This material transmitted information about crusading unmediated by the church. It is reinforced the status quo, the class identity of the nobility and its position in society. When the outcomes of events was less positive this was also a method of spreading criticisms of organisation and behaviour.[74]

In the latter part of the century Europeans developed language, fashion and cultural mores for crusading. Terms were adopted for those involved such as crucesignatus or crucesignata. These indicated that they were marked by the cross. This was reinforced by cloth crosses that they attached to their clothes. All of this was taken from the Bible. Luke 9:23, Mark 8:34 and Matthew 16:24 all implored believers to pick up their cross and follow Christ.[75][76] It was a personal relationship with God that these crusaders were attempting to form. It demonstrated their belief. It enabled anyone to become involved, irrespective of gender, wealth, or social standing. This was imitatio Christi, an "imitation of Christ", a sacrifice motivated by charity for fellow Christians. It began to be considered that all those who died campaigning were martyrs.[77]

13th century[edit]

Jean de Mandeville is sent forth from England on his expedition by Edward II

Towards the end of the 12th century the crusading movement existed in a culture where is was believed that everything that happened was predestined, either by God or fate. This Providentialism meant that the population welcomed, accepted and believed in a wide range of prophecy. One significant example of this was the writing of Joachim of Fiore. He included the fighting of the infidel in opaque works that combined writings on the past, on the present, and on the future.[78] These works foreshadowed the Children's Crusade. Joachim believed all history and the future could be divided into three ages. The third of these was the age of the Holy Spirit. The representatives of this age were children, or pueri. Others aligned themselves to this idea. Salimbene and other Franciscans self described themselves as ordo parvulorum. This translates as order of little ones. Another example of this Apocalypticism can be seen in elements of the Austrian Rhymed Chronicle. In this apocalyptic mytho-history was melded to descriptions of the Children's Crusade. Innocent III built on this in 1213 announcing the end of Islam in the calls for the Fifth Crusade by announcing that the days of were over.[79]

The crusading movement found that creating a single accepted ideology and an understanding of that ideology was a practical challenge. This was because the church did not have the necessary bureaucratic systems to consolidate thinking across the papacy, the monastic orders, mendicant friars, and the developing universities.[80] Ideas were transmitted through inclusion in literary works that included romances, travelogues like Mandeville's Travels, poems such as Piers Plowman and John Gower's Confessio Amantis, and works by Geoffrey Chaucer.[81][82][83][84] At this point in time the ideas of nationalism were largely absent. A more atomised society meant that literature tended to rather praise individual deeds of heroes like Charlemagne and the actions of major families.[85] Innocent III developed new practices and revised the ideology of crusading from 1198 when he became pope. This included a new executive office constituted for the organisation of the Fourth Crusade. Executives were appointed in each church province in addition to autonomous preaching by the like of Fulk of Neuilly. This led to papal sanctioned provincial administrations and the codification of preaching. Local church authorities were required to report to these administrators on crusading policy. Propaganda was now more coherent despite an occasionally ad-hoc implementation.[86] Funding was increased through the introduction of hypothecated tax and greater donations.[18][19] He was also the first pope to deploy the apparatus of crusading against his fellow Christians.[20][21] This innovation became a frequent approach by the papacy that was used against those it considered dissenters, heretics, or schismatics.[87]

Popular crusading[edit]

In 1212 there was an outbreak of popular crusading that is now known as the Childrens' crusade. This was the first of a number of similar events which lasted until 1514 the Hungarian Peasants' Crusade. What these all had in common was that they were independent of the church. The first seems to have been a response to the preaching of the Albigensian Crusade and also religious processions seeking God's support for the fighting in Iberia. The church considered such outbreaks by rather unconventional crusaders as unauthorised and therefore illegitimate.[88] There is little remaining evidence for the identities, thoughts and feelings of those who took part.[89] One unaccredited piece is the Austrian Rhymed Chronical. This includes alledgedly verbatim lyrics of the marching song of children heading east and offers evidence of eschatological beliefs.[90] The church was unable to comprehend the charisma of impoverished secular leaders like Nicholas of Cologne and how this could be used in recruiting such large followings.[91] Modern academic opinion is split on the definition of a crusade. Riley-Smith disregards these popular uprisings as not meeting the criteria, while Gary Dickson has produced in depth research.[92]

Early century[edit]

In the years between 1217 and 1221 Cardinal Hugo Ugolino of Segni led preaching campaigns and helped relax controls on funding and recruitment. He used the five percent income tax on the church known as the "clerical twentieth" to pay mercenaries in the Fifth Crusade and other crucesignati.[93] In 1227, Hugo became pope and adopted the name Gregory IX.[94] He clashed with Frederick II over territory in Italy, excommunicating him in 1239 and deploying the the crusading tools of indulgences, privileges, and taxes in 1241.[95][96] The Christian right to land ownership was foundational to crusading ideology, although Innocent IV acknowledged Muslim rights he considered these only existed under the authority of Christ.[97] Alexander IV continued the policies of both Gregory IX and Innocent IV from his ascension in 1254 which led to further crusading against the Hohenstaufen dynasty.[98]

Criticism[edit]

Early criticism of crusading and the conduct of crusaders is evident. While the concept itself was seldom questioned in the 12th and 13th centuries, there were vigorous objections to crusades targeting heretics and Christian secular powers. The assault on Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade and the diversion of resources against church enemies in Europe, such as the Albigensian heretics and the Hohenstaufen, drew condemnation. Troubadours in southern France expressed discontent with expeditions, lamenting the neglect of the Holy Land. The behavior of participants was seen as falling short of the expectations of a holy war, with chroniclers and preachers decrying instances of sexual immorality, greed, and arrogance. Western Europeans attributed failures and setbacks, such as those during the First Crusade and the defeat of the kingdom of Jerusalem at Hattin by Saladin, to human frailty. Gerhoh of Reichersberg linked the shortcomings of the Second Crusade to the arrival of the Antichrist and accused the movement of fostering increased puritanism.[99][100]

In response to criticism, the movement implemented ceremonial processions, calls for reform, bans on gambling and extravagance, and restrictions on the participation of women. The Würzburg Annals condemned the conduct of the crusaders, attributing it to diabolical influence. The defeat of Louis IX of France at the Battle of Mansurah in 1250 triggered debates on crusading in sermons and writings, including Humbert of Romans's work De praedicatione crucis—concerning the preaching of the cross. Humbert raised doubts about the method of forcible conversion.[101]

Later century[edit]

Prominent critics such as Matthew Paris in Chronica Majora and Richard of Mapham, the dean of Lincoln, voiced notable concerns at the council. The military orders, especially the Teutonic Order, faced censure for their arrogance, greed, luxurious lifestyles funded by their wealth, and inadequate deployment of forces in the Holy Land. Internal conflicts between the Templars and Hospitallers, as well as among Christians in the Baltic, hindered collaborative efforts. The church perceived military actions in the East as less effective due to the independence of these orders and their perceived reluctance to engage in combat with Muslims, with whom critics believed they maintained overly cordial relations. A minority perspective, advocated by Roger Bacon and others, argued that aggressive actions, particularly in the Baltic, impeded the conversion efforts.[102]

The movement continued to exhibit traits of innovation, commitment, resilience, and flexibility by consolidating methods of organisation and finance, which facilitated its survival.[103] In the face of a significant low point of the movement in 1274, the Second Council of Lyons began the gathering of ideas to improve crusading organisation and finance. This demonstrated the resilience that would enable the movement's continuing existence.[103] One of Pope Gregory X's objectives was the reunification of the Latin and Greek churches, which he viewed as essential for a new crusade.[104] Gregory created a complex tax gathering system for the funding of crusading, dividing Latin Christendom in 1274 into twenty-six collectorates. Each of these was under the direction of a general collector who further delegated the assessment of tax liability to reduce fraud. The vast amounts raised by this system led to clerical criticism of obligatory taxation.[105]

14th century[edit]

Start of the Directorium ad passagium faciendum, in a French translation by Jean de Vignay, from a manuscript of the 1330s

Between the councils of Lyon in 1274 and Vienna in 1314, there existed over twenty treatises concerning the recovery of the Holy Land. These were instigated by Popes who, following the lead of Innocent III, sought counsel on the matter. This led to unfulfilled strategies for the blockading Egypt and possible expeditions to establish a foothold that would pave the way for full-scale crusades with professional armies. Discussions among writers often revolved around the intricacies of Capetian and Aragonese dynastic politics. Periodic bursts of popular crusading occurred throughout the decades, spurred by events like the Mongol victory at Homs and grassroots movements in France and Germany. Despite numerous obstacles, the papacy's establishment of taxation, including a six-year tithe on clerical incomes, to fund contracted professional crusading armies, represented a remarkable feat of institutionalisation.[106]

Beginning in 1304 and lasting the entire 14th century, the Teutonic Order used the privileges Innocent IV had granted in 1245 to recruit crusaders in Prussia and Livonia, in the absence of any formal crusade authority. Knightly volunteers from every Catholic state in western Europe flocked to take part in campaigns known as Reisen, or journeys, as part of a chivalric cult.[107] Commencing in 1332, the numerous Holy Leagues in the form of temporary alliances between interested Christian powers, were a new manifestation of the movement. Successful campaigns included the capture of Smyrna in 1344, the Battle of Lepanto in 1571, and the recovery of territory in the Balkans between 1684 and 1697.[108]

After the Treaty of Brétigny between England and France, the anarchic political situation in Italy prompted the curia to begin issuing indulgences for those who would fight the merceneries threatening the pope and his court at Avignon. In 1378, the Western Schism split the papacy into two and then three, with rival Popes declaring crusades against each other. The growing threat from the Ottoman Turks provided a welcome distraction that would unite the papacy and divert the violence to another front.[109] By the end of the century, the Teutonic Order's Reisen had become obsolescent. Commoners had limited interaction with crusading beyond the preaching of indulgences, the success of which depended on the preacher's ability, local powers' attitudes, and the extent of promotion. However, there is no evidence that the failure to organize anti-Turkish crusading was due to popular apathy or hostility rather than to finance and politics.[110]

15th century[edit]

Eugenius IV became Pope in 1431 and entered into ecumenical negotiation with the Byzantine Empire. John V Palaiologos's discussions with Eugenius led to an announcement of unification of the Latin, Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Nestorian, and Cypriot Maronite churches. In return the Byzantines received military assistance. Between 1440 and 1444, Eugenius coordinated efforts to defend Constantinople from the Turks. However, this strategy failed in a disastrous defeat at the Battle of Varna in November 1444. The fall of Constantinople to Mehmed II in 1453 marked the beginning of a twenty-eight-year expansion of the sultanate.[111]

Pius II suggested to Mehmed II the possibility of converting to Christianity and emulating the legacy of Constantine. Despite coming close to organizing an anti-Turkish crusade in 1464, his plans ultimately failed. Throughout his papacy and those of his immediate successors, the raised funds and military resources were insufficient, poorly timed, or misallocated for effective action against the Turks. This was despite:

  • the commissioning of advisory tracts reconsidering the political, financial, and military issues;
  • Frankish rulers exiled from the Holy Land who toured Christendom's courts seeking assistance;
  • individuals, such as Cardinal Bessarion, dedicating themselves to the crusading movement; and
  • the continued levying of church taxes and preaching of indulgences.[112]

Warfare was now more professional and costly.[110] This was driven by factors including contractual recruitment, increased intelligence and espionage, a greater emphasis on naval warfare, the grooming of alliances, new and varied tactics to deal with different circumstances and opposition, and the hiring of experts in siege warfare.[113] There was disillusionment and suspicion of how practical the objectives of the movements were. Lay sovereigns were more independent and prioritized their own objectives. The political authority of the papacy was reduced by the Western Schism, so popes such as Pius II and Innocent VIII found their congresses ignored. Politics and self-interest wrecked any plans. All of Europe acknowledged the need for a crusade to combat the Ottoman Empire, but effectively all blocked its formation. Popular feeling is difficult to judge: actual crusading had long since become distant from most commoners' lives. One example from 1488 saw Wageningen parishioners influenced by their priest's criticism of crusading to such a degree they refused to allow the collectors to take away donations. This contrasts with chronicle accounts of successful preaching in Erfurt at the same time and the extraordinary response for a crusade to relieve Belgrade in 1456.[110]

Around the end of the 15th century, the military orders were transformed. Castile nationalized its orders between 1487 and 1499. In 1523, the Hospitallers retreated from Rhodes to Crete and Sicily and in 1530 to Malta and Gozo. The State of the Teutonic Order became the hereditary Duchy of Prussia when the last Prussian master, Albrecht of Brandenburg-Ansbach, converted to Lutheranism and became the first duke under oath to his uncle the Polish king.[114]

16th century[edit]

In the 16th century, the rivalry between Catholic monarchs prevented anti-Protestant crusades, but individual military actions were rewarded with crusader privileges, including Irish Catholic rebellions against English Protestant rule and the Spanish Armada's attack on England under Queen Elizabeth I.[115] In 1562, Cosimo I de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, became the hereditary Grand Master of the Order of Saint Stephen, a Tuscan military order he founded, which was modelled on the knights of Malta.[116] The Hospitallers remained the only independent military order with a positive strategy. Other orders continued as aristocratic corporations while lay powers absorbed local orders, outposts, and priories.[117]

17th century and later[edit]

Crusading continued in the 17th century, mainly associated with the Hapsburgs and the Spanish national identity. Crusade indulgences and taxation were used in support of the Cretan War (1645–1669), the Battle of Vienna, and the Holy League (1684). Although the Hospitallers continued the military orders in the 18th century, the crusading movement soon ended in terms of acquiescence, popularity, and support.[118]

The French Revolution resulted in widespread confiscations from the military orders, which were now largely irrelevant, apart from minor effects in the Hapsburg Empire.[117] The Hospitallers continued acting as a military order from its territory in Malta until the island was conquered by Napoleon in 1798.[108][119] In 1809, Napoleon went on to suppress the Order of St Stephen, and the Teutonic Order was stripped of its German possessions before relocating to Vienna. At this point, its identity as a military order ended.[116]

In 1936, the Catholic church in Spain supported the coup of Francisco Franco, declaring a crusade against Marxism and atheism. Thirty-six years of National Catholicism followed, during which the idea of Reconquista as a foundation of historical memory, celebration, and Spanish national identity became entrenched in conservative circles. Reconquista lost its historiographical hegemony when Spain restored democracy in 1978, but it remains a fundamental definition of the medieval period within conservative sectors of academia, politics, and the media because of its strong ideological connotations.[120]

Legacy[edit]

The crusading movement left an enduring legacy, defining western culture in the late medieval period and leaving an historical impact on the Islamic world. The impact touched every aspect of European life.[121]

Historians have debated whether the Latin States created by the movement in the Eastern Europe were the first examples of European colonialism. The Outremer is the name that is often used for these states. This translates as a Europe Overseas.[44][122] In mid-19th century historiography this became a focus for European nationalism and associated with European colonialism.[123][124] This is a view that was contested. The Latin settlements did not easily fit to the model of a colony. They were neither directly controlled or exploited by a homeland. Historians have used the idea of a religious colony in order to accommodate these discrepancies in their colonial theories. A different definition covers a territory conquered and settled with religious motivation. This territory maintains close contact with its homeland, share the same religious views and requires support in both military and financial terms. Venetian Greece carved out of the Byzantine Empire as a result of the crusading movement following the Fourth Crusade offers a better match to the traditional model of colonialism. Venice had a political and economic stake in these territories. Indeed, this was to such a degree that the region attracted settlers that would otherwise migrated to the Latin East. It this way its success actually weakened the crusader states.[125]

The crusading movement created a flourishing system of trade in the Mediterranean. New routes were created to serve the Outremer with Genoa and Venice planting profitable trading outposts across the region. [126] Many historians argue that the increasingly frequent contact between the Latin Christian and Islamic cultures was a positive. It was foundational in the progress of European civilisation and the Renaissance.[127] Closer contact with the Muslim and Byzantine worlds enabled access for western European scholars to classical Greek and Roman texts. This led to the rediscovery by pre-Christian philosophy, science, and medicine.[128] It is difficult to identify exactly the source of cultural interchange. The increase of knowledge of Islamic culture was the result of contact that stretched the breadth of the Mediterranean Sea.[129]

The movement enabled the papacy to consolidate its leadership of the Latin church. The clergy became inured to violence, while the church developed closer links with feudalism and military capability.[44] The Medieval Inquisition, Dominican and military orders as were all institutionalised.[130] A catalyst for the Reformation was the growing opposition to developments in the use of indulgences.[131] Relations between western Christians, the Greeks and the Muslims were also soured by the behaviour of the crusaders. These differences became an enduring barrier between the Latin, the Orthodox and Islamic worlds. The crusading movement had a reputation of a defeated aggressor and unification of the Christian churches became problematic.[44] Political Islam makes historical parallels, provoking paradigms of jihad and struggle. Arab nationalism looks on the movement as an example of Western imperialism.[132] Thinkers, politicians, and historians in the Islamic world draw an equivalence with more recent events like the League of Nations mandates to govern Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine.[133] An opposing analogy has developed in Western world right-wing circles. Here, Christianity is considered to be under an similar existential Islamic religious and demographic threat. The result is anti-Islamic rhetoric and symbols. This provides an argument for a contest with a religious foe.[134] Thomas F. Madden argues that these modern tensions are the result of constructed view developed during the 19th century by the colonial powers. This in turn led to the rise of Arab nationalism. For Madden, the crusading movement is a defensive and solely medieval phenomenon.[135]

Historiography[edit]

Almost immediately, the First Crusade provoked literary examination. Initially this served as propaganda for the crusading movement and was based on a few separate but related works. One of these, Gesta Francorum literally translates as the deeds of the Franks. It created a template for later works based on papal, northern French, and Benedictine ideas. It considered military success or failure entirely to God's will in its promotion of violent action.[136]

Albert of Aachen produced contrasting vernacular stories of adventure.[137] At this point the early chroniclers concentrated on the moral lessons that could be taken from the crusades. This reinforced normative moral and cultural positions.[138] Academic crusade historian Paul Chevedden argued that the early accounts were already an anachronism. The writers were writing with the knowledge of the unexpected success of the First Crusade. For Chevedden, more can be learned about how the crusading movement was viewed in the 11th century in the works of Urban II who died ignorant of the crusade's success.[139] Albert's adventure stories were developed and extended in turn by William of Tyre before the end of the 12th century.[137] William documented the early history of the military Crusader States. In this he illustrated the tension between secular and providential motivation.[137]

In the 16th century the Reformation and the Ottoman expansion shaped opinion. Protestant martyrologist John Foxe writing in his 1566 work History of the Turks blamed the sins of the Catholic Church for the failure of the crusades. He also criticised the use of crusading against those he considered had maintained the faith, such as the Albigensians and Waldensians. The Lutheran scholar Matthew Dresser (1536–1607) went further. He praised for their faith, but considered that Urban II was motivated by his conflict with Emperor Henry IV. Dresser considered that the flaw in the crusading movement was that the idea of restoring the physical holy places was "detestable superstition".[140] One of the first to number the crusades was the French Catholic lawyer Étienne Pasquier. His suggestion was that there were six. In his work he highlighted the failures. In addition he raised the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. The key points were the victims of papal aggression, the sale of indulgences, abuses in the church, corruption, and conflicts at home.[141]

Age of Enlightenment philosopher-historians such as David Hume, Voltaire and Edward Gibbon used crusading as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilisation and cultural mores. For them the positives effects of crusading, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities were able to purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. This view was then criticised in the 19th century by crusade enthusiasts as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the crusades.[142] Alternatively, Claude Fleury and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz proposed that the crusades were one stage in the improvement of European civilisation; that paradigm was further developed by the Rationalists.[143]

The idea that the crusades were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In scholarly literature, the term "holy war" was replaced by the neutral German kreuzzug and French croisade.[144] Gibbon followed Thomas Fuller in dismissing the concept that the crusades were a legitimate defence, as they were disproportionate to the threat presented; Palestine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition.[145] William Robertson expanded on Fleury in a new, empirical, objective approach, placing crusading in a narrative of progress towards modernity. The cultural consequences of growth in trade, the rise of the Italian cities and progress are elaborated in his work. In this he influenced his student Walter Scott.[146] Much of the popular understanding of the crusades derives from the 19th century novels of Scott and the French histories by Joseph François Michaud.[147] Michaud's viewpoint provoked Muslim attitudes. Previously, the crusading movement had aroused little interest among Islamic and Arabic scholars. This changed with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the penetration of European power into the Eastern Mediterrarean.[132]

In a 2001 article—"The Historiography of the Crusades"—Giles Constable attempted to categorise what is meant by "Crusade" into four areas of contemporary crusade study. His view was that Traditionalists such as Hans Eberhard Mayer are concerned with where the crusades were aimed, Pluralists such as Jonathan Riley-Smith concentrate on how the crusades were organised, Popularists including Paul Alphandery and Etienne Delaruelle focus on the popular groundswells of religious fervour, and Generalists, such as Ernst-Dieter Hehl focus on the phenomenon of Latin holy wars.[148][149] The historian Thomas F. Madden argues that modern tensions are the result of a constructed view of the crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century and transmitted into Arab nationalism. For him the crusades are a medieval phenomenon in which the crusaders were engaged in a defensive war on behalf of their co-religionists.[135]

The Byzantines harboured a negative perspective on holy warfare, failing to grasp the concept of the Crusades and finding them repugnant. Although some initially embraced Westerners due to a common Christianity, their trust soon waned. With a pragmatic approach, the Byzantines prioritised strategic locations such as Antioch over sentimental objectives like Jerusalem. They couldn't comprehend the merging of pilgrimage and warfare. The advocacy for infidel eradication by St. Bernard and the militant role of the Templars would deeply shock them. Suspicions arose among the Byzantines that Westerners aimed for imperial conquest, leading to growing animosity. Despite occasionally using the term "holy war" in historical contexts, Byzantine conflicts were not inherently holy but perceived as just, defending the empire and Christian faith. War, to the Byzantines, was justified solely for the defence of the empire, in contrast to Muslim expansionist ideals and Western knights' notion of holy warfare to glorify Christianity.[150]

Scholars like Carole Hillenbrand assert that within the broader context of Muslim historical events, the Crusades were considered a marginal issue when compared to the collapse of the Caliphate, the Mongol invasions, and the rise of the Turkish Ottoman Empire, supplanting Arab rule.[151] Arab historians, influenced by historical opposition to Turkish control over their homelands, adopted a Western perspective on the Crusades.[151] Syrian Christians proficient in Arabic played a vital role by translating French histories into Arabic. The first modern biography of Saladin was authored by the Ottoman Turk Namık Kemal in 1872, while the Egyptian Sayyid Ali al-Hariri produced the initial Arabic history of the Crusades in response to Kaiser Wilhelm II's visit to Jerusalem in 1898.[152] The visit triggered a renewed interest in Saladin, who had previously been overshadowed by more recent leaders like Baybars. The reinterpretation of Saladin as a hero against Western imperialism gained traction among nationalist Arabs, fueled by anti-imperialist sentiment.[153] The intersection of history and contemporary politics is evident in the development of ideas surrounding jihad and Arab nationalism. Historical parallels between the Crusades and modern political events, such as the establishment of Israel in 1948, have been drawn.[133] In contemporary Western discourse, right-wing perspectives have emerged, viewing Christianity as under threat analogous to the Crusades, using crusader symbols and anti-Islamic rhetoric for propaganda purposes.[134] Madden argues that Arab nationalism absorbed a constructed view of the Crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century, contributing to modern tensions. Madden suggests that the crusading movement, from a medieval perspective, engaged in a defensive war on behalf of co-religionists.[135]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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Bibliography[edit]

Further reading[edit]