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{{use mdy dates|date=January 2018}}
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[[File:Richard Nixon - Presidential portrait.jpg|thumb|right |<center>[[Richard Nixon]] by [[James Anthony Wills]].]]
[[File:Lbj2.jpg|thumb|Johnson (1969)]]
{{Nixon series}}


The '''presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson''' began on November 22, 1963, when [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] became the [[List of Presidents of the United States|36th]] [[President of the United States]] upon the [[Assassination of John F. Kennedy|assassination of President John F. Kennedy]], and ended on January 20, 1969. He had been [[Vice President of the United States]] for {{age in days|Jan 20, 1961|Nov 22, 1963}} days when he succeeded to the presidency. A [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrat]], he ran for and won a full four-year term in the [[United States presidential election, 1964|1964 election]], winning by a landslide over [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] opponent Arizona Senator [[Barry Goldwater]]. Following the [[United States presidential election, 1968|1968 presidential election]] he was succeeded by Republican [[Richard Nixon]].
The '''presidency of Richard Nixon''' began on January 20, 1969, when [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] was [[United States presidential inauguration|inaugurated]], and ended on August 9, 1974, when he resigned in the face of almost certain [[Impeachment in the United States|impeachment]] and removal from office, the first [[President of the United States|U.S. president]] ever to do so. He was succeeded by [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]] [[Gerald Ford]], who had become vice president nine months earlier, following [[Spiro Agnew]]'s resignation from office. A [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]], Nixon took office after the [[United States presidential election, 1968|1968 presidential election]], in which he defeated [[Hubert Humphrey]], the then–[[incumbent]] Vice President. Four years later, in [[United States presidential election, 1972|1972]], he won reelection in a [[landslide victory]] over [[George McGovern]].


Nixon, the [[List of Presidents of the United States|37th]] United States president, succeeded [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], who had launched the [[Great Society]], a set of domestic programs financed and run by the [[Federal Government of the United States|federal government]]. In contrast, Nixon advocated a "[[New Federalism]]" domestic program model, one in which certain powers would [[Devolution|devolve]] back to the [[U.S. state|states]]. The creation of the [[Environmental Protection Agency|EPA]], passage of the [[Endangered Species Act]], and the [[Racial integration|integration]] of Southern public schools happened during his presidency, as did the end of [[Conscription in the United States|military draft]] and the [[Apollo program]], which successfully landed Americans on the [[Moon]].
Johnson expanded upon the [[New Deal]], and constructed the [[Great Society]], a series of domestic legislative programs to help the poor and downtrodden; these included [[Medicare (United States)|Medicare]] and [[Medicaid]], defense of [[civil rights]], and federal spending on education, the arts, urban and rural development, public services, and a "[[War on Poverty]]". Assisted in part by a growing economy, the War on Poverty helped millions of Americans rise above the [[Poverty threshold|poverty line]] during Johnson's presidency.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/1999/9910.califano.html |title=What Was Really Great About The Great Society: The truth behind the conservative myths |first=Joseph A. |last=Califano Jr. |work=[[Washington Monthly]]|date=October 1999 |accessdate=May 21, 2013}}</ref> Civil rights legislation signed by Johnson banned racial discrimination in voting, public facilities, housing, and the workplace. With the passage of the [[Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965]], the country's immigration system was reformed and all racial origin quotas were removed (replaced by national origin quotas). His presidency marked the high tide of [[modern liberalism in the United States]].


Nixon's primary focus while in office was on [[Foreign policy of the United States|foreign affairs]]. His foreign policy agenda, known as the [[Nixon Doctrine]], called for indirect assistance to American allies in the [[Cold War]], with the "[[Role of the United States in the Vietnam War|Vietnamization]]" of the [[Vietnam War]] being the most notable example of his doctrine. Nixon [[1972 Nixon visit to China|pursued]] a [[detente]] with the People's Republic of China, taking advantage of the [[Sino-Soviet split]] and significantly altering the nature of the Cold War. Nixon also signed the [[Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty]] and [[Strategic Arms Limitation Talks|SALT]] I, two landmark arms control treaties with the [[Soviet Union]].
Johnson's popularity waned as other issues came to the fore. Johnson pursued a policy of [[containment]] in Vietnam, hoping to stop the spread of [[Communism]] into Southeast Asia during the [[Cold War]]. The number of American military personnel in Vietnam increased dramatically, from 16,000 advisors in non-combat roles in 1963,<ref>{{cite book|author=Russell H. Coward|title=A Voice from the Vietnam War|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=B7bLU05TmGYC&pg=PA25|year=2004|publisher=Greenwood|page=25|accessdate=October 25, 2015}}</ref> to 550,000 in early 1968, in combat roles. Growing unease with the war stimulated a large, angry [[Opposition to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War|antiwar movement]] based especially on university campuses in the U.S. and abroad.<ref>{{cite book|last=Epstein|first=Barbara|title=Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the 1970s and 1980s|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vYW67obBjSEC&pg=PA41|year=1993|publisher=University of California Press|page=41|isbn=978-0520914469|accessdate=October 25, 2015}}</ref> Johnson faced further troubles when summer riots broke out in most major cities after 1965, and crime rates soared, as his opponents raised demands for [[Law and order (politics)|"law and order"]] policies. While he began his presidency with widespread approval, public support for Johnson declined as the war dragged on and domestic unrest across the nation increased. At the same time, the New Deal Coalition that had long-unified the Democratic Party dissolved, and Johnson's support base eroded with it. Although desiring another four-year term, Johnson announced on March 31, 1968, that he would not seek [[Democratic Party presidential primaries, 1968|renomination]]. In recent years, Johnson's standing has improved due to his domestic programs, and [[Historical rankings of presidents of the United States|polls of historians and political scientists]] tend to have Johnson ranked as an above-average president.


Nixon's domestic and foreign policy accomplishments as president were however, largely overshadowed by the scandals that enveloped his administration. Nixon was forced to resign from office after Congress began [[Impeachment process against Richard Nixon|impeachment proceedings]] in reaction to the [[Watergate Scandal]]. He remains the only president to ever resign from office. Regarding his lasting legacy, historian [[Stephen E. Ambrose|Stephen Ambrose]] wrote, "Nixon wanted to be judged by what he accomplished. What he will be remembered for is the nightmare he put the country through in his second term and for his resignation."{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|p=592}}
==Accession==
{{Main article|First inauguration of Lyndon B. Johnson}}
[[File:Lyndon B. Johnson taking the oath of office, November 1963.jpg|thumb|300px|Johnson being sworn in on ''Air Force One'' by Judge Sarah Hughes as Mrs. Johnson and Mrs. Kennedy look on]]


== Election of 1968 ==
Johnson took the [[Oath of office of the President of the United States|presidential oath of office]] at 2:38 pm on November 22, 1963, aboard [[Air Force One]] at [[Dallas Love Field|Love Field]], in [[Dallas]], [[Texas]], soon after the death of President [[John F. Kennedy]].<ref>{{cite book| last=Morison| first=Samuel Eliot| authorlink=Samuel Eliot Morison| title=The Oxford History of the American People| year=1965| publisher=Oxford University Press| location=New York| lccn=65-12468| pages=1121–1122}}</ref> Earlier that day, Kennedy had been [[Assassination of John F. Kennedy|assassinated]] while riding in a presidential motorcade through Dallas. Johnson was convinced of the need to make an immediate transition of power after the assassination to provide stability to a grieving nation in shock. He and the [[United States Secret Service|Secret Service]], not knowing whether the assassin [[Lone wolf (terrorism)|acted alone]] or as part of a [[Conspiracy (criminal)|broader conspiracy]], felt compelled to rapidly return to [[Washington, D.C.]]. Johnson's rush was greeted by some with assertions that he was in too much haste to assume power.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 49–51.</ref>
{{further information|United States presidential election, 1968}}


One year prior to the [[1968 Republican National Convention|1968 Republican Convention]] the early favorite for the party's presidential nomination was Michigan governor [[George W. Romney|George Romney]]. Later that year however, his prospects foundered on the issue of [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]],<ref>{{cite journal |last=Johns |first=Andrew L. |title=Achilles' Heel: The Vietnam War and George Romney's Bid for the Presidency, 1967 to 1968 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/20164896 |journal=Michigan Historical Review |volume=26 |issue=1 |pages=1–29 |date=Spring 2000 |publisher=Central Michigan University |location=Mt. Pleasant, Michigan |doi= |access-date=June 22, 2017 }}</ref> and by the end of 1967, Nixon was, according to ''[[Time Magazine|Time]]'' magazine, the "man to beat."<ref>{{cite magazine |author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.--> |title=Republicans: Revving Up |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,899894,00.html |magazine=[[Time Magazine|Time]] |location=New York |publisher=Time |date=December 27, 1967 |volume=90 |issue=25 |access-date=June 22, 2017 }}</ref> Nixon entered the new year confident that, with the Democrats torn apart over the war in Vietnam, a Republican had a good chance of winning, although he expected the election to be as close as in 1960.{{sfn|Parmet|p=502}}
Taking up Kennedy's legacy, Johnson declared that "No memorial oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964|Civil Rights Bill]] for which he fought so long."<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.upi.com/Archives/Audio/Events-of-1963/Transition-to-Johnson/|title=1963 Year in Review – Transition to Johnson |publisher=UPI |date=November 19, 1966 |accessdate=December 21, 2011}}</ref> The wave of national grief following the assassination gave enormous momentum to Johnson's legislative agenda. On November 29, 1963, Johnson issued an executive order renaming NASA's Launch Operations Center at [[Merritt Island, Florida]], as the [[Kennedy Space Center]], and the nearby launch facility at [[Cape Canaveral Air Force Station]] as Cape Kennedy.<ref>{{cite web| title=Kennedy Space Center Story Chapter 1: Origins| url=https://www.nasa.gov/centers/kennedy/about/history/story/ch1.html| edition=1991| publisher=NASA| accessdate=June 16, 2017}}</ref>


Nixon won a resounding victory in the first [[Republican Party presidential primaries, 1968|Republican Party primary]] on March 12 in New Hampshire, winning 78% of the vote. Antiwar Republicans wrote in the name of New York governor [[Nelson Rockefeller]], the leader of the GOP's liberal wing, who received 11% of the vote. He later defeated Nixon in the Massachusetts primary on April 30 but otherwise fared poorly in the state primaries and conventions. That spring, California governor [[Ronald Reagan]] emerged as the leading voice of [[Conservatism in the United States|Republican conservatism]], attaining second place in two primaries and winning the contest in his home state.
In response to the public demand for answers and the growing number of [[John F. Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories|conspiracy theories]], Johnson established a commission headed by Chief Justice [[Earl Warren]], known as the [[Warren Commission]], to investigate Kennedy's assassination.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 51.</ref> The commission conducted extensive research and hearings and unanimously concluded that [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] acted alone in the assassination. Since the commission's official report was released in September 1964, other federal and municipal investigations have been conducted, most of which support the conclusions reached in the Warren Commission report. Nonetheless, a significant percentage of Americans polled still indicate a belief in some sort of conspiracy.<ref>{{cite web| last=Saad| first=Lydia| url=http://www.gallup.com/poll/9751/americans-kennedy-assassination-conspiracy.aspx| title=Americans: Kennedy Assassination a Conspiracy| publisher=Gallup News Service| date=November 21, 2003| accessdate=June 16, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web| last=Swift| first=Art| url=http://www.gallup.com/poll/165893/majority-believe-jfk-killed-conspiracy.aspx| title=Majority in U.S. Still Believe JFK Killed in a Conspiracy| publisher=Gallup News Service| date=November 15, 2013 |deadurl=yes| archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160801184321/http://www.gallup.com/poll/165893/majority-believe-jfk-killed-conspiracy.aspx| archivedate=August 1, 2016}}</ref>


At the Republican National Convention in [[Miami Beach, Florida]], Reagan and Rockefeller discussed joining forces in a stop-Nixon movement, with each hoping to be nominated in a [[brokered convention]]. No such movement materialized, and Nixon secured the nomination on the first ballot.{{sfn|Parmet|pp=503–508}} He selected Maryland governor [[Spiro Agnew]] as his running mate, a choice which Nixon believed would unite the party, appealing to both Northern moderates and Southerners disaffected with the Democrats.{{sfn|Parmet|p=509}} Nixon's acceptance speech was a message of hope:
==Administration==
{{Quote|We extend the hand of friendship to all people. To the Soviet people. To the Chinese people. To all the people of the world. And we work toward the goal of an open world, open sky, open cities, open hearts, open minds.<ref name=RNcampaigns>{{cite web| url=https://millercenter.org/president/nixon/campaigns-and-elections| title=Richard Nixon:Campaigns and Elections| publisher= Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia| location=Charlottesville, Virginia| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref>}}


Democrats began 1968 expecting that President Johnson, who was constitutionally eligible for election to a second full term under the provisions of the [[Twenty-second Amendment to the United States Constitution|22nd Amendment]], would again be the party's presidential nominee. Those expectations were shattered by Senator [[Eugene McCarthy]], who had entered the campaign late in November to give voice to those in the party opposed to Johnson's Vietnam policies.<ref name=radioworks>{{cite web| title=Timeline of the 1968 Campaign| work=Campaign '68| publisher=American RadioWorks American Public Media| location=St. Paul, Minnesota| url=http://americanradioworks.publicradio.org/features/campaign68/timeline.html| last1=Smith| first1=Stephen| last2=Ellis| first2=Kate| date=October 25, 2008| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref> McCarthy narrowly lost to Johnson in the first [[Democratic Party presidential primaries, 1968|Democratic Party primary]] on March 12 in New Hampshire, winning 42% of the vote to Johnson's 49%. The results startled the party establishment and spurred Senator [[Robert F. Kennedy]] of New York to enter the race. Two weeks later, Johnson told a stunned the nation that he would not seek a second term. In the weeks that followed, much of the momentum that had been moving the McCarthy campaign forward shifted toward Kennedy.<ref>{{cite web| title=McCarthy galvanized opposition to Vietnam War| date=December 11, 2005| work=Los Angeles Times| url=http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/2005-12-11/news/MCCARTHY11_1_mccarthy-died-vietnam-war-new-hampshire| publisher=Orlando Sentinel| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref> This, one of the most tumultuous Democratic primary election seasons in modern times, concluded with [[Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy|Kennedy being assassinated]] on June 4 in [[Los Angeles]], following a rally celebrating his victory in the California primary.
===Cabinet===
{{Infobox U.S. Cabinet
|align=left
|Name=Johnson
|President =Lyndon B. Johnson
|President start =1963
|President end =1969
|Vice President =none
|Vice President start =1963
|Vice President end =1965
|Vice President 2 =[[Hubert Humphrey]]
|Vice President start 2 =1965
|Vice President end 2 =1969
|State =[[Dean Rusk]]
|State start =1963
|State end =1969
|Treasury =[[C. Douglas Dillon]]
|Treasury start =1963
|Treasury end =1965
|Treasury 2 =[[Henry H. Fowler]]
|Treasury start 2 =1965
|Treasury end 2 =1968
|Treasury 3 =[[Joseph W. Barr]]
|Treasury start 3 =1968
|Treasury end 3 =1969
|Defense =[[Robert McNamara]]
|Defense start =1963
|Defense end =1968
|Defense 2 =[[Clark M. Clifford]]
|Defense start 2 =1968
|Defense end 2 =1969
|Justice =[[Robert F. Kennedy]]
|Justice start =1963
|Justice end =1964
|Justice 2 =[[Nicholas Katzenbach]]
|Justice start 2 =1964
|Justice end 2 =1966
|Justice 3 =[[Ramsey Clark]]
|Justice start 3 =1966
|Justice end 3 =1969
|Post =[[John A. Gronouski]]
|Post start =1963
|Post end =1965
|Post 2 =[[Larry O'Brien]]
|Post start 2 =1965
|Post end 2 =1968
|Post 3 =[[W. Marvin Watson]]
|Post start 3 =1968
|Post end 3 =1969
|Interior =[[Stewart Lee Udall]]
|Interior start =1963
|Interior end =1969
|Agriculture =[[Orville Lothrop Freeman]]
|Agriculture start =1963
|Agriculture end =1969
|Commerce =[[Luther Hartwell Hodges]]
|Commerce start =1963
|Commerce end =1965
|Commerce 2 =[[John Thomas Connor]]
|Commerce start 2 =1965
|Commerce end 2 =1967
|Commerce 3 =[[Alexander Buel Trowbridge]]
|Commerce start 3 =1967
|Commerce end 3 =1968
|Commerce 4 =[[Cyrus Rowlett Smith]]
|Commerce start 4 =1968
|Commerce end 4 =1969
|Labor =[[W. Willard Wirtz]]
|Labor start =1963
|Labor end =1969
|Health, Education, and Welfare =[[Anthony Celebrezze]]
|Health, Education, and Welfare start =1963
|Health, Education, and Welfare end =1965
|Health, Education, and Welfare 2 =[[John William Gardner]]
|Health, Education, and Welfare start 2 =1965
|Health, Education, and Welfare end 2 =1968
|Health, Education, and Welfare 3 =[[Wilbur Joseph Cohen]]
|Health, Education, and Welfare start 3 =1968
|Health, Education, and Welfare end 3 =1969
|Housing and Urban Development =[[Robert Clifton Weaver]]
|Housing and Urban Development start =1966
|Housing and Urban Development end =1968
|Housing and Urban Development 2 =[[Robert Coldwell Wood]]
|Housing and Urban Development date 2 =1969
|Transportation =[[Alan Stephenson Boyd]]
|Transportation start =1967
|Transportation end =1969
}}


Vice President [[Hubert Humphrey]], who announced his candidacy in late April saying he would run on the Kennedy-Johnson record, but would be his "own man,"<ref name=radioworks/> won the presidential nomination at [[1968 Democratic National Convention|Democratic National Convention]] in [[Chicago]]. Senator [[Edmund Muskie]] of Maine was selected as his running mate. Outside the convention hall, thousands of young antiwar activists who had gathered to [[1968 Democratic National Convention protest activity|protest the Vietnam War]] clashed violently with police. The mayhem, which had been broadcast to the world in television, crippled the Humphrey campaign. Post-convention Labor Day surveys had Humphrey trailing Nixon by more than 20 percentage points.<ref name=ballconfusion>{{cite web| last=Sabato| first=Larry J.| title=1968: Ball of Confusion| date=November 5, 2015| work=Sabato's Crystal Ball| url=http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/1968-ball-of-confusion/| publisher=[[University of Virginia Center for Politics]]| location=Charlottesville, Virginia| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref>
[[File:Cabinet Meeting July 1965.jpg|thumb|350px|July 1965 cabinet meeting, seated (L–R): [[Commandant of the Marine Corps|Marine Corps Commandant]] Gen. [[Wallace M. Greene]], [[Chief of Staff of the United States Army|Army Chief of Staff]] Gen. [[Harold Keith Johnson]], [[United States Secretary of the Army|Army Secretary]] [[Stanley Rogers Resor]], [[National Security Advisor (United States)|National Security Advisor]] [[McGeorge Bundy]] (standing), Johnson, and [[United States Secretary of Defense|Defense Secretary]] [[Robert McNamara]]]]


[[File:ElectoralCollege1968.svg|left|thumb|1968 electoral vote results.]]
When Johnson assumed office following President Kennedy's death he asked the existing Cabinet to continue in office in order to ensure a smooth transition.<ref>{{cite web| title=Lyndon B. Johnson’s Cabinet| publisher=The Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library| location=Austin, Texas| url=http://www.lbjlibrary.net/collections/quick-facts/lyndon-baines-johnson-cabinet.html| accessdate=July 6, 2017}}</ref> Robert Kennedy stayed on as Attorney General, despite his having a notoriously poor relationship with the new president, but only for 10 months. He resigned in September 1964 in order to [[United States Senate election in New York, 1964|run for the U.S. Senate]].<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 58.</ref> Others stayed for a few years before leaving for various reasons. Four of the Kennedy cabinet members Johnson inherited—Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], Secretary of the Interior [[Stewart Udall]], Secretary of Agriculture [[Orville L. Freeman]], and Secretary of Labor [[W. Willard Wirtz]]—remained with him through his entire presidency.<ref>{{cite magazine| last=Onion| first=Rebecca| title='I Rely On You. I Need You.' How LBJ Begged JFK's Cabinet To Stay| date=November 22, 2013| url=http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2013/11/22/lyndon_johnson_the_new_president_s_remarks_to_the_kennedy_cabinet.html| magazine=[[Slate (magazine)|Slate]]| publisher=The Slate Group| location=New York City}}</ref>
In addition to Nixon and Humphrey, the race was joined by former Democratic Alabama governor [[George Wallace]], a vocal [[racial segregation in the United States|segregationist]], who ran on the [[American Independent Party]] ticket. Throughout the campaign, Nixon portrayed himself as a figure of stability during a period of national unrest and upheaval.<ref name=RNlibrarypresident>{{cite web| title=The President| work=The Life of Richard Nixon| url=https://nixonlibrary.gov/thelife/apolitician/thepresident/index.php| publisher=Richard Nixon Presidential Museum and Library NARA| location=Yorba Linda, California| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref> He appealed to what he later called the "[[silent majority]]" of [[socially conservative]] Americans who disliked the [[counterculture of the 1960s|hippie counterculture]] and the [[Opposition to the Vietnam War|anti-war]] demonstrators. Agnew became an increasingly vocal critic of these groups, solidifying Nixon's position with the right.<ref>{{cite magazine |last=Morrow |first=Lance |title=Naysayer To The Nattering Nabobs: Spiro T. Agnew, 1918-1996 |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,985217,00.html |magazine=[[Time Magazine|Time]] |location=New York |publisher=Time |date=September 30, 1996 |volume=148 |issue=16 |access-date=July 16, 2011}}</ref> Nixon waged a prominent television advertising campaign, meeting with supporters in front of cameras.{{sfn|Black|pp=513–514}} He stressed that the crime rate was too high, and attacked what he perceived as a surrender by the Democrats of the United States' nuclear superiority.{{sfn|Black|p=550}} Nixon promised "[[peace with honor]]" in the Vietnam War and proclaimed that "new leadership will end the war and win the peace in the Pacific".{{sfn|Schulzinger|p=413}} He did not release specifics of how he hoped to end the war, resulting in media intimations that he must have a "secret plan".{{sfn|Schulzinger|p=413}} His slogan of "Nixon's the One" proved to be effective.{{sfn|Black|pp=513–514}}


In a three-way race, Nixon defeated Humphrey by about 500,000 votes{{snd}}43.4% to 42.7%; Wallace received 13.5% of the vote. In the [[Electoral College (United States)|Electoral College]], Nixon's victory was substantial. He secured 301 votes to Humphrey’s 191 and 46 for Wallace (including one [[faithless elector]] in North Carolina who had been [[promise|pledged]] to Nixon.<ref name=ballconfusion/>{{sfn|Black|p=558}} In his victory speech, Nixon pledged that his administration would try to [[Bring Us Together|bring the divided nation together]].{{sfn|Evans & Novak|pp=33–34}}
Over the course of his six years in office, Johnson greatly expanded the size and role of the [[Executive Office of the President of the United States|White House staff]] in supervising departmental policy, personnel, and legislative decisions.<ref>{{cite book| last=Warshaw| first=Shirley Ann| editor1-last=Friedman| editor1-first=Leon| editor2-last=Levantrosser| editor2-first=William F.| title=Richard M. Nixon: Politician, President, Administrator| series=Issue 269 of Contributions in political science, {{ISSN|0147-1066}} Hofstra University cultural & intercultural studies| chapter=18: The Implementation of Cabinet Government During the Nixon Administration| date=1991| isbn=0-313-27653-6| publisher=Greenwood Press| location=Westport, Connecticut| via=ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara, California| page=332| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mFcqC8-9xa8C&pg=PA332&lpg=PA332&dq=Nixon+cabinet&source=bl&ots=a6etSgT9z_&sig=DebuhKX05IydZ75ZY8QolkCAL3g&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjhi4yXovPUAhWG7CYKHQc0ACA4ChDoAQg2MAM#v=onepage&q=Nixon%20cabinet&f=false}}</ref> Johnson did not have an official [[White House Chief of Staff]]. Initially, his long-time administrative assistant [[Walter Jenkins]] presided over the day-to-day operations at the White House.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 66–67.</ref> [[George Reedy]], another long-serving aide, assumed the post of [[White House Press Secretary]] when [[Pierre Salinger]] left that post in March 1964.<ref name="Dallek 1998, p. 67">Dallek 1998, p. 67.</ref> Horace Busby, a valued aide to Johnson at various points in his political career, served primarily as a speech writer and political analyst. He was also a deputy to [[National Security Advisor (United States)|National Security Advisor]] [[McGeorge Bundy]], as well as the liaison between the executive departments and the White House.<ref>{{cite news| last=Pace| first=Eric| date=June 3, 2000| title=Horace Busby, 76, Ex-White House Aide and Johnson Adviser| url=https://www.nytimes.com/2000/06/03/us/horace-busby-76-ex-white-house-aide-and-johnson-adviser.html| work=[[The New York Times]]|location=New York City|accessdate=July 6, 2017}}</ref> [[Bill Moyers]] was the youngest member of Johnson's staff; hired at the outset of the Johnson presidency, first as scheduling coordinator and part-time speech writer, he quickly rose into the front ranks of the president's aides.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 68.</ref> He played a key role in organizing and supervising the 1964 [[Great Society]] legislative task forces and was a principal architect of Johnson's 1964 presidential campaign. Moyers acted as the President's informal chief of staff from October 1964 (following Jenkins's resignation) until 1966. From July 1965 to February 1967, he also served as press secretary.<ref>{{cite web| title=Bill Moyers Biographical Note| publisher=LBJ Library and Museum| url=http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/archives.hom/holdings/Findingaids/Aides/Moyers/MoyersBio.asp| accessdate=June 7, 2007 | deadurl=yes| archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20070713202932/http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/archives.hom/holdings/Findingaids/Aides/Moyers/MoyersBio.asp| archivedate=July 13, 2007 |df= }}</ref> Johnson referred to these aides as his "[[triple-threat man|triple-threat men]]"<ref name="Dallek 1998, p. 67"/> because of their loyalty and versatility.
{{clear}}


== Administration ==
===Vice presidency===
The office of vice president remained vacant during Johnson's first ({{age in days|1963|11|22|1965|1|20}}-day partial) term, as at the time there was no [[United States Constitution|constitutional]] provision for filling an intra-term vacancy in the vice presidency. During this vacancy, the [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives|Speaker of the House]], [[John William McCormack]] of Massachusetts, was next in [[United States presidential line of succession|line to the presidency]].


=== Cabinet ===
Johnson [[Democratic Party vice presidential candidate selection, 1964|selected]] Senator [[Hubert Humphrey]] of Minnesota as his running mate in the 1964 election. Humphrey had been a key proponent of the president's legislative agenda in the Senate, particularly in regards to the [[1964 Civil Rights Act]]. After the Democratic ticket triumphed in the 1964 election, Humphrey served as vice president during Johnson's second term.<ref>{{cite book| last=Walch| first=Timothy| title=At the President's Side: The Vice Presidency in the Twentieth Century| date=1997| publisher=University of Missouri Press| location=Columbia, Missouri| pages=104–105| isbn= 9780826211330| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PBYghyfZjOUC&source=gbs_navlinks_s|accessdate=June 16, 2017}}</ref>


{{Infobox U.S. Cabinet
Led by Senator [[Birch Bayh]] and Representative [[Emanuel Celler]], Congress, on July 5, 1965, approved an amendment to the U.S. Constitution addressing succession to the presidency and establishing procedures both for filling a vacancy in the office of the vice president, and for responding to presidential disabilities, and submitted it to the [[State legislature (United States)|state legislatures]] for [[ratification]]. It was ratified by the requisite number of states (38) on February 10, 1967, becoming the [[Twenty-fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution]].<ref>{{cite web| last1=Kalt| first1=Brian C.| last2=Pozen| first2=David| title=The Twenty-fifth Amendment| url=https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendments/amendment-xxv| work=The Interactive Constitution| publisher=National Constitution Center| location=Philadelphia, Pennsylvania| accessdate=August 13, 2017}}</ref>
|align=left
|Name=Nixon
|President =Richard Nixon
|President start =1969
|President end =1974
|Vice President =[[Spiro Agnew]]
|Vice President start =1969
|Vice President end =1973
|Vice President 2 =none
|Vice President date 2 =1973
|Vice President 3 =[[Gerald Ford]]
|Vice President start 3 =1973
|Vice President end 3 =1974
|State =[[William P. Rogers]]
|State start =1969
|State end =1973
|State 2 =[[Henry Kissinger]]
|State start 2 =1973
|State end 2 =1974
|Treasury =[[David M. Kennedy]]
|Treasury start =1969
|Treasury end =1971
|Treasury 2 =[[John Connally]]
|Treasury start 2 =1971
|Treasury end 2 =1972
|Treasury 3 =[[George P. Shultz]]
|Treasury start 3 =1972
|Treasury end 3 =1974
|Treasury 4 =[[William E. Simon]]
|Treasury date 4 =1974
|Defense =[[Melvin R. Laird]]
|Defense start =1969
|Defense end =1973
|Defense 2 =[[Elliot Richardson]]
|Defense date 2 =1973
|Defense 3 =[[James R. Schlesinger]]
|Defense start 3 =1973
|Defense end 3 =1974
|Justice =[[John N. Mitchell]]
|Justice start =1969
|Justice end =1972
|Justice 2 =[[Richard Kleindienst]]
|Justice start 2 =1972
|Justice end 2 =1973
|Justice 3 =[[Elliot Richardson]]
|Justice start 3 =1973
|Justice end 3 =1974
|Justice 4 =[[William B. Saxbe]]
|Justice date 4 =1974
|Post =[[Winton M. Blount]]
|Post start =1969
|Post end =1971
|Interior =[[Wally Hickel|Wally Joseph Hickel]]
|Interior start =1969
|Interior end =1971
|Interior 2 =[[Rogers Morton]]
|Interior start 2 =1971
|Interior end 2 =1974
|Agriculture =[[Clifford M. Hardin]]
|Agriculture start =1969
|Agriculture end =1971
|Agriculture 2 =[[Earl Butz]]
|Agriculture start 2 =1971
|Agriculture end 2 =1974
|Commerce =[[Maurice Stans]]
|Commerce start =1969
|Commerce end =1972
|Commerce 2 =[[Peter George Peterson|Peter Peterson]]
|Commerce start 2 =1972
|Commerce end 2 =1973
|Commerce 3 =[[Frederick B. Dent]]
|Commerce start 3 =1973
|Commerce end 3 =1974
|Labor =[[George P. Shultz]]
|Labor start =1969
|Labor end =1970
|Labor 2 =[[James Day Hodgson]]
|Labor start 2 =1970
|Labor end 2 =1973
|Labor 3 =[[Peter J. Brennan]]
|Labor start 3 =1973
|Labor end 3 =1974
|Health, Education, and Welfare =[[Robert Finch (American politician)|Robert Finch]]
|Health, Education, and Welfare start =1969
|Health, Education, and Welfare end =1970
|Health, Education, and Welfare 2 =[[Elliot Richardson]]
|Health, Education, and Welfare start 2 =1970
|Health, Education, and Welfare end 2 =1973
|Health, Education, and Welfare 3 =[[Caspar Weinberger]]
|Health, Education, and Welfare start 3 =1973
|Health, Education, and Welfare end 3 =1974
|Housing and Urban Development =[[George W. Romney]]
|Housing and Urban Development start =1969
|Housing and Urban Development end =1973
|Housing and Urban Development 2 =[[James Thomas Lynn]]
|Housing and Urban Development start 2 =1973
|Housing and Urban Development end 2 =1974
|Transportation =[[John A. Volpe]]
|Transportation start =1969
|Transportation end =1973
|Transportation 2 =[[Claude Brinegar]]
|Transportation start 2 =1973
|Transportation end 2 =1974
|Chief of Staff =[[H.R. Haldeman]]
|Chief of Staff start =1969
|Chief of Staff end =1973
|Chief of Staff 2 =[[Alexander Haig]]
|Chief of Staff start 2 =1973
|Chief of Staff end 2 =1974
|Environmental Protection =[[William Ruckelshaus]]
|Environmental Protection start =1970
|Environmental Protection end =1973
|Environmental Protection 2 =[[Russell E. Train]]
|Environmental Protection start 2 =1973
|Environmental Protection end 2 =1974
|Management and Budget =[[Robert Mayo]]
|Management and Budget start =1969
|Management and Budget end =1970
|Management and Budget 2 =[[George P. Shultz]]
|Management and Budget start 2 =1970
|Management and Budget end 2 =1972
|Management and Budget 3 =[[Caspar Weinberger]]
|Management and Budget start 3 =1972
|Management and Budget end 3 =1973
|Management and Budget 4 =[[Roy Ash]]
|Management and Budget start 4 =1973
|Management and Budget end 4 =1974
|Trade =[[Carl J. Gilbert]]
|Trade start =1969
|Trade end =1971
|Trade 2 =[[William Denman Eberle]]
|Trade start 2 =1971
|Trade end 2 =1974
}}


[[File:Richard M. Nixon posing with his cabinet in the cabinet room in the white house. - NARA - 194353.jpg|thumbnail|right|President Nixon's cabinet in 1971.]]
==Judicial appointments==
{{Main article|Lyndon B. Johnson Supreme Court candidates|Lyndon B. Johnson judicial appointments}}
[[File:Thurgood-marshall-2.jpg|thumb|Appointed in 1967, [[Thurgood Marshall]] was the first African American on the Supreme Court]]
Johnson made two appointments to the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]] while in office:
* [[Abe Fortas]]{{snd}}[[Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|Associate Justice]] (to replace [[Arthur Goldberg]]), <br>nominated July 28, 1965, and confirmed by the [[United States Senate|U.S. Senate]] August 11, 1965.<ref name=SCOTUS>{{Cite web| title=U.S. Senate: Supreme Court Nominations: 1789-Present| url=http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm| website = www.senate.gov| accessdate=June 15, 2017}}</ref> Johnson, anticipating court challenges to his legislative measures, thought it would be advantageous to have a close confidant on the Supreme Court who could provide him with inside information, and chose Fortas to fill that role. He created an opening on the court by convincing Justice Goldberg to become [[United States Ambassador to the United Nations]].<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 233–235.</ref>
* [[Thurgood Marshall]]{{snds}}Associate Justice (to replace [[Tom C. Clark]]), <br>nominated June 13, 1967, and confirmed by the U.S. Senate August 30, 1967.<ref name=SCOTUS/> The first African-American to serve on the Court, Marshall retired from the Court in 1991.


For the major decisions of his presidency, Nixon relied on the [[Executive Office of the President of the United States|Executive Office of the President]] rather than his Cabinet. Chief of Staff [[H. R. Haldeman]] and adviser [[John Ehrlichman]] emerged as his two most influential staffers regarding domestic affairs, and much of Nixon's interaction with other staff members was conducted through Haldeman.{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=478-481}} Unlike many of his fellow Cabinet members, Attorney General [[John N. Mitchell]] held sway within the White House, and Mitchell led the search for Supreme Court nominees.{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=474, 483}} In foreign affairs, Nixon enhanced the importance of the [[United States National Security Council|National Security Council]], which was led by [[National Security Advisor (United States)|National Security Advisor]] [[Henry Kissinger]].{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=478-481}} Nixon's first Secretary of State, [[William P. Rogers]], was largely sidelined. In 1973, Kissinger succeeded Rogers as Secretary of State while continuing to serve as National Security Advisor. Nixon presided over the reorganization of the Bureau of the Budget into the more powerful [[Office of Management and Budget]], further concentrating executive power in the White House.{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=478-481}} Rather than relying on the [[Republican National Committee]], his re-election campaign was primarily waged through the [[Committee for the Re-Election of the President]] (CREEP), whose top leadership was composed of former White House personnel, including Mitchell.{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=514-515}} Despite his centralization of power in the White House, Nixon allowed his Cabinet officials great leeway in setting domestic policy in subjects he was not strongly interested in, such as the environmental policy.{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=490-491}} In 1973, as the Watergate scandal came to light, Nixon accepted the resignations of Haldeman, Erlichman, and Mitchell's successor as Attorney General, [[Richard Kleindienst]].{{sfn|Leuchtenberg|pp=523-524}} Haldeman was succeeded by [[Alexander Haig]], who became the dominant figure in the White House during the last months of Nixon's presidency as Nixon increasingly focused on Watergate.<ref name="nytobit">{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/21/us/politics/21haig.html |title=Alexander M. Haig Jr., 85, Forceful Aide to 2 Presidents, Dies |author=Weiner, Tim |authorlink=Tim Weiner |date=February 20, 2010 |accessdate=February 20, 2010 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]] |archiveurl=https://www.webcitation.org/5nhqLAZBM?url=http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/21/us/politics/21haig.html |archivedate=February 21, 2010 |deadurl=no |df=mdy }}</ref>
He also made two unsuccessful nominations to the Supreme Court:


{{clear}}
* Abe Fortas{{snd}}[[Chief Justice of the United States|Chief Justice]] (to replace [[Earl Warren]]), <br>nominated June 26, 1968, but withdrawn October 4, 1968.<ref name=SCOTUS/> Although a sitting associate justice, the nomination to become chief justice was subject to a separate confirmation process. Fortas's nomination was defeated by senators opposed to his liberal views and close association with the president.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Hogue|first1=Henry B.|title=Supreme Court Nominations Not Confirmed, 1789-August 2010|url=https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL31171.pdf|website=Congressional Research Service|publisher=Federation of American Scientists|accessdate=March 22, 2016}}</ref> Fortas resigned from the Court the following year. Warren remained chief justice until his replacement (appointed by President [[Richard Nixon]]) was confirmed in June 1969.
* [[Homer Thornberry]]{{snd}}Associate Justice (to fill the vacancy that would have been created had Abe Fortas's elevation to chief justice been confirmed), <br>nominated June 26, 1968, but withdrawn October 4, 1968.<ref name=SCOTUS/> As Fortas remained on the Court, Thornberry's nomination became void.


===Vice presidency===
In addition to his Supreme Court appointments, Johnson appointed 40 judges to the [[United States Courts of Appeals]], and 126 judges to the [[United States district courts]]. Here too he had a number of [[Lyndon B. Johnson judicial appointment controversies|judicial appointment controversies]], with one appellate and three district court nominees not being confirmed by the U.S. Senate before his presidency ended.
As the Watergate scandal heated up in mid-1973, Vice President [[Spiro Agnew]] became a target in an unrelated investigation of corruption in [[Baltimore County, Maryland]] of public officials and architects, engineering, and paving contractors. He was accused of accepting [[Bribery|kickbacks]] in exchange for contracts while serving as Baltimore [[county executive]], then when he was [[Governor of Maryland]] and Vice President.<ref name="Sandomir">{{cite news| last=Sandomir| first1=Richard| authorlink=Richard Sandomir| title=George Beall, Prosecutor Who Brought Down Agnew, Dies at 79| url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/18/us/george-beall-dead-prosecuted-agnew.html?smid=pl-share| publisher=[[The New York Times]]| date=January 18, 2017| accessdate=June 19, 2017}}</ref> On October 10, 1973, Agnew became the second Vice President to resign the office (after [[John C. Calhoun]] in 1832). That same day, he pleaded [[no contest]] to [[tax evasion]] in the sum of $13,551.47 for 1967. He was fined $10,000 and avoided prison time.<ref name="Sandomir"/> Nixon used his authority under the [[Twenty-fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution|25th Amendment]] to nominate [[Gerald Ford]] for vice president. The well-respected Ford was confirmed by Congress and took office on December 6, 1973.<ref>{{cite web| title=Gerald Ford| url=http://www.history.com/topics/us-presidents/gerald-r-ford| date=2009| work=history.com| publisher=A&E Networks| location=New York| accessdate=June 17, 2017}}</ref>{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=231–232, 239}} This was the first time since the office of vice president was established in 1789 that intra-term vacancy in it was filled. The [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives|Speaker of the House]], [[Carl Albert]] of Oklahoma, was next in [[United States presidential line of succession|line to the presidency]] during this {{age in days|1973|10|10|1973|12|6}}-day vacancy.
{{clear}}


== Judicial appointments ==
==Domestic affairs==
[[File:Warren e burger photo.jpeg|thumb|upright|[[Warren E. Burger]], 15th [[Chief Justice of the United States]] (1969–1986)]]
Despite his political prowess and previous service as [[Party leaders of the United States Senate|Senate Majority Leader]], Johnson had largely been sidelined in the Kennedy administration. He took office determined to secure the passage of Kennedy’s unfinished domestic agenda, which, for the most part, had remained bottled-up in various congressional committees.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Zelizer|first1=Julian|title=The Fierce Urgency of Now|date=2015|publisher=Penguin Books|pages=1–2}}</ref><ref>{{cite web| title=Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society| work=Postwar North Carolina| url=http://www.learnnc.org/lp/editions/nchist-postwar/6106| publisher=LEARN NC, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Education| accessdate=August 10, 2017}}</ref> By the spring of 1964, he had begun to use the name "[[Great Society]]" to describe his domestic program; the term was coined by [[Richard N. Goodwin|Richard Goodwin]], and drawn from [[Eric F. Goldman|Eric Goldman]]'s observation that the title of [[Walter Lippman]]'s book ''The Good Society'' best captured the totality of president's agenda. Johnson's Great Society program encompassed movements of urban renewal, modern transportation, clean environment, anti-poverty, healthcare reform, crime control, and educational reform.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 81–82.</ref>
{{main|Richard Nixon Supreme Court candidates|List of federal judges appointed by Richard Nixon}}
Nixon made four successful (and two unsuccessful) appointments to the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]] while in office, shifting the Court in a more [[Conservatism in the United States|conservative]] direction following the era of the liberal [[Warren Court]].<ref name="galloway">{{cite journal|last1=Galloway|first1=Russell|title=The Burger Court (1969-1986)|journal=Santa Clara Law Review|date=January 1, 1987|volume=27|issue=1|url=http://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1867&context=lawreview|accessdate=February 28, 2016}}</ref> Nominated were:
* [[Warren E. Burger]]{{snds}}[[Chief Justice of the United States|Chief Justice]] (to replace [[Earl Warren]]), <br>nominated May 23, 1969 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate June 9, 1969.<ref name=SCOTUS>{{Cite web| title=U.S. Senate: Supreme Court Nominations: 1789-Present| url=http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/nominations/Nominations.htm| website = www.senate.gov| accessdate=June 15, 2017}}</ref> He tended to take conservative positions in cases.<ref name="galloway"/>
** [[Clement Haynsworth]]{{snd}}[[Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|Associate Justice]] (to replace [[Abe Fortas]]), <br>nominated August 21, 1969, but rejected by the U.S. Senate (vote: 45-55) November 21, 1969.<ref name=SCOTUS/>
** [[G. Harrold Carswell]]{{snd}}Associate Justice (to replace Abe Fortas), <br>nominated January 19, 1970, but rejected by the U.S. Senate (vote: 45-51) April 8, 1970.<ref name=SCOTUS/>
* [[Harry Blackmun]]{{snds}}Associate Justice (to replace Abe Fortas), <br>nominated April 15, 1970 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate May 12, 1970.<ref name=SCOTUS/> While initially conservative, Blackmun became more liberal during his tenure.<ref name="galloway"/>
* [[Lewis F. Powell Jr.]]{{snds}}Associate Justice (to replace [[Hugo Black]]), <br>nominated October 22, 1971 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate December 6, 1971.<ref name=SCOTUS/> Powell compiled a conservative voting record on the Court.<ref name="galloway"/>
* [[William Rehnquist]]{{snds}}Associate Justice (to replace [[John Marshall Harlan II]]), <br>nominated October 22, 1971 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate December 10, 1971.<ref name=SCOTUS/> Rehnquist, a conservative, succeeded Burger as chief justice in 1986, remaining in that position until 2005.<ref name="galloway"/>


Additionally, Nixon appointed 231 federal judges, surpassing the previous record of 193 set by [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]. In addition to his four Supreme Court appointments, Nixon appointed 46 judges to the [[United States Courts of Appeals]], and 181 judges to the [[United States district courts]].
===Clean air initiatives===
{{further|Richard Nixon judicial appointment controversies}}
The [[Clean Air Act (United States)|Clean Air Act of 1963]], which Johnson signed into law on December 17, was the first [[Act of Congress|federal act]] regarding [[air pollution]] control. It established a federal program within the [[U.S. Public Health Service]] and authorized federal funding for air quality research into techniques for monitoring and controlling air pollution.<ref name=cleanair>{{EPA content|url=https://www.epa.gov/}}{{cite web| title=Clean Air Act Overview: Evolution of the Clean Air Act| publisher=Environmental Protection Agency| location=Washington, D.C.| url=https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act| accessdate=June 18, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web| title=Clean Air Act| url=http://corg.indiana.edu/clean-air-act| publisher=Center on Representative Government, Indiana University Bloomington| location=Bloomington, Indiana| accessdate=June 18, 2017}}</ref> The act was first amended in 1965, by the [[Motor Vehicle Air Pollution Control Act]], which directed the Secretary of [[United States Department of Health and Human Services|Health, Education, and Welfare]] to establish and enforce national [[Automobile emissions control|standards for controlling the emission of pollutants]] from new motor vehicles and engines. regulations were [[Promulgation|enacted]] on March 30, 1966, for crankcase and exhaust emissions beginning with 1968 model year vehicles.<ref>{{cite journal| title=Control of Motor Vehicle Emissions: State or Federal Responsibility?| last=Adelman| first=S. Allan| journal=Catholic University Law Review| volume=20| issue=1| date=Fall 1970| pages=157–170| publisher=Columbus School of Law, The Catholic University of America| location=Washington, D.C.| accessdate=June 18, 2017| url=http://scholarship.law.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2759&context=lawreview}}</ref> This was the federal government’s first active role in clean air policy. In 1967, the Air Quality Act was enacted in order to expand federal government activities in the area of air pollution reduction. In accordance with this law, enforcement proceedings were initiated in areas subject to interstate air pollution transport. As part of these proceedings, the federal government for the first time conducted extensive ambient monitoring studies and stationary source inspections. The act also authorized expanded studies of air pollutant emission inventories, ambient monitoring techniques, and control techniques.<ref name=cleanair/>
{{clear}}


===Taxation===
==Foreign policy==
Early in 1963, President Kennedy had proposed a significant tax reduction bill to Congress. After overcoming much resistance, Kennedy's bill was passed by the House in September. Despite his hopes for quick Senate approval, [[Harry F. Byrd|Harry Byrd]] of Virginia insisted that it needed to have "full and careful deliberation" by the Senate Finance Committee.<ref name="o'donnellcivilrights">{{cite news| last=O'Donnell| first=Michael| title=How LBJ Saved the Civil Rights Act| url=https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/04/what-the-hells-the-presidency-for/358630/| accessdate=August 21, 2016| publisher=The Atlantic| date=April 2014}}</ref> It was only after Johnson succeeded to the presidency, and agreed to decrease the total federal budget to under $100 billion, that Byrd dropped his opposition, clearing the way for the [[Revenue Act of 1964]] to pass. Signed into law on February 26, 1964, the act cut individual income tax rates across the board by approximately 20%. In addition to individual income tax cuts, it also slightly reduced corporate tax rates and introduced a minimum standard deduction.<ref>{{cite web| last=Johnson| first=Lyndon B.| url=http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26084| title=Radio and Television Remarks Upon Signing the Tax Bill| date=February 26, 1964| accessdate=August 10, 2017| others=Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project}}</ref> Movement of this long-stalled initiative facilitated efforts to move ahead on civil rights legislation.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 73–74.</ref>


=== Europe ===
In 1968 Johnson signed a second tax bill, the [[Revenue and Expenditure Control Act of 1968]], into law. The product of months of negotiations, he reluctantly signed it to pay for the Vietnam War's mounting costs. The bill included a mix of tax increases and spending cuts.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 300–302.</ref>


Just weeks after his 1969 inauguration, Nixon made an eight-day trip to Europe, that began in [[Brussels]] on February 23, 1969. He met with Britain’s [[Prime Minister]] [[Harold Wilson]] in [[London]] and France's President [[Charles de Gaulle]] in [[Paris]]. He also stopped in [[Bonn]], [[Berlin]] and [[Rome]] and met with [[Pope Paul VI]] in [[Vatican City]] . He also made groundbreaking trips to several Eastern European Communist nations, including: Romania (1969), [[Yugoslavia]] (1970), and the [[Soviet Union]] (1972 and 1974).
===Civil rights===


====Civil Rights Act of 1964====
=== Asia ===
{{Main article|Civil Rights Act of 1964}}
[[File:Lyndon Johnson meeting with civil rights leaders.jpg|thumb|Meeting with civil rights leaders Rev. [[Martin Luther King Jr.]] (left), [[Whitney Young]], and [[James Farmer]] in the [[Oval Office]] in 1964]]
Though a product of the South and a protege of segregationist Senator [[Richard Russell Jr.]], Johnson had long been personally sympathetic to the [[Civil Rights Movement]],<ref>Zelizer, p. 73.</ref> and felt that the time had come to pass the first major civil rights bill since the [[Reconstruction Era]].<ref>Zelizer, pp. 82–83.</ref> President Kennedy had submitted a civil rights bill to Congress in June 1963, which was met with strong opposition.<ref>Reeves 1993, pp. 521–523.</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Schlesinger|first=Arthur|origyear=1965|year=2002|title=A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House|page=973}}</ref> Kennedy's bill had already been approved by the [[United States House Judiciary Committee|House Judiciary Committee]], but still faced opposition in the [[United States House Committee on Rules|House Rules Committee]] and the Senate.<ref>Zelizer, p. 60.</ref> Historian [[Robert Caro]] notes that Kennedy's civil rights bill faced the same delay tactics that had prevented civil rights legislation from passing during previous administrations; Southern congressmen and senators used congressional procedure to prevent it from coming to a vote.<ref>Caro, Robert. "The Passage of Power". p. 459.</ref>


==== China ====
Since becoming chairman of the House Rules Committee in 1954, Representative [[Howard W. Smith]] of Virginia, an opponent of racial integration, had successfully used his power as chairman to keep several civil rights initiatives from coming to a vote on the House floor. In order for Johnson's civil rights bill to reach the House floor for a vote, the president needed to find a way to circumvent Smith. First, he opened his January 8, 1964, [[State of the Union address]] by publicly challenging Congress, "Let this session of Congress be known as the session which did more for civil rights than the last hundred sessions combined;"<ref>{{cite wikisource |first= Lyndon B. |last= Johnson |authorlink= Lyndon B. Johnson |date= January 8, 1964 |title=Lyndon Baines Johnson's First State of the Union Address}}</ref> he then worked to build support among House members for a [[discharge petition]] to force it onto the House floor, and he and his allies worked to persuade uncommitted Republicans and Democrats to support the petition.<ref name="o'donnellcivilrights"/><ref>Caro, Robert. "The Passage of Power". p. 462.</ref> Facing a growing threat that they would be bypassed, the House Rules Committee approved the bill and moved it to the floor of the full House, which passed it on February 10, 1964, by a vote of 290–110.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 116.</ref> Before the bill's passage, Smith proposed an amendment that added protection from gender discrimination to the bill, in a sly attempt to prevent the bill's passage.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 98–99.</ref> However, Smith's maneuver backfired, as the House still voted to approve the bill; 152 Democrats and 136 Republicans voted in favor of it, while the majority of the opposition came from 88 Democrats representing states that had seceded during the Civil War.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 100–101.</ref>


{{main|1972 Nixon visit to China}}
Johnson convinced Senate Majority Leader [[Mike Mansfield]] to put the House bill directly into consideration by the full Senate, bypassing the [[United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary|Senate Judiciary Committee]] and its segregationist chairman [[James Eastland]].<ref>Zelizer, pp. 101–102.</ref> Since the tax bill had already passed, and bottling up the bill in a committee was no longer an option, the anti-civil rights senators were left with the [[filibuster]] as their only remaining tool. Overcoming the filibuster required the support of over 20 Republicans, who were growing less supportive due to the fact that their party was about to nominate for president a candidate who opposed the bill.<ref>Caro, Robert. "The Passage of Power". p. 463.</ref> Mansfield and Senator [[Hubert Humphrey]] led the effort to pass it in the Senate, and one of their major tasks was to convince Senate Minority Leader [[Everett Dirksen]] and other Midwestern conservatives to support it.<ref name="o'donnellcivilrights"/><ref>{{cite news|last1=Purdum|first1=Todd|title=LBJ’s poignant paradoxes|url=http://www.politico.com/story/2014/04/lyndon-b-johnson-civil-rights-summit-105559|accessdate=August 22, 2016|publisher=Politico|date=April 9, 2014}}</ref> Johnson and the conservative Dirksen reached a compromise in which the [[Equal Employment Opportunity Commission]]'s enforcement powers were weakened, but civil rights groups still supported the bill due to its "end of de jure segregation."<ref>Zelizer, pp. 121–124.</ref> After months of debate, the Senate voted for closure in a 71–29 vote, narrowly clearing the 67-vote threshold then required to break filibusters.<ref name=zelizer126127>Zelizer, pp. 126–127.</ref> Though most of the opposition came from southern Democrats, 1964 Republican presidential nominee [[Barry Goldwater]], and five other Republicans also voted against the bill.<ref name=zelizer126127/> On June 19, the Senate voted to 73–27 in favor of the bill, sending it to the president.<ref>Zelizer, p. 128.</ref>
[[File:Nixon shakes hands with Chou En-lai.jpg|left|thumb|President Nixon shakes hands with Chinese Premier [[Zhou Enlai]] upon arriving in Beijing]]


Even those who opposed Nixon occasionally praise his work in China. The extent to which his visit had any profound consequences of note, however, remain very much open to debate. Nixon laid the groundwork for his overture to China prior to becoming president, writing the before his election that: "There is no place on this small planet for a billion of its potentially most able people to live in angry isolation."<ref name=RNforeign>{{cite web| url=https://millercenter.org/president/nixon/foreign-affairs| title=Richard Nixon:Foreign Affairs| publisher= Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia| location=Charlottesville, Virginia| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref> Assisting him in this venture was his [[National Security Advisor (United States)|National Security Advisor]] and future Secretary of State, [[Henry Kissinger]], with whom the President worked closely, bypassing Cabinet officials. With relations between the Soviet Union and China at a nadir—[[Sino–Soviet border conflict|border clashes between the two]] took place during Nixon's first year in office—Nixon sent private word to the Chinese through Pakistan, a country friendly to both China and United States,<ref>{{cite web| url=http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1877.html| title=Nixon Travels – China| website=ushistory.com| publisher=Online Highways| location=Florence, Oregon| accessdate=June 22, 2016}}</ref> that he desired closer relations with the Chinese. A breakthrough came in early 1971, when [[Mao Zedong|Chairman Mao]] invited a team of American table tennis players to visit China and play against top Chinese players. Nixon followed up by sending Kissinger to China for clandestine meetings with Chinese officials.<ref name=RNforeign/> On July 15, 1971, it was simultaneously announced by Beijing and by Nixon (on television and radio) that the President would visit China the following February. The announcements astounded the world.{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|p=453}} The secrecy allowed both sets of leaders time to prepare the political climate in their countries for the contact.{{r|Goh-Small}}
Johnson signed the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] into law on July 2. Legend has it that as he put down his pen Johnson told an aide, "We have lost the South for a generation", anticipating a coming backlash from Southern whites against Johnson's Democratic Party.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 120.</ref> The act banned racial segregation in [[public accommodations]], banned [[Employment discrimination law in the United States|employment discrimination]] on the basis of race or gender, and strengthened the federal government's power to investigate racial and gender employment discrimination.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 128–129.</ref> The law later upheld by the Supreme Court in cases such as ''[[Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States]]''.<ref name="o'donnellcivilrights"/>


In February 1972, President and Mrs. Nixon traveled to China. Kissinger briefed Nixon for over 40&nbsp;hours in preparation.{{sfn|Black|p=778}} Upon touching down, the President and First Lady emerged from [[Air Force One]] and greeted Chinese Premier [[Zhou Enlai]]. Nixon made a point of shaking Zhou's hand, something which then-Secretary of State [[John Foster Dulles]] had refused to do in 1954 when the two met in Geneva.<ref name=ChinaPBS>{{cite serial| title=The Nixon Visit| series=[[American Experience]]| network=[[PBS]]| date=| url = https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/sfeature/nixon.html| accessdate = July 17, 2011}}</ref> Over 100&nbsp;television journalists accompanied the president. On Nixon's orders, television was strongly favored over printed publications, as Nixon felt that the medium would capture the visit much better than print. It also gave him the opportunity to snub the print journalists he despised.<ref name=ChinaPBS/>
Biographer Randall B. Woods has argued that Johnson effectively used appeals to [[Judeo-Christian ethics]] to garner support for the civil rights law. Woods writes that Johnson undermined the Southern filibuster against the bill:
{{quote|LBJ wrapped white America in a moral straight jacket. How could individuals who fervently, continuously, and overwhelmingly identified themselves with a merciful and just God continue to condone racial discrimination, police brutality, and segregation? Where in the Judeo-Christian ethic was there justification for killing young girls in a church in Alabama, denying an equal education to black children, barring fathers and mothers from competing for jobs that would feed and clothe their families? Was Jim Crow to be America's response to "Godless Communism"? <ref>Randall B. Woods, "The Politics of Idealism: Lyndon Johnson, Civil Rights, and Vietnam." ''Diplomatic History'' 31#1 (2007): 1–18, quote p. 5; The same text appears in Woods, ''Prisoners of Hope: Lyndon B. Johnson, the Great Society, and the Limits of Liberalism'' (2016), p. 89.</ref>}}


Nixon and Kissinger met for an hour with Mao and Zhou at Mao's official private residence, where they discussed a range of issues.{{sfn|Black|pp=780–782}} Mao later told his doctor that he had been impressed by Nixon, whom he considered forthright, unlike the leftists and the Soviets.{{sfn|Black|pp=780–782}} He also said he was suspicious of Kissinger,{{sfn|Black|pp=780–782}} though the National Security Advisor referred to their meeting as his "encounter with history".<ref name=ChinaPBS/> A formal banquet welcoming the presidential party was given that evening in the [[Great Hall of the People]]. The following day, Nixon met with Zhou; during this meeting he stated that he believed “there is one China, and Taiwan is a part of China.”<ref>{{cite journal|first=Nancy Bernkopf |last=Tucker|title=Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China|journal=Journal of American History |year=2005|volume=92 |issue=1 |pages=109–135|doi=10.2307/3660527|jstor=3660527}}</ref>{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|p=516}} When not in meetings, Nixon toured architectural wonders including the [[Forbidden City]], [[Ming Tombs]], and the [[Great Wall of China|Great Wall]].<ref name=ChinaPBS/> Americans received their first glimpse into Chinese life through the cameras which accompanied Pat Nixon, who toured the city of Beijing and visited communes, schools, factories, and hospitals.<ref name=ChinaPBS/>
====Voting Rights Act====
{{Main|Voting Rights Act of 1965}}


The visit ushered in a new era of Sino-American relations.<ref name=RNlibrarypresident/> Fearing the possibility of a Sino-American alliance, the Soviet Union yielded to pressure for [[détente]] with the United States.{{sfn|Dallek|p=300}}
After the end of Reconstruction in the 19th century, most Southern states had enacted laws designed to [[Disenfranchisement after the Reconstruction Era|disenfranchise and marginalize black citizens from politics]] so far as practicable without violating the [[Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fifteenth Amendment]]. Even with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the January 1964 ratification of the [[Twenty-fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution|24th Amendment]], which banned [[Poll tax (United States)|poll tax]]es, many states continued to effectively disenfranchise African-Americans through mechanisms such as "[[white primaries]]" and [[literacy test]]s.<ref>Zelizer, p. 202.</ref><ref name=eyes>{{cite book|last=Williams|first=Juan|title=Eyes on the Prize: America's Civil Rights Years, 1954–1965|year=2002|publisher=Penguin Books|location=New York, NY|page=253|isbn=0-14-009653-1}}</ref> Shortly after the 1964 elections, Johnson privately instructed Attorney General Katzenbach to draft "the goddamndest, toughest voting rights act that you can".<ref name=Bending>{{cite book|last=May|first=Gary|title=Bending Toward Justice: The Voting Rights Act and the Transformation of American Democracy|publisher=Basic Books|location=New York, NY|isbn=0-465-01846-7|pages=47–52|date=April 9, 2013|edition=Kindle}}</ref> He did not, however, publicly push for the legislation at that time; his advisers warned him of political costs for vigorously pursuing a voting rights bill so soon after Congress had passed the Civil Rights Act, and Johnson was concerned that championing voting rights would endanger his other Great Society reforms by angering Southern Democrats in Congress.<ref name=Bending/>


==== Vietnam ====
[[File:Lyndon Johnson and Martin Luther King, Jr. - Voting Rights Act.jpg|thumb|upright|right|300px|President Lyndon B. Johnson, [[Martin Luther King Jr.]], and [[Rosa Parks]] at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on August 6, 1965]]
{{main|Vietnam War|Operation Menu|Role of the United States in the Vietnam War}}


At the time Nixon took office, about 300 American soldiers were dying each week in Vietnam,<ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.americanwarlibrary.com/vietnam/vwc24.htm | title = Vietnam War Deaths and Casualties By Month | accessdate = June 22, 2012 | publisher = The American War Library| location=Long Beach California}}</ref> and the war was broadly unpopular in the United States, with widespread, sometimes violent [[Protests against the Vietnam War|protests against the war]] taking place on a regular basis (including a protest at Nixon's inauguration). The Johnson administration had agreed to suspend bombing in exchange for negotiations without preconditions, but this agreement never fully took force. According to Walter Isaacson, soon after taking office, Nixon had concluded that the Vietnam War could not be won and he was determined to end the war quickly.{{sfn|Drew|p=65}} Conversely, Black argues that Nixon sincerely believed he could intimidate North Vietnam through the ''[[Madman theory]]''.{{sfn|Black|p=572, 1055: "Nixon, so often a pessimist, thought he could end the Vietnam war within a year....He somehow imagined he could partly replicate Eisenhower's peace in Korea."}} Nixon sought some arrangement which would permit American forces to withdraw, while leaving South Vietnam secure against attack.{{sfn|Black|p=569}}
Soon after the 1964 election civil rights organizations such as the [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference]] (SCLC) and the [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]] (SNCC) began a push for federal action to protect the voting rights of racial minorities.<ref name=eyes/> They organized numerous voting-rights marches and demonstrations in Alabama, which were broken-up violently by police; hundreds of African-Americans were jailed. On March 7, these organizations began the [[Selma to Montgomery marches]] in which Selma residents proceeded to march to Alabama's capital, [[Montgomery, Alabama|Montgomery]], to highlight voting rights issues and present Governor [[George Wallace]] with their grievances. On the first march, demonstrators were stopped by state and county police on horseback at the [[Edmund Pettus Bridge]] near Selma. The police shot [[tear gas]] into the crowd and trampled protesters. Televised footage of the scene, which became known as "Bloody Sunday", generated outrage across the country.<ref name=GaryMay2015>{{cite web| title="The American Promise" — LBJ's Finest Hour| date=March 6, 2015| first=Gary| last=May| website=BillMoyers.com| url=http://billmoyers.com/2015/03/06/american-promise-lbjs-finest-hour/| accessdate=August 11, 2017}}</ref>


In mid-1969, Nixon began efforts to negotiate peace with the North Vietnamese, sending a personal letter to North Vietnamese leaders, and peace talks began in Paris. Initial talks, however, did not result in an agreement.{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=281–283}} In July 1969, Nixon visited [[South Vietnam]], where he met with his U.S. military commanders and President [[Nguyen Van Thieu]]. Amid protests at home demanding an immediate pullout, he implemented a strategy of replacing American troops with [[Army of the Republic of Vietnam|Vietnamese troops]], known as "[[Role of United States in the Vietnam War#Vietnamization, 1969–1975|Vietnamization]]".<ref name=RNlibrarypresident/> He soon instituted phased U.S. troop withdrawals<ref name=Time97.14>{{cite magazine |author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.--> |title=Again, the Credibility Gap? |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,876891,00.html |magazine=[[Time Magazine|Time]] |location=New York |publisher=Time |date=April 5, 1971 |volume=97 |issue=14 |access-date=July 29, 2011 }}</ref> but authorized incursions into [[Laos]], in part to interrupt the [[Ho Chi Minh trail]], used to supply North Vietnamese forces, that passed through Laos and Cambodia. Nixon announced the ground invasion of Cambodia to the American public on April 30, 1970.<ref>{{cite news| title = 8,000 Move Into Cambodia| newspaper = St. Peterburg Independent| agency = AP (Saigon)| date = May 1, 1970| url = https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=utwLAAAAIBAJ&sjid=UlcDAAAAIBAJ&pg=7133%2C160415}}</ref> His responses to protesters included an impromptu, early morning meeting with them at the [[Lincoln Memorial]] on May 9, 1970.<ref>{{cite news| title = Nixon Up Early, See Protesters| agency = UPI| newspaper = Beaver County Times| date = May 9, 1970| location = Beaver, Pennsylvania| url = https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=FGwyAAAAIBAJ&sjid=TrMFAAAAIBAJ&pg=1864%2C2379598 }}</ref>{{sfn|Black|pp=675–676}} Documents uncovered from the Soviet archives after 1991 reveal that the North Vietnamese attempt to overrun Cambodia in 1970 was launched at the explicit request of the [[Khmer Rouge]] and negotiated by [[Pol Pot]]'s then second in command, [[Nuon Chea]].<ref>{{cite web| last=Mosyakov| |first=Dmitry| title=The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives| series=GSP Working Paper No. 15| date=2004| publisher=Genocide Studies Program Yale University| location=New Haven, Connecticut| url=http://gsp.yale.edu/node/297| quote=In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: "Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days.}}</ref> Nixon's campaign promise to curb the war, contrasted with the escalated bombing, led to claims that Nixon had a "[[credibility gap]]" on the issue.<ref name=Time97.14/>
In response to the rapidly increasing political pressure upon him, Johnson decided to immediately send voting rights legislation to Congress, and to address the American people in a speech before a [[Joint session of the United States Congress|Joint session of Congress]]. Johnson's speech, written by Richard Goodwin, was, noted [[Time (magazine)|TIME magazine]]'s correspondent afterward, "so startling, so moving, that few who saw it or heard it will ever forget it."<ref name=GaryMay2015/> He began:
{{Quote|I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause. ... Rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved nation. The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For, with a country as with a person, 'what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?'<ref name=GaryMay2015/><ref name="Dallek 1998, p.218">Dallek 1998, p. 218.</ref>}}


In 1971, excerpts from the "[[Pentagon Papers]]", which had been leaked by [[Daniel Ellsberg]], were published by ''[[The New York Times]]'' and ''[[The Washington Post]]''. When news of the leak first appeared, Nixon was inclined to do nothing; the Papers, a history of United States' involvement in Vietnam, mostly concerned the lies of prior administrations and contained few real revelations. He was persuaded by Kissinger that the papers were more harmful than they appeared, and the President tried to prevent publication. The Supreme Court eventually ruled for the newspapers.{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=446–448}}
The [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]] was introduced in Congress on March 17. The Senate passed the bill two-and-a-half months later, by a vote of 77 to 19, and the House approved it in July, 333–85. This landmark legislation, which Johnson signed into law on August 6, 1965, outlawed discrimination in voting, thus allowing millions of southern blacks to vote for the first time. In accordance with the act, several states, "seven of the eleven southern states of the former confederacy" (Alabama, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Virginia) were subjected to the procedure of preclearance in 1965 while Texas, home to the majority of the African American population at the time, followed in 1975.<ref>Davidson, C. & Grofman, B. (1994). ''Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact Of The Voting Right Act, 1965–1990''. p. 3, Princeton University Press.</ref> The results were significant; between the years of 1968 and 1980, the number of southern black elected state and federal officeholders nearly doubled. The act also made a large difference in the numbers of black elected officials nationally; in 1965, a few hundred black office-holders mushroomed to 6,000 in 1989.<ref name="Dallek 1998, p.218"/> Perhaps most impressively, between 1964 and 1967, the voter registration rate of Mississippi African-Americans rose from 6.7% to 59.8%.<ref>Zelizer, p. 228.</ref>


As U.S. troop withdrawals continued, [[Conscription in the United States#End of conscription|conscription]] was reduced and in 1973 ended; the armed forces became all-volunteer.<ref>{{cite journal| last=Evans| first=Thomas W.| date=Summer 1993| location=Washington, D.C.| title=The All-Volunteer Army After Twenty Years: Recruiting in the Modern Era| url=http://www.history.army.mil/armyhistory/AH27newOCR.pdf| journal=Army History| publisher=Center of Mililary History| id=PB-20-93-4 (No. 27)| pages=40–46| accessdate=June 26, 2017}}</ref> After years of fighting, the [[Paris Peace Accords]] were signed at the beginning of 1973. The agreement implemented a cease fire and allowed for the withdrawal of remaining American troops; however, it did not require the 160,000 [[North Vietnam Army]] regulars located in the South to withdraw.{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|pp=53–55}} Once American combat support ended, there was a brief truce, before fighting broke out again, this time without American combat involvement. North Vietnam conquered South Vietnam in 1975.{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|p=473}} Communist governments also took power in Laos and Cambodia.
In late March 1965, following the murder of civil rights worker [[Viola Liuzzo]], Johnson went on television to announce the arrest of four [[Ku Klux Klan]]smen implicated in her death. He used the opportunity to angrily denounce the Klan as a "hooded society of bigots," and warned them to "return to a decent society before it's too late." He also ordered a federal investigation into the Klan's activities, and, when the men charged with Liuzzo's murder were set free by an all-white jury, Johnson ordered the Department of Justice to use the 1964 Civil Rights Act to bring charges against them. A federal jury convicted three of Liuzzo's murderers, and they were given 10-year prison terms.<ref>{{cite web| url=https://www.splcenter.org/20110301/ku-klux-klan-history-racism| title=Ku Klux Klan: A History of Racism| date=February 28, 2011| publisher=[[Southern Poverty Law Center]]| location=Montgomery, Alabama| accessdate=August 13, 2017}}</ref> In doing so, Johnson became the first president in over 90 years, since [[Ulysses S. Grant]], to prosecute members of the Klan.<ref>{{cite web| last=McFeely| first=William S.| date=2002| title=Grant: A Biography| publisher=W. W. Norton & Company| location=New York, New York| pages=369–371}}</ref>


==== Cambodia ====
Johnson also spoke of racial injustice and economic disparities between blacks and whites during a June 4, 1965 commencement address at [[Howard University]]. Known as the "To Fulfill These Rights" speech, it contained some of the most progressive words on race ever uttered by an American president.<ref>{{cite web| url=http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue17/steinb17.htm| title=The Liberal Retreat From Race| first=Stephen| last=Steinberg| others=from ''New Politics'', vol. 5, no. 1 (new series), whole no. 17, Summer 1994| accessdate=August 12, 2017}}</ref> He declared that "freedom," the right to share fully and equally in American society, "is not enough." He continued,"it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates." He then articulated what he viewed as the next stage of the battle for civil rights, declaring, "We seek not just freedom but opportunity. We seek not just legal equity but human ability, not just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a result."<ref>{{cite web| last=Johnson| first=Lyndon B.| url=http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=27021| title=Commencement Address at Howard University: "To Fulfill These Rights"| date=June 4, 1965| accessdate=August 12, 2017| others=Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, University of California at Santa Barbara}}</ref>
{{see also|Cambodian Campaign}}
[[File:Nixon Cambodia.jpg|thumb|Nixon delivers an address to the nation about the bombings in Cambodia, April 30, 1969]]


Nixon approved a secret [[Boeing B-52 Stratofortress|B-52]] carpet bombing campaign of North Vietnamese positions in Cambodia in March 1969 (code-named ''[[Operation Menu]]''), without the consent of Cambodian leader [[Norodom Sihanouk]].{{sfn|Black|p=591}}<ref>{{cite book|last=Clymer|first=Kenton|title=The United States and Cambodia, 1969-2000: A Troubled Relationship|publisher=[[Routledge]]|year=2013|isbn=9781134341566|pp=14–16}}</ref><ref name="Kiernan"/> The bombing of Cambodia continued into the 1970s in support of the Cambodian government of [[Lon Nol]]—which was then battling a [[Khmer Rouge]] insurgency in the [[Cambodian Civil War]]—as part of [[Operation Freedom Deal]]. It is estimated that between 50,000 and 150,000 people were killed during the bombing of Cambodia between 1970 and 1973.<ref name="Kiernan">{{cite journal|last1=Owen|first1=Taylor|last2=Kiernan|first2=Ben|title=Bombs Over Cambodia|journal=The Walrus|date=October 2006|url=http://www.yale.edu/cgp/Walrus_CambodiaBombing_OCT06.pdf|pages=32–36}} Kiernan and Owen later revised their estimate of 2.7 million tons of U.S. bombs dropped on Cambodia down to the previously accepted figure of roughly 500,000 tons: See {{cite web|authorlink1=Ben Kiernan|last1=Kiernan|first1=Ben|last2=Owen|first2=Taylor|url=http://apjjf.org/2015/13/16/Ben-Kiernan/4313.html|title=Making More Enemies than We Kill? Calculating U.S. Bomb Tonnages Dropped on Laos and Cambodia, and Weighing Their Implications|work=The Asia-Pacific Journal|date=2015-04-26|accessdate=2016-11-15}}</ref> The relationship between the massive carpet bombing of Cambodia by the United States and the growth of the Khmer Rouge, in terms of recruitment and popular support, has been a matter of interest to historians. Some historians have cited the U.S. intervention and bombing campaign as a significant factor leading to increased support of the Khmer Rouge among the Cambodian peasantry. However, Pol Pot biographer David Chandler argues that the bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted – it broke the Communist encirclement of [[Phnom Penh]]".<ref>{{cite book| last=Chandler| first=David| date=2000| title=Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot| edition=Revised| location=Chiang Mai, Thailand| publisher=Silkworm Books| pages=96–97}}</ref> Chandler states that "If you just made a very cold, calculating, military decision, the bombing of 1973 was in fact a sensible thing to do [at the time], because had it not happened, the Khmer Rouge would have taken Phnom Penh [much earlier] and South Vietnam would have had a communist country on its flank."<ref name="Bombing Defended">{{cite web|last=Ponniah|first=Kevin|url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/us-bombing-defended|title=US bombing defended|work=[[The Phnom Penh Post]]|date=2014-09-09|accessdate=2017-07-14}}</ref> [[Peter Rodman]] and [[Michael Lind]] claimed that the US intervention saved Cambodia from collapse in 1970 and 1973.<ref>{{cite web| title=Returning to Cambodia| url=https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2007/0823iraq_rodman.aspx| last=Rodman| first=Peter W.| date=August 23, 2007| publisher=[[Brookings Institution]]| location=Washington, D.C.| accessdate=2017-07-14| deadurl=bot: unknown| archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20071102010737/https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2007/0823iraq_rodman.aspx| archivedate=November 2, 2007| df=}}</ref><ref>{{cite book| last=Lind| first=Michael| title=Vietnam: The Necessary War: A Reinterpretation of America's Most Disastrous Military Conflict| publisher=Free Press| location=New York| date=1999|isbn=0684842548}}</ref> Craig Etcheson agreed that it was "untenable" to assert that US intervention caused the Khmer Rouge victory while acknowledging that it may have played a small role in boosting recruitment for the insurgents.<ref>{{cite book| last=Etcheson| first=Craig| title=The Rise and Demise of Democratic Kampuchea| series=Westview Special Studies on South and Southeast Asia| publisher=Westview Press| date=1984| page=97| isbn=0865316503}}</ref> [[William Shawcross]], however, wrote that the "Khmer Rouge were born out of the inferno that American policy did much to create" and that Sihanouk's "collaboration with both powers [the United States and North Vietnam]&nbsp;... was intended to save his people by confining the conflict to the border regions. It was American policy that engulfed the nation in war."<ref>{{cite book| last=Shawcross| first=William| title=Sideshow| date=1979| publisher=Simon & Schuster| isbn=0671230700| p=396}}</ref>
====1968 Civil Rights Act====
{{Main|Civil Rights Act of 1968}}
Johnson expected to lose seats in the 1966 mid-term elections, and chose to pursue a [[housing discrimination]] bill as his final major legislative goal of the 89th Congress.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 227–228.</ref> In April 1966, Johnson submitted a bill to Congress that barred owners from refusing to enter into agreements on the basis of race; the bill immediately garnered opposition from many of the northerners who had supported the last two major civil rights bills.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 235–236.</ref> Though a version of the bill passed the House, it failed to win Senate approval, marking Johnson's first major legislative defeat.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 244–246.</ref> The law gained new impetus after the April 4, 1968, [[assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.]], and the [[King assassination riots|civil unrest]] across the country following King's death.<ref name=Kotz2005P417>{{cite book|last=Kotz|first=Nick|title=Judgment days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the laws that changed America|year=2005|publisher=Houghton Mifflin|location=Boston|isbn=0-618-08825-3|page=417|chapter=14. Another Martyr}}</ref> On April 5, Johnson wrote a letter to the [[United States House of Representatives|U.S. House of Representatives]] urging passage of the [[Civil Rights Act of 1968]].<ref>{{cite web|last=Johnson|first=Lyndon Baines|title=182 - Letter to the Speaker of the House Urging Enactment of the Fair Housing Bill|url=http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=28785|publisher=American Presidency Project|accessdate=July 19, 2012|date=April 5, 1968|quote=We should pass the Fair Housing law when the Congress convenes next week.}}</ref> With newly urgent attention from legislative director [[Joseph Califano]] and [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] [[Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives|House Speaker]] [[John William McCormack]], the bill passed the House by a wide margin on April 10.<ref name=Kotz2005P417/><ref>{{cite news|last=Risen|first=Clay|title=The Unmaking of the President: Lyndon Johnson believed that his withdrawal from the 1968 presidential campaign would free him to solidify his legacy|url=http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history-archaeology/president-lbj.html?c=y&page=3|accessdate=July 18, 2012|newspaper=Smithsonian Magazine|pages=3, 5 and 6 in online version|date=April 2008}}</ref> The [[Fair Housing Act]], a component of the bill, outlawed housing discrimination, and allowed many [[African-American]]s to move to the suburbs.<ref name="mfletcher1"/>


===War on Poverty===
=== Latin America ===
[[File:Gustavo Diaz Ordaz Richard Nixon San Diego.jpg|thumb|Nixon and Mexican president [[Gustavo Díaz Ordaz]] riding a presidential motorcade in San Diego, California, September 1970]]
{{Main|War on poverty}}
After the passage of the Revenue Act of 1964, and while the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was being debated in the Senate, Johnson looked to further bolster his legislative record in advance of the 1964 election.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 131–132.</ref> While the previous two bills had been priorities of Kennedy, Johnson chose to next focus on the [[War on Poverty]] based on the advice of economist [[Walter Heller]].<ref name=zelizer132>Zelizer, pp. 132–134.</ref> In April 1964, Johnson proposed the [[Economic Opportunity Act of 1964]], which would create the [[Office of Economic Opportunity]] to oversee local [[Community Action Agencies]] charged with dispensing aid to those in poverty.<ref name=zelizer132/> The act would also create the [[Job Corps]], a work-training program, and [[AmeriCorps VISTA]], a domestic version of the [[Peace Corps]].<ref>Zelizer, pp. 135–136.</ref> Johnson was able to win the support of enough conservative Democrats to pass the bill, which he signed on August 20.<ref>Zelizer, p. 144.</ref> [[Sargent Shriver]], a brother-in-law of John and Robert Kennedy, became the first head of the Office of Economic Opportunity. He also called upon Congress to make permanent the food stamp pilot programs initiated by President Kennedy in 1961. After much [[Logrolling|trading of political favors]], Congress approved the [[Food Stamp Act of 1964]], which [[Appropriation (law)|appropriated]] $75 million to 350,000 individuals in 40 counties and three cities. The president hailed food stamps as "a realistic and responsible step toward the fuller and wiser use of an agricultural abundance."<ref>{{cite book| first=Frederic N.| last=Cleveland| title=Congress and Urban Problems| date=1969| location=New York| publisher=Brookings Institution| page=305| asin=B00DFMGVNA}}</ref>


==== Cuba ====
In August 1965, Johnson signed the [[Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965]] into law. The legislation, which he called "the single most important breakthrough" in federal housing policy since the 1920s, greatly expanded funding for existing federal housing programs, and added new programs to provide rent subsidies for the elderly and disabled; housing rehabilitation grants to poor homeowners; provisions for veterans to make very low down-payments to obtain mortgages; new authority for families qualifying for public housing to be placed in empty private housing (along with subsidies to landlords); and matching grants to localities for the construction of water and sewer facilities, construction of community centers in low-income areas, and urban beautification.<ref>{{cite news| last=Semple| first=Robert| title=$7.5 Billion Bill, With a Rent Subsidy Proviso, Signed by Johnson| date=August 11, 1965| work=The New York Times| publisher=The New York Times| location=New York}}</ref><ref>{{cite book| last=Pritchett| first=Wendell A.| title=Robert Clifton Weaver and the American City: The Life and Times of an Urban Reformer| date=2008| publisher=University of Chicago Press| pages=256–259| isbn=0-226-68448-2}}.</ref> Four weeks later, on September 9, the president signed legislation establishing the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.<ref>{{cite book| last=Pritchett| first=Wendell A.| title=Robert Clifton Weaver and the American City: The Life and Times of an Urban Reformer| date=2008| publisher=University of Chicago Press| page=262| isbn=0-226-68448-2}}.</ref>
Nixon had been a firm supporter of Kennedy in the 1961 [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]] and 1962 [[Cuban Missile Crisis]]; on taking office he stepped up covert operations against Cuba and its president, [[Fidel Castro]]. He maintained close relations with the Cuban-American exile community through his friend, [[Bebe Rebozo]], who often suggested ways of irritating Castro. These activities concerned the Soviets and Cubans, who feared Nixon might attack Cuba in violation of the understanding between Kennedy and Khrushchev which had ended the missile crisis. In August 1970, the Soviets asked Nixon to reaffirm the agreement. Despite his hard line against Castro, Nixon agreed. The process—which began in secret, but quickly leaked—had not been completed when the U.S. deduced that the Soviets were expanding their base at the Cuban port of [[Cienfuegos]] in October 1970. A minor confrontation ensued, which was concluded with an understanding that the Soviets would not use Cienfuegos for submarines bearing ballistic missiles. The final round of diplomatic notes, reaffirming the 1962 accord, were exchanged in November.{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=379–383}}


==== Chile ====
Johnson took an additional step in the War on Poverty with an urban renewal effort, presenting to Congress in January 1966 the "Demonstration Cities Program". To be eligible a city would need to demonstrate its readiness to "arrest blight and decay and make substantial impact on the development of its entire city." Johnson requested an investment of $400 million per year totaling $2.4 billion. In the fall of 1966 the Congress passed a substantially reduced program costing $900 million, which Johnson later called the [[Model Cities Program]]. Changing the name had little effect on the success of the bill; the New York Times wrote 22 years later that the program was for the most part a failure.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 320–322.</ref>
{{Main|United States intervention in Chile}}
The election of Marxist candidate [[Salvador Allende]] as [[President of Chile]] in September 1970 led Nixon to order that Allende not be allowed to take office. [[Edward Korry]], US Ambassador to Chile, told Nixon that he saw no alternative to Allende. According to the ambassador, Nixon said, "That son of a bitch, that son a bitch...Not you, Mr. Ambassador. It's that son of a bitch Allende. We're going to smash him." <ref name="The Pinochet File">{{cite book|last=Kornbluh|first=Peter|title=The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability|year=2003|publisher=The New Press|location=New York|isbn=1-56584-936-1}}</ref>{{rp|25}} Nixon pursued a vigorous campaign of covert resistance to Allende, intended to first prevent Allende from taking office, called [[United States intervention in Chile#Track I|Track I]], and then when that failed, to provide a "military solution", called [[United States intervention in Chile#Track II|Track II]].<ref name="Overthrow">{{cite book|last=Kinzer|first=Stephen|title=Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq|year=2006|publisher=Times Books|location=New York|isbn=978-0-8050-8240-1}}</ref> As part of [[United States intervention in Chile#Track II|Track II]], CIA operatives approached senior Chilean military leaders, using [[false flag]] operatives, and encouraged a coup d'état, providing both finances ($50,000) and weapons (submachine guns).<ref name="Legacy of Ashes">{{cite book|last=Weiner|first=Tim|title=Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA|year=2007|publisher=Anchor Books|location=New York|isbn=978-0-307-38900-8|page=361}}</ref><ref name="The Pinochet File"/> With US encouragement, coup plotters first assassinated Army leader, General [[René Schneider]], as he opposed military interference in the political process.<ref name="The Pinochet File"/>


Once Allende took office, extensive covert efforts continued with US-funded [[black propaganda]] placed in ''[[El Mercurio]]'', strikes organized against Allende, and funding for Allende opponents. When ''El Mercurio'' requested significant funds for covert support in September 1971, “...in a rare example of presidential micromanagement of a covert operation, Nixon personally authorized the $700,000—and more if necessary—in covert funds to ''El Mercurio''."<ref name="The Pinochet File"/>{{rp|93}} CIA operatives in Santiago had been instructed by the Nixon administration to provide a military solution: "In sum, we want you to sponsor a military move which can take place, to the extent possible, in a climate of economic and political uncertainty."<ref name="Overthrow"/>{{rp|177}} Henry Hecksher, CIA station chief in Santiago, warned it would be violent: "We provide you with formula for chaos, which is unlikely to be bloodless." <ref name="Overthrow"/>{{rp|181}}
===Federal funding for education===
Johnson, whose own ticket out of poverty was a public education in Texas, fervently believed that education was a cure for ignorance and poverty, and was an essential component of the [[American dream]], especially for minorities who endured poor facilities and tight-fisted budgets from local taxes.<ref>Bernstein 1996, pp. 183–213.</ref> In the 1960s, education funding was especially tight due to the demographic challenges posed by the large [[Baby Boomer]] generation, but Congress had repeatedly rejected increased federal financing for public schools.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 174–176.</ref> Johnson made education the top priority of the Great Society agenda, with an emphasis on helping poor children. After the 1964 landslide brought in many new liberal Congressmen, LBJ launched a legislative effort which took the name of the [[Elementary and Secondary Education Act]] (ESEA) of 1965. The bill sought to double federal spending on education from $4 billion to $8 billion.;<ref>Dallek 1988, pp. 195–198.</ref> with considerable facilitating by the White House, it passed the House by a vote of 263–153 on March 26 and then it remarkably passed without change in the Senate, by 73-8, without going through the usual conference committee. This was an historic accomplishment by the president, with the billion dollar bill passing as introduced just 87 days before.<ref>Dallek 1988, pp. 200–201.</ref> For the first time, large amounts of federal money went to public schools. In practice ESEA meant helping all public school districts, with more money going to districts that had large proportions of students from poor families.<ref>Bernstein 1996, p. 195.</ref> Johnson was able to pass the bill for a few reasons: the Civil Rights Act of 1964 made segregation in public schools a relative non-issue for the, a "pupil-centered" approach to federal funding neutralized the divisive issue of funding parochial schools, and large Democratic majorities diluted the influence of many Republicans who tended to dislike teacher's unions.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 177–178.</ref>


Nixon had supported a concerted effort to undermine the Chilean economy, saying he wanted "to make the economy scream" with up to "$10,000,000 available, more if necessary" for covert activities.<ref name="CIA document">{{cite web |url=http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB8/ch26-01.htm|title=MEETING WITH PRESIDENT ON CHILE|author=Richard Helms, released during the Chilean Declassification Project|publisher=The National Security Archive|accessdate=October 21, 2012}}</ref> The White House effort, ordered by Nixon and carried out through Kissinger and the [[40 Committee]], finally succeeded when General [[Augusto Pinochet]] assumed power in a violent [[1973 Chilean coup d'état|coup d'état]] on September 11, 1973.{{sfn|Black|p=921}} During the coup, the deposed president died under disputed circumstances, and there were allegations of American involvement.{{sfn|Black|pp=920–921}} These allegations were proven in 2000, when more than 24,000 formerly classified papers from the White House, NSC, CIA, FBI, US Embassy, and DIA were released as part of the Chilean Declassification Project.<ref name="The Pinochet File"/>{{rp|xv-xx}} The papers documented extensive evidence of the covert activities engineered by Nixon and Kissinger designed to overthrow Allende. The Nixon administration later provided covert US support for [[Augusto Pinochet]], despite knowledge of his record of extensive torture, internal repression, and state-supported international terrorism carried out by [[Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional|DINA]], the Chilean secret police, through its [[Operation Condor]] program. American casualties of Nixon's policies include [[Charles Horman]] and [[Frank Teruggi]], who were executed in the [[Estadio Nacional Julio Martínez Prádanos#Use as pseudo-prison camp|National Stadium]] after the Pinochet coup; [[Boris Weisfeiler]], who disappeared near a Chilean interrogation camp called Colonia Dignitad;<ref name="The Pinochet File"/>{{rp|170,300}} [[Rodrigo Rojas]], who was burned to death by Chilean Army soldiers;<ref name="The Pinochet File"/>{{rp|456}} and Ronni Moffitt, who was killed when [[Orlando Letelier]] was assassinated by a car bomb planted by DINA, in Washington, D.C.<ref name="The Pinochet File"/>
Johnson's second major education program was the [[Higher Education Act of 1965]], which focused on funding for lower income students, including grants, work-study money, and government loans. College graduation rates boomed after the passage of the act, with the percentage of college graduates tripling from 1964 to 2013.<ref name="mfletcher1">{{cite news|last1=Fletcher|first1=Michael|title=Great Society at 50: Prince George’s illustrates domestic programs’ impact — and limits|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/great-society-at-50-prince-georges-illustrates-programs-transformative-legacy-and-its-limits/2014/05/18/df5e3eda-cb25-11e3-95f7-7ecdde72d2ea_story.html|accessdate=August 21, 2016|publisher=Washington Post|date=May 18, 2014}}</ref> Johnson also signed a third important education bill in 1965, establishing the [[Head Start (program)|Head Start]] program to provide grants for preschools.<ref>Zelizer, p. 184.</ref>


===Cultural initiatives===
=== Soviet Union ===
Nixon used the improving international environment to address the topic of nuclear peace. Following the announcement of his visit to China, the Nixon administration concluded negotiations for him to visit the Soviet Union. The President and First Lady arrived in Moscow on May 22, 1972 and met with [[Leonid Brezhnev]], the [[General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|General Secretary of the Communist Party]]; [[Alexei Kosygin]], the [[Premier of the Soviet Union|Chairman of the Council of Ministers]]; and [[Nikolai Podgorny]], the [[List of heads of state of the Soviet Union|head of state]], among other leading Soviet officials.<ref name=RN72USSR>{{cite web| title = 1972: President Nixon arrives in Moscow|publisher=BBC | date = June 11, 2004| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/may/22/newsid_4373000/4373149.stm | accessdate = July 17, 2011 }}</ref>
Johnson created a new role for the federal government in supporting the arts, humanities, and public broadcasting. His administration set up the [[National Endowment for the Humanities]] and the [[National Endowment for the Arts]], to support humanists and artists (as the [[Works Progress Administration|WPA]] once did).<ref>Woods 2006, pp. 563–68; Dallek 1988, pp. 196–202.</ref> In 1967, Johnson signed the [[Public Broadcasting Act of 1967|Public Broadcasting Act]] to create educational television programs.<ref name="clarkcq1">{{cite news|last1=Clark|first1=Charles S.|title=Public Broadcasting: Will political attacks and new technologies force big changes?|url=http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1992091800|accessdate=August 24, 2016|issue=35|publisher=CQ Press|date=September 18, 1992}}</ref> The government had set aside radio bands for educational non-profits in the 1950s, and the [[Federal Communications Commission]] under President Kennedy had awarded the first federal grants to educational television stations, but Johnson sought to create a vibrant [[Public broadcasting|public television]] that would promote local diversity as well as educational programs.<ref name="clarkcq1"/> The legislation, which was based on the findings of the [[Carnegie Commission on Educational Television]], created a decentralized network of public television stations.<ref name="clarkcq1"/>


[[File:Leonid Brezhnev and Richard Nixon talks in 1973.png|thumb|Nixon meets with Brezhnev during the Soviet leader's trip to the U.S. in 1973.]]
===Healthcare reform===
Nixon engaged in intense negotiations with Brezhnev.<ref name=RN72USSR/> Out of the summit came agreements for increased trade and two landmark arms control treaties: [[SALT I]], the first comprehensive limitation pact signed by the two superpowers,<ref name=RNlibrarypresident/> and the [[Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty]], which banned the development of systems designed to intercept incoming missiles. Nixon and Brezhnev proclaimed a new era of "peaceful coexistence". A banquet was held that evening at the [[Kremlin]].<ref name=RN72USSR/>
{{Main article|Social Security Amendments of 1965}}
[[File:Президент США Ричард Никсон в 1972 году в Киеве.jpg|thumb|right|Richard Nixon in [[Kiev]] in 1972]]
[[File:Lyndon Johnson signing Medicare bill, with Harry Truman, July 30, 1965.jpg|thumb|Former president [[Harry Truman|Truman]] and wife [[Bess Truman|Bess]] at Medicare Bill signing in 1965, as Lady Bird and [[Hubert Humphrey]] look on]]
Former President [[Harry Truman]] had proposed a [[national health insurance]] system in 1945, and Johnson was heavily influenced by Truman's ideas.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Beschloss|first1=Michael|title=L.B.J. and Truman: The Bond That Helped Forge Medicare|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/01/upshot/lbj-and-truman-the-bond-that-helped-forge-medicare.html?rref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FJohnson%2C%20Lyndon%20B.|accessdate=August 21, 2016|publisher=New York Times|date=February 28, 2016}}</ref> Since 1957, a group of Democrats had advocated for the government to cover the cost of hospital visits for seniors, who had seen higher health costs with the advent of new technologies such as [[antibiotics]], but the [[American Medical Association]] and fiscal conservatives opposed a government role in health insurance.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 186–189.</ref> Johnson supported the passage of the King-Anderson Bill, which would establish a [[Medicare (United States)|Medicare]] program for older patients administered by the [[Social Security Administration]] and financed by payroll taxes.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 184–185.</ref> [[Wilbur Mills]], chairman of the key [[House Ways and Means Committee]], had long opposed such reforms, but the election of 1964 had defeated many allies of the AMA and shown that the public supported some version of public medical care.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 191–192.</ref> Mills suggested that Medicare be fashioned as a three layer cake—hospital insurance under Social Security, a voluntary insurance program for doctor visits, and an expanded medical welfare program for the poor{{snd}}[[Medicaid]].<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 208.</ref> The bill passed the House in April on a 313–115 vote, and the Senate passed its a more liberal version of the bill on July 9.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 197–199.</ref> After a [[conference committee]] session dominated by Mills, the House and Senate passed identical versions of the bill, and Johnson signed the bill on July 30, 1965.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 199–200.</ref> Johnson gave the first two Medicare cards to former President Truman and his wife [[Bess Truman|Bess]] after signing the Medicare bill at the [[Truman Library]] in [[Independence, Missouri]].<ref>Patricia P. Martin and David A. Weaver. "Social Security: A Program and Policy History," ''Social Security Bulletin'', volume 66, no. 1 (2005), see also [http://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v66n1/v66n1p1.html online version].</ref> Medicare and Medicaid now cover millions of Americans.


Seeking to foster better relations with the United States, both China and the Soviet Union cut back on their diplomatic support for North Vietnam and advised Hanoi to come to terms militarily.{{sfn|Gaddis|pp=294, 299}}{{sfn|Guan|pp=61, 69, 77–79}}{{sfn|Zhai|p=136}} Nixon later described his strategy:
===Tobacco advertising===
{{quote |I had long believed that an indispensable element of any successful peace initiative in Vietnam was to enlist, if possible, the help of the Soviets and the Chinese. Though rapprochement with China and détente with the Soviet Union were ends in themselves, I also considered them possible means to hasten the end of the war. At worst, Hanoi was bound to feel less confident if Washington was dealing with Moscow and Beijing. At best, if the two major Communist powers decided that they had bigger fish to fry, Hanoi would be pressured into negotiating a settlement we could accept.<ref>{{cite book| last = Nixon| first = Richard| date = 1985| title = No More Vietnams| pages=105–106| publisher = Arbor House Publishing Company| location = Westminster, Maryland | isbn = 978-0-87795-668-6}}</ref>}}
[[Surgeon General of the United States|Surgeon General]] [[Luther Terry]] issued a detailed report ([[Smoking and Health: Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the United States]]) linking [[Tobacco smoking|smoking]] and lung cancer on January 11, 1964. The report "hit the country like a bombshell," Terry later said. "It was front page news and a lead story on every radio and television station in the United States and many abroad." The report marked a major shift in the tides of public opinion regarding smoking. Terry's report prompted Congress to pass the [[Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act]] in July 1965, that required cigarette manufacturers to place a [[warning label]] on the side of cigarette packs stating: "Caution: Cigarette Smoking May Be Hazardous to Your Health." In 1970 that warning was strengthened through the [[Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act]], which also banned cigarette advertising on television beginning in 1971.<ref>{{cite web| title=50 Years Of Tobacco Control| url=http://www.rwjf.org/maketobaccohistory| publisher=Robert Wood Johnson Foundation| location=Princeton, New Jersey| accessdate=June 18, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web| title=The Reports of the Surgeon General: The 1964 Report on Smoking and Health| url=https://profiles.nlm.nih.gov/NN/Views/Exhibit/narrative/smoking.html| publisher=U.S. National Library of Medicine| location=Bethesda, Maryland| accessdate=June 18, 2017}}</ref>


Having made considerable progress over the previous two years in US-Soviet relations, Nixon embarked on a second trip to the Soviet Union in 1974.{{sfn|Black|p=963}} He arrived in Moscow on June 27 to a welcome ceremony, cheering crowds, and a state dinner at the [[Grand Kremlin Palace]] that evening.{{sfn|Black|p=963}} Nixon and Brezhnev met in [[Yalta]], where they discussed a proposed mutual defense pact, détente, and [[MIRV]]s. While he considered proposing a comprehensive test-ban treaty, Nixon felt he would not have time as president to complete it.{{sfn|Black|p=963}} There were no significant breakthroughs in these negotiations.{{sfn|Black|p=963}}
===Immigration===
With the passage of the sweeping [[Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965]], the country's immigration system was reformed and all national origins quotas dating from the 1920s were removed. The percentage of foreign-born in the United States increased from 5% in 1965 to 14% in 2016.<ref>{{cite news|title=Modern Immigration Wave Brings 59 Million to U.S., Driving Population Growth and Change Through 2065|url=http://www.pewhispanic.org/2015/09/28/modern-immigration-wave-brings-59-million-to-u-s-driving-population-growth-and-change-through-2065/|accessdate=August 24, 2016|publisher=Pew Research Center|date=September 28, 2015}}</ref> Scholars give Johnson little credit for the law, which was not one of his priorities; he had supported the restrictive [[Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952]] that was unpopular with reformers.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Mitchell B.|title=A Companion to Lyndon B. Johnson|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kxkcKYMWEcEC&pg=PA211|year=2012|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|pages=211–17|accessdate=October 25, 2015}}</ref> Regardless, the Immigration and Nationality Act dramatically changed the ethnic composition of the United States, ending the [[National Origins Formula]] which had heavily favored European immigrants.<ref name="ktumulty2"/> The act also prioritized [[family reunification]] over the national origins of potential immigrants.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Gjelten|first1=Tom|title=The Immigration Act That Inadvertently Changed America|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/10/immigration-act-1965/408409/|accessdate=August 24, 2016|publisher=The Atlantic|date=October 2, 2015}}</ref> Johnson also signed the [[Cuban Adjustment Act]], which granted Cuban refugees an easier path to permanent residency and citizenship.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Kestin|first1=Sally|last2=O'Matz|first2=Megan|last3=Maines|first3=John|last4=Eaton|first4=Tracy|title=Plundering America|url=http://interactive.sun-sentinel.com/plundering-america/|accessdate=August 22, 2016|publisher=Sun Sentinel|date=January 8, 2015}}</ref>


===Transportation===
=== Middle East ===
{{anchor|Middle East policy}}
During the mid-1960s, various [[consumer protection]] activists and safety experts began making the case to Congress and the American people that more needed to be done to make [[Road traffic safety|roads less dangerous]] and [[Automobile safety|vehicles more safe]]. They argued that there were things the federal government could do, and that automakers, with all their [[Engineering design process|technology and know-how]] could do, to bring about the desired outcomes.<ref name=safetybils>{{cite web| title=1966 President Johnson signs the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act| work=History.com: On this day in history Sep 09| url=http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/president-johnson-signs-the-national-traffic-and-motor-vehicle-safety-act| publisher=A&E Television Networks| location=New York| accessdate=June 17, 2017}}</ref> This sentiment crystallized into conviction following the 1965 publication of ''[[Unsafe at Any Speed]]'', by [[Ralph Nader]]. Early in the following year, Congress held a series of highly publicized hearings regarding highway safety, and ultimately approved two bills—the [[National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act]] (NTMVSA) and the Highway Safety Act (HSA)—which the president signed into law on September 9, thus making the federal government responsible for setting and enforcing auto and road safety standards.<ref name=safetybils/>
[[File:Nixon Sadat.jpg|thumb|Nixon meets with President [[Anwar Sadat]] of Egypt, June 1974]]


As part of the [[Nixon Doctrine]] that the U.S. would avoid direct combat assistance to allies where possible, instead giving them assistance to defend themselves, the U.S. greatly increased arms sales to the Middle East—particularly Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia—during the Nixon administration.{{r|Hanhimäki-Small}} The Nixon administration strongly supported Israel, an American ally in the Middle East but the support was not unconditional. Nixon believed that Israel should make peace with its Arab neighbors and that the United States should encourage it. The president believed that—except during the [[Suez Crisis]]—the U.S. had failed to intervene with Israel, and should use the leverage of the large U.S. military aid to Israel to urge the parties to the negotiating table. However, the Arab-Israeli conflict was not a major focus of Nixon's attention during his first term—for one thing, he felt that no matter what he did, American Jews would oppose his reelection.
HSA required each state to implement a safety program supporting driver education and improved licensing and auto inspection; it also strengthened the existing [[National Driver Register]] operated by the [[Bureau of Public Roads]].<ref name=roadsdecade>{{cite web| title=The Greatest Decade 1956-1966, Part 2 The Battle of Its Life| first=Richard F.| last=Weingroff| publisher=Federal Highway Administration U.S. Department of Transportation| url=https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/infrastructure/50interstate2.cfm| accessdate=June 17, 2017}}</ref> NTMVSA set federal motor vehicle safety standards: it required seat belts for every passenger, impact-absorbing steering wheels, rupture-resistant fuel tanks, door latches that stayed latched in crashes, side-view mirrors, shatter-resistant windshields and windshield defrosters, lights on the sides of cars as well as the front and back, and “the padding and softening of interior surfaces and protrusions.”<ref name=safetybils/> Additionally, several road safety improvements were developed, including better delineation of curves (edge and center line stripes and reflectors), use of breakaway sign and utility poles, improved illumination, addition of barriers separating oncoming traffic lanes, and guardrails.<ref>CDC/National Highway Traffic Safety Administration. Position papers from the Third National Injury Control Conference: setting the national agenda for injury control in the 1990s. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, CDC, 1992.</ref> The legislatiion also created two federal agencies, the National Traffic Safety Agency and the National Highway Safety Agency{{snd}}both now part of the [[National Highway Traffic Safety Administration]].<ref name=roadsdecade/>


When an Arab coalition led by Egypt and Syria attacked in October 1973, beginning the [[Yom Kippur War]], Israel suffered initial losses. The U.S. took no action for several days, until Nixon ordered an airlift to Israel, taking personal responsibility for any response by Arab nations. Nixon cut through inter-departmental squabbles and bureaucracy to initiate an airlift of American arms. By the time the U.S. and Soviet Union negotiated a truce, Israel had penetrated deep into enemy territory. A long-term effect was the movement of Egypt away from the Soviets toward the U.S. But Israel's victory came at the cost to the U.S. of the [[1973 oil crisis]]; the members of [[OPEC]] decided to raise oil prices in response to the American support of Israel.<ref>[https://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/dr/96057.htm Original URL], [https://web.archive.org/web/20080712102150/http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/dr/96057.htm archived on July 12, 2008], "Second Arab Oil Embargo, 1973–1974". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved on July 17, 2011.</ref> After [[Nixon Shock|Nixon chose to go off]] the [[gold standard]], foreign countries increased their currency reserves in anticipation of currency fluctuation, which caused deflation of the dollar and other world currencies. Since oil was paid for in dollars, OPEC was receiving less value for their product. They cut production and announced price hikes as well as an [[embargo]] targeted against the United States and the Netherlands, specifically blaming U.S. support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War for the actions.{{sfn|Black|pp=923–928}} The embargo caused gasoline shortages and rationing in the United States in late 1973, and was eventually ended by the oil-producing nations as peace took hold.{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|p=311}} Kissinger played a major role in the settlement, and was also able to reestablish U.S. relations with Egypt for the first time since 1967; Nixon made one of his final international visits as president there in June 1974.{{sfn|Black|pp=951–52, 959}}
In March 1966, Johnson sent to Congress a transportation message that included proposed legislation creating a Cabinet-level department that would coordinate and manage federal transportation programs, provide leadership in the resolution of transportation problems, and develop national transportation policies and programs.<ref name=DoTcreation>{{cite web| title=Creation of Department of Transportation - Summary, FAA and the Department of Transportation Act| publisher=U.S. Department of Transportation| url=https://www.transportation.gov/50/creation-department-transportation-summary| accessdate=June 17, 2017}}</ref> This new [[United States Department of Transportation|transportation department]] would bring together the Commerce Department's Office of Transportation, the Bureau of Public Roads, the Federal Aviation Agency, the Coast Guard, the Maritime Administration, the Civil Aeronautics Board, and the Interstate Commerce Commission. The bill passed the Senate after some negotiation over navigation projects; in the House, passage required negotiation over maritime interests. Johnson signed the Department of Transportation Act into law on October 15, 1966.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 315–316.</ref> Altogether, 31 previously scattered agencies were brought under the Department of Transportation, in what was the biggest reorganization of the federal government since the [[National Security Act of 1947]].<ref name=DoTcreation/>

===Gun control===
Following the assassinations of [[John F. Kennedy]], [[Robert F. Kennedy]], and [[Martin Luther King Jr.]], Johnson signed two major gun control laws. In addition to the assassinations, Johnson's push for gun control was also motivated by [[mass shooting]]s such as the one perpetrated by [[Charles Whitman]].<ref>{{cite news|last1=Rothman|first1=Lily|title=How Little Has Changed on Gun Control Since 1967|url=http://time.com/3319341/obama-lbj-gun-control/|accessdate=August 24, 2016|publisher=Time|date=September 15, 2014}}</ref> Johnson signed the [[Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968]] shortly after Robert Kennedy's death. On October 22, 1968, Lyndon Johnson signed the [[Gun Control Act of 1968]], one of the largest and farthest-reaching federal gun control laws in American history. The measure prohibited convicted felons, drug users, and the mentally ill from purchasing handguns and raised record-keeping and licensing requirements.<ref>{{cite news|title=History of gun-control legislation|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/history-of-gun-control-legislation/2012/12/22/80c8d624-4ad3-11e2-9a42-d1ce6d0ed278_story.html|accessdate=August 24, 2016|publisher=Washington Post|date=December 22, 2012}}</ref> Johnson had sought to require the licensing of gun owners and the registration of all firearms, but could not convince Congress to pass a stronger bill.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Jones|first1=Tim|title=JFK assassination sowed seeds of failure for gun-control efforts|url=http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/sns-wp-blm-guns-4832d1f2-a97b-11e5-b596-113f59ee069a-20151226-story.html|accessdate=August 24, 2016|publisher=Bloomberg L.P.|date=December 26, 2015}}</ref>

===Space program===
{{further|Space Race|Space policy of the United States}}
Due to his involvement in the congressional push to approve the legislation that brought [[NASA]] into being while Senate majority leader, and his role in defining and overseeing Kennedy space initiatives while vice president, Johnson clearly recognized the value and benefits of the nation's space program, and wholeheartedly supported it during his presidency.<ref name=NASA10>{{cite web| title=Ten Presidents and NASA| last=Logsdon| first=John M.| url=https://www.nasa.gov/50th/50th_magazine/10presidents.html| publisher=NASA| accessdate=June 17, 2017}}</ref> While he was in office, NASA conducted the [[Project Gemini|Gemini]] manned space program, developed the [[Saturn V]] rocket and [[Kennedy Space Center Launch Complex 39|its launch facility]], and prepared to make the first manned [[Apollo program]] flights. On January 27, 1967, the nation was stunned when the entire crew of [[Apollo 1]]—[[Gus Grissom]], [[Ed White (astronaut)|Ed White]], and [[Roger Chaffee]]—died in a cabin fire during a spacecraft test on the launch pad, stopping the program in its tracks. Rather than appointing another Warren-style commission, Johnson accepted Administrator [[James E. Webb]]'s |James E. Webb's]] request that NASA be permitted to conduct its own investigation, holding itself accountable to Congress and the President.<ref>{{cite web |title=James E. Webb – NASA Administrator, February 14, 1961 – October 7, 1968 |url=https://history.nasa.gov/Biographies/webb.html| publisher= NASA| work=History.NASA.gov|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20090425115407/https://history.nasa.gov/Biographies/webb.html|archivedate=April 25, 2009}}</ref> The agency convened the ''Apollo 204 Accident Review Board'' to determine the cause of the fire, and both houses of Congress conducted their own [[United States congressional hearing|committee inquiries]] scrutinizing NASA's investigation. Through it all, the president's support for NASA never wavered.<ref name=NASA10/> The program rebounded, and by the end of Johnson's term, two manned missions, [[Apollo 7]] and [[Apollo 8]] (the first to [[Lunar orbit|orbit the Moon]]), had been successfully completed. Six months after leaving office, Johnson attended the launch of [[Apollo 11]], the first [[Moon landing]] mission.

Johnson also worked to win approval of the [[United Nations|U.N.]] [[Outer Space Treaty]], which represents the basic legal framework of international [[space law]]. It bars the placement of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in space, limits the use of the moon and other celestial bodies to peaceful purposes, and forbids any government from claiming a celestial body, because they are the common heritage of mankind. The treaty was ready for signature in Washington, D.C., London and Moscow on January 27, 1967, the day of the Apollo I fire.<ref name=NASA10/>

===Anti-Vietnam War movement===
{{Main|Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War}}

[[File:Vietnamdem.jpg|thumb|A female demonstrator offers a flower to a soldier during a 1967 anti-war demonstration at [[the Pentagon]], [[Arlington County, Virginia]].]]
The American public was generally supportive the Johnson administration’s rapid escalation of U.S. military involvement in South Vietnam in 1964 following the [[Gulf of Tonkin incident]], with 48 percent favoring stronger measures in Vietnam and only 14 percent wanting to negotiate a settlement and leave,<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 157.</ref> In spite of this, a small [[peace movement]] was emerging on various college campuses across the country; and doing so at a time of unprecedented [[Student activism#United States|student activism]] and at the height of the civil rights movement. Rather quickly, Johnson found himself pressed between those favoring stronger military measures ([[War hawk|hawks]]), and those favoring negotiation and disengagement ([[Doves as symbols#Peace and pacifism in politics|doves]]). Polls showed that beginning in 1965, the public was consistently 40–50&nbsp;percent hawkish and 10–25&nbsp;percent dovish. Johnson's aides told him, "Both hawks and doves [are frustrated with the war] ... and take it out on you."<ref>Lawrence R. Jacobs and Robert Y. Shapiro. "Lyndon Johnson, Vietnam, and Public Opinion: Rethinking Realist Theory of Leadership." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 29#3 (1999), p. 592.</ref> Politically astute as he was, Johnson closely watched the public opinion polls. His goal was not to adjust his policies to follow opinion, but rather to adjust opinion to support his policies.

In 1965 the Anti-Vietnam War movement began to gain national prominence. Two protests at the [[University of California, Berkeley]] gained national news media coverage: May 5, when amid a protest march of several hundred people carrying a black coffin to the Berkeley draft board, 40 men [[Draft-card burning|burned their draft cards]]; and May 22, when during another protest at the Berkeley draft board was visited again, with 19 men burned their cards, and President Johnson was hung in [[effigy]].<ref>{{cite web| title=The Pacifica Radio/UC Berkeley Social Activism Sound Recording Project: Anti-Vietnam War Protests in the San Francisco Bay Area & Beyond| publisher=[[Pacifica Radio]] and [[University of California, Berkeley]]| location=Berkeley, California| url= http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/MRC/pacificaviet.html#top| accessdate=July 11, 2017}}</ref> Gruesome images of two anti-war activists who [[self-immolation|set themselves on fire]] later that year—32-year-old [[Norman Morrison]], on November 2, in front of [[the Pentagon]], and 22-year-old [[Roger Allen LaPorte]], on November 9, in front of [[United Nations Headquarters]] in New York City— provided iconic images of how strongly some people felt that the war was immoral.

Following the January 1967 publication of a [[photo-essay]] by [[William Francis Pepper|William F. Pepper]] in [[Ramparts (magazine)|Ramparts]] magazine, depicting some of the injuries inflicted on Vietnamese children by the U.S. bombing campaign, Martin Luther King Jr. spoke out against the war publicly for the first time.<ref>{{Cite book|title=A Bomb in Every Issue: How the Short, Unruly Life of Ramparts Magazine Changed America| last=Richardson| first=Peter| isbn= 978-1-59558-439-7| date=2009| publisher=The New Press| location=New York City| page=100}}</ref> King, and [[New Left]] activist Dr. [[Benjamin Spock]] led an Anti-Vietnam War march against the Vietnam War on April 15, in which 400,000 people walked from New York City's [[Sheep Meadow, Central Park|Central Park]] to the [[headquarters of the United Nations]].<ref>{{cite book| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JhLxBE7QkbUC&pg=PA278| pages=278–279| last=Maier| first=Thomas| title=Dr. Spock: An American Life| publisher=Basic Books| location=New York City| year=2003| isbn=0-465-04315-1}}</ref> King and Spock later joined with a large coalition of anti-war activists (known as the [[National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam]]) to organize further demonstrations, rallies & marches, such as the one held October 21–22, 1967, in Washington, D.C.; an estimated 70,000-100,000 people participate in the event, which included a rally at [[West Potomac Park]] near the [[Lincoln Memorial]] and a march to the Pentagon.

On June 23, 1967, while the president was addressing a Democratic fundraiser at [[The Century Plaza Hotel]] in [[Los Angeles]], [[Police brutality in the United States|police forcibly dispersed]] about 10,000 peaceful Vietnam War demonstrators marching in front of the hotel.<ref>{{cite news| title=An L.A. antiwar protest whose reverberations were felt nationwide| date=June 23, 2013| first=Robin| last=Abcarian| work=[[The Los Angeles Times]]| url=http://articles.latimes.com/2013/jun/23/local/la-me-abcarian-war-protest-20130623| accessdate=July 14, 2017}}</ref> A few months later, Johnson engaged the FBI and the CIA to investigate, monitor and undermine the activists.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 486–487.</ref> He and Secretary of State Rusk were convinced that foreign communist sources were behind these demonstrations, which was refuted by CIA findings.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 489.</ref>

A Gallup poll in July 1967 showed 52 percent of the country disapproving of Johnson's handling of the war and only 34 percent thought progress was being made.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 474.</ref> His approval rating in mid-1965 was at 70 percent, but just two years later that figure had flipped{{snd}}a decisive 66% of the country said they had lost confidence in the President's leadership.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 462.</ref> For the balance of his presidency, Johnson was constantly besieged by protester and their chants of "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?" He rarely campaigned in public again after the Century Plaza Hotel incident, except for appearances at safe places like military bases.<ref>{{cite news| title=Crowd Battles LAPD as War Protest Turns Violent| department=The Daily Mirror Los Angeles History| work=[[The Los Angeles Times]]| date=May 31, 2009| url=http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/thedailymirror/2009/05/crowd-battles-lapd-as-war-protest-turns-violent-.html| accessdate=July 14, 2017}}</ref>

===Urban riots===
The nation experienced a series of "long hot summers" of [[Civil disorder|civil unrest]] during the Johnson years. They started in 1964 with a [[riot]] in [[Harlem Riot of 1964|Harlem]], and then, in 1965 with one in the [[Watts Riots|Watts district]] of Los Angeles in 1965; both of these events were fueled by accusations of police brutality against minority residents.<ref>{{cite web| title=Lyndon B. Johnson: The American Franchise| url=https://millercenter.org/president/lbjohnson/the-american-franchise| location=Charlottesville, Virginia| publisher=Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref> It was from the Watts riot that "''Burn, baby, burn!''" emerged as a symbol of urban insurgence.<ref>{{cite news| title=Watts: The Legacy : 'Burn, Baby, Burn!' : What Began as a Radio Disc Jockey's Soulful Cry of Delight Became a National Symbol of Urban Rebellion| date=August 12, 1985| last=Baker| first=Bob| work=[[The Los Angeles Times]]| url=http://articles.latimes.com/1985-08-12/local/me-4003_1_disc-jockey| accessdate=July 12, 2017}}</ref> The momentum toward advancement of civil rights came to a sudden halt in the summer of 1965. After 34 people were killed and $35 million in property was damaged, the public feared an expansion of the violence to other cities, and so the appetite for additional programs in the president's social agenda was lost.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 222–223.</ref>

[[File:40th in Watts.jpg|thumb|left|Soldiers of the California's [[40th Armored Division (United States)|40th Armored Division]] direct traffic away from an area of [[South Central Los Angeles]] burning during the 1965 Watts riot.]]
In 1966 rioting broke out in [[Hough riots|Hough]], a predominantly [[African-American]] community in Cleveland; the following year, [[Long hot summer of 1967|1967, 159 riots]] erupted across the United States. In [[1967 Newark riots|Newark, New Jersey]], six days of rioting left 26 dead, 1500 injured, and the inner city a burned out shell. In [[1967 Detroit riot|Detroit]], Governor [[George W. Romney|George Romney]] sent in 7400 national guard troops to quell fire bombings, looting, and attacks on businesses and on police. Johnson finally sent in federal troops with tanks and machine guns. Detroit continued to burn for three more days until finally 43 were dead, 2250 were injured, 4000 were arrested; property damage ranged into the hundreds of millions.<ref name=LHS67>{{cite book| last=McLaughlin| first=Malcolm| title=The Long, Hot Summer of 1967: Urban Rebellion in America| date=2014| publisher=Palgrave Macmillan| location=New York City| isbn=978-1-137-26963-8|pages=1–9; 40–41| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QI17AwAAQBAJ&pg=PA1&dq=%22long+hot+summer%22+1967&hl=en&sa=X&ei=8N-ZVO2wD4_4yAS38ILICw&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22long%20hot%20summer%22%201967&f=false}}</ref>

In the immediate aftermath of Newark and Detroit, Johnson formed an 11-member advisory commission, informally known as the [[Kerner Commission]] explore the causes behind the recurring outbreaks of urban civil disorder, and to provide recommendations for future action.<ref name=kernerreport>{{cite web| title="Our Nation Is Moving Toward Two Societies, One Black, One White—Separate and Unequal": Excerpts from the Kerner Report| url=http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/6545/| publisher=American Social History Productions| work=History Matters: The U.S. Survey Course on the Web| others=Source: United States. Kerner Commission, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968)| accessdate=July 12, 2017}}</ref> The Commission's 1968 report concluded that the nation was "moving toward two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal." Unless remedies were implemented, the commission warned, the U.S. would be faced with a "system of [[apartheid]]" in its major cities.<ref name=kernerreport/> The report also admonished [[European Americans|white middle-class Americans]] for isolating and neglecting African Americans ([[White flight]]), and suggested legislative measures to promote racial integration and alleviate poverty.<ref name=kernerreport/>

The President, fixated on the Vietnam War and keenly aware of budgetary constraints, barely acknowledged acknowledged the report.<ref name=LHS67/> One month after its release, the April 4, 1968, [[assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.]] sparked another [[King assassination riots|wave of violent protests]] in more than 130 cities across the country,<ref>{{cite web| last=Walsh| first=Michael| title=Streets of Fire: Governor Spiro Agnew and the Baltimore City Riots, April 1968| work=Teaching American History in Maryland| url=http://teaching.msa.maryland.gov/000001/000000/000061/html/t61.html| publisher=Maryland State Archives| location=Annapolis, Maryland| accessdate=July 12, 2017}}</ref> notably: [[Baltimore riot of 1968|Baltimore]], [[1968 Chicago riots|Chicago]], [[1968 Kansas City, Missouri riot|Kansas City]], [[Louisville riots of 1968|Louisville]], and [[1968 Washington, D.C., riots|Washington, D.C.]]. A few days later, in a candid comment made to press secretary [[George Christian (journalist)|George Christian]] concerning the endemic social unrest in the nation's cities, Johnson remarked, "What did you expect? I don't know why we're so surprised. When you put your foot on a man's neck and hold him down for three hundred years, and then you let him up, what's he going to do? He's going to knock your block off."<ref>{{cite book| last=Kotz| first=Nick| title=Judgment days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the laws that changed America| year=2005| publisher=Houghton Mifflin| location=Boston| isbn=0-618-08825-3| page=418}}</ref>

==Foreign affairs==

===Cold War===
[[File:Glassboro-meeting1967.jpg|thumb|right|Soviet Premier [[Alexei Kosygin]] (left) next to Johnson during the [[Glassboro Summit Conference]]]]

Johnson took office during the [[Cold War]], a prolonged state of tension between the United States and its allies on the one side and the Soviet Union and its allies on the other. Johnson lacked Kennedy's enthusiasm for foreign policy, and he prioritized domestic reforms over major initiatives in foreign affairs.<ref>Herring, pp. 729–730</ref> Though committed to [[containment]], Johnson pursued a non-confrontational policy with the [[Soviet Union]] itself, setting the stage for the [[détente]] of the 1970s.<ref name="brands1">{{cite book|last1=Brands|first1=H. W.|title=The Foreign Policies of Lyndon Johnson: Beyond Vietnam|date=1999|publisher=Texas A&M University Press|pages=19–20|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ETxOn4rMW1IC&pg=PA19&lpg=PA19&dq=lyndon+johnson+prague+spring&source=bl&ots=t-KYR3WNIo&sig=qfPRvdxo9f-8HlQeUKC6YPLe5vI&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjmtKuC4dPOAhVEqB4KHZirCoM4ChDoAQg4MAU#v=onepage&q=lyndon%20johnson%20prague%20spring&f=false|accessdate=August 22, 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Lerner|first1=Mitchell|title=A Companion to Lyndon B. Johnson|date=February 13, 2012|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|page=490|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3CrDygRnbnYC&dq=lyndon+johnson+sino-soviet+split&source=gbs_navlinks_s}}</ref> The Soviet Union also sought closer relations to the United States during the mid-to-late 1960s, partly due to the increasingly worse [[Sino-Soviet split]]. Johnson attempted to reduce tensions with [[China]] by easing restrictions on trade, but the beginning of China's [[Cultural Revolution]] ended hopes of a greater rapprochement.<ref>Herring, pp. 730–732</ref>

Johnson was extremely concerned with averting the possibility of nuclear war, and he sought to reduce tensions in Europe.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Schwartz|first1=Thomas Alan|title=Lyndon Johnson and Europe: In the Shadow of Vietnam|date=2003|publisher=Harvard University Press|pages=19–20|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KCgNNL3osxMC&dq=lyndon+johnson+prelude+to+detente&source=gbs_navlinks_s|accessdate=August 23, 2016}}</ref> The Johnson administration pursued arms control agreements with the Soviet Union, signing the [[Outer Space Treaty]] and the [[Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons]], and laid the foundation for the [[Strategic Arms Limitation Talks]].<ref name="brands1"/> Johnson held a largely amicable meeting with Soviet Premier [[Alexei Kosygin]] at the [[Glassboro Summit Conference]] in 1967, and in July 1968 the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union signed the [[Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons|Non-Proliferation Treaty]], in which each signatory agreed not to help other countries develop or acquire nuclear weapons. A planned nuclear disarmament summit between the United States and the Soviet Union was scuttled after Soviet forces [[Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia|violently suppressed]] the [[Prague Spring]], an attempted democratization of [[Czechoslovakia]].<ref>Herring, pp. 755–757</ref>

===Vietnam===
{{Main|Vietnam War|Joint warfare in South Vietnam, 1963–69}}

The [[Indochina Wars]] had been raging since the [[Japanese invasion of French Indochina]] during [[World War II]], as [[France]] struggled to re-establish control over its former colonies after that World War II. The Communist [[Viet Minh]] successively opposed Japanese and French forces in Vietnam, and established a Communist [[North Vietnam]] following the 1954 [[Geneva Agreements]]. The [[Vietnam War]] began in 1955 as North Vietnamese forces, with the support of the Soviet Union, China, and other Communist governments, sought to reunify the country by taking control of [[South Vietnam]]. On taking office, Johnson made clear that he was not planning any major changes regarding the [[Role of the United States in the Vietnam War|American role]] in Vietnam.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Cohen|first1=Michael A.|title=How Vietnam Haunts the Democrats|url=http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/02/vietnam-lbj-pleiku-haunts-democrats-115259|accessdate=August 22, 2016|publisher=Politico|date=February 17, 2015}}</ref> At Kennedy's death, there were already 16,000 American military personnel in Vietnam, supporting the nominally democratic South Vietnamese government.<ref name="Vietnam War">{{cite web|url=http://www.swarthmore.edu/library/peace/conscientiousobjection/OverviewVietnamWar.htm|title=Brief Overview of Vietnam War|publisher=Swarthmore College Peace Collection|accessdate=December 4, 2013}}</ref> However, Johnson's presidency ultimately saw a massive build-up of the American presence in Vietnam, with troop levels reaching a peak above 500,000 by the end of Johnson's tenure.<ref name=dallek473/> Johnson subscribed to the [[Domino Theory]], which speculated that the fall of one government to Communism would lead to the fall of surrounding governments. Johnson thus adhered to the [[containment]] policy that required America to make a serious effort to stop all Communist expansion.<ref name="scholastic">{{cite news| title = The Sixties| publisher = Junior Scholastic| date = February 11, 1994| page = 4}}</ref> Johnson also feared that the fall of Vietnam would hurt Democratic credibility on national security issues and undermine Johnson's domestic initiatives, much as the "[[Loss of China]]" and the [[Korean War]] hurt Democrats in the 1950s.<ref name="cohen1">{{cite news|last1=Cohen|first1=Michael|title=How Vietnam Haunts the Democrats|url=http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/02/vietnam-lbj-pleiku-haunts-democrats-115259|accessdate=August 22, 2016|publisher=Politico|date=February 17, 2015}}</ref><ref>Zelizer, p. 146.</ref>

====Gulf of Tonkin Resolution====
{{Main|Gulf of Tonkin Resolution}}

In August 1964, allegations arose from the U.S. military that two U.S. destroyers had been attacked by North Vietnamese [[torpedo boat]]s in international waters {{convert|40|mi|km}} from the Vietnamese coast in the Gulf of Tonkin; naval communications and reports of the attack were contradictory. Although Johnson very much wanted to keep discussions about Vietnam out of the 1964 election campaign, he felt forced to respond to the supposed aggression by the Vietnamese, so he sought and obtained from the Congress the [[Gulf of Tonkin Resolution]] on August 7. Johnson, determined to embolden his image on foreign policy, also wanted to prevent criticism such as Truman had received in Korea by proceeding without congressional endorsement of military action; a response to the purported attack as well blunted presidential campaign criticism of weakness from the hawkish Goldwater camp. The resolution gave congressional approval for use of military force by the commander-in-chief to repel future attacks and also to assist members of [[SEATO]] requesting assistance. Johnson later in the campaign expressed assurance that the primary US goal remained the preservation of South Vietnamese independence through material and advice, as opposed to any US offensive posture.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 144–155.</ref> By the end of 1964, there were approximately 23,000 military personnel in South Vietnam.<ref name="Vietnam War"/>

====1965–1966====
{{Main|Operation Rolling Thunder}}
[[File:Robert S. McNamara and General Westmoreland in Vietnam 1965.png|thumb|right|Secretary of Defense [[Robert McNamara]] and [[William Westmoreland|General Westmoreland]] in Vietnam 1965]]

Johnson decided on a systematic bombing campaign in February 1965 after a ground report from Bundy recommending immediate US action to avoid defeat. The eight-week bombing campaign became known as [[Operation Rolling Thunder]]. Johnson's instructions for public consumption were clear, there was to be no comment that the war effort had been expanded.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 249.</ref> The president believed that by limiting the information given out to the public and even to Congress, he maximized his flexibility to change course.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 250–252.</ref> In March, Bundy began to urge the use of ground forces, arguing that American air operations alone would not stop Hanoi's aggression against the South. Johnson responded by approving an increase in soldiers stationed in Vietnam and, most importantly, a change in mission from defensive to offensive operations. Even so, he defiantly continued to insist that this was not to be publicly represented as a change in existing policy.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 255.</ref> After everal top administration aides—including McNamara, General [[William Westmoreland]], Gen. [[Earle Wheeler]], [[William Bundy]], and Ambassador [[Maxwell D. Taylor]]—recommended that the president continue to increase troop levels, the total number of active duty U.S. military personnel in Vietnam grew to 82,000 in the middle of June 1965.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 268.</ref>

After Ambassador Taylor reported that the bombing offensive against North Vietnam had been ineffective,<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 270.</ref> General Westmoreland recommended the president further increase ground troops from 82,000 to 175,000. After consulting with his principals, Johnson, desirous of a low profile, chose to announce at a press conference an increase to 125,000 troops, with additional forces to be sent later upon request. In order to mute his announcement, Johnson at the same time announced the nomination of Abe Fortas to the Supreme Court and John Chancellor as director of the Voice of America. Johnson described himself at the time as boxed in by unpalatable choices—between sending Americans to die in Vietnam and giving in to the communists. If he sent additional troops he would be attacked as an interventionist and if he did not he thought he risked being impeached.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 272–277.</ref> By October 1965, there were over 200,000 troops deployed in Vietnam.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 284.</ref>

Toward the end of the year, after consultation with the Joint Chiefs and other advisers Johnson decided to increase troops at the rate of 15,000 per month throughout 1966 rather than increasing them at one time, in order to avoid a more publicized increase. At the same time there was deliberation over a bombing pause and Johnson finally agreed on December 28 to a pause and a corresponding "peace offensive"; the pause in bombing and the peace blitz ended January 31, 1966, without discernible effect.{{citation needed|date=November 2017}}

[[File:Visit of President Johnson in Vietnam.jpg|thumb|left|Awarding a medal to a US soldier during a visit to Vietnam in 1966]]

In early 1966, Robert Kennedy harshly criticized Johnson's decision to resume the bombing, stating that the U.S. may be headed "on a road from which there is no turning back, a road that leads to catastrophe for all mankind."<ref name=VietnamAPP>{{Cite web| title=The War in Vietnam: Escalation Phase| publisher=The American Presidency Project| location=Santa Barbara, California| url=http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/vietnam/timeline.php| accessdate=July 11, 2017}}</ref> Soon thereafter, the [[United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations|Senate Foreign Relations Committee]], chaired by Senator [[James William Fulbright]], held televised hearings examining the administration's Vietnam policy.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 369.</ref> Impatience with the president and doubts about his war strategy continued to grow on [[United States Capitol|Capitol Hill]] through the spring. In June, [[Richard Russell Jr.|Richard Russell]], Chairman of the [[United States Senate Committee on Armed Services|Senate Armed Services Committee]], reflecting the coarsening the national mood, declared it was time to "get it over or get out."<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 364.</ref>

By the fall, multiple sources began to report progress was being made against the North Vietnamese logistics and infrastructure; Johnson was urged from every corner to begin peace discussions. The gap with Hanoi, however, was an unbridgeable demand on both sides for a unilateral end to bombing and withdrawal of forces. [[Averell Harriman]] was appointed as the president's "Ambassador for Peace" to promote negotiations. Westmoreland and McNamara then recommended a concerted program to promote pacification; Johnson formally placed this effort under military control in October.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 381.</ref> During this time Johnson grew more and more anxious about justifying war casualties, and talked of the need for decisive victory, despite the unpopularity of the cause.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 386.</ref>

By year's end it was clear that current pacification efforts were ineffectual, as had been the air campaign. Johnson then agreed to McNamara's new recommendation to add 70,000 troops in 1967 to the 400,000 previously committed. While McNamara recommended no increase in the level of bombing, Johnson agreed with CIA recommendations to increase them.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 386–388.</ref> The increased bombing began despite initial secret talks being held in Saigon, Hanoi, and Warsaw. While the bombing ended the talks, North Vietnamese intentions were not considered genuine.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 390.</ref>

====1967–1969====
[[File:LBJ-and-McNamara.jpg|thumb|Lyndon Johnson talking with his secretary of defense Robert McNamara, 1967.]]

In March 1967, Robert Kennedy assumed a more public opposition to the war in a Senate speech. The fact of his opposition and probable candidacy for the presidency in 1968, according to Dallek, inhibited the embattled and embittered Johnson from employing a more realistic war policy.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 461.</ref> McNamara offered Johnson a way out of Vietnam in May; the administration could declare its objective in the war—South Vietnam's self-determination—was being achieved and upcoming September elections in South Vietnam would provide the chance for a coalition government. The United States could reasonably expect that country to then assume responsibility for the election outcome. But Johnson was reluctant, in light of some optimistic reports, again of questionable reliability, which matched the negative assessments about the conflict and provided hope of improvement. The CIA was reporting wide food shortages in Hanoi and an unstable power grid, as well as military manpower reductions.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 463–464.</ref>

By the middle of 1967 nearly 70,000 Americans had been killed or wounded in the war, which was being commonly described in the news media and elsewhere as a "stalemate."<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 470–471.</ref> In July, Johnson sent McNamara, Wheeler and other officials to meet with Westmoreland in order to reach agreement on plans for the immediate future. Westmoreland in turn requested an additional 80,500 to 200,000 reinforcements on top of the 470,000 soldiers already scheduled to be sent to Vietnam.<ref>{{Cite news| title=William C. Westmoreland Is Dead at 91; General Led U.S. Troops in Vietnam| last1=Whitney| first1=Craig R.| last2=Pace| first2=Eric| work=The New York Times| location=New York City| date=July 20, 2005| url=https://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/20/world/asia/william-c-westmoreland-is-dead-at-91-general-led-us-troops-in.html| accessdate=July 11, 2017}}</ref> Johnson agreed to an increase of 55,000 troops bringing the total to 525,000.<ref name=dallek473>Dallek 1998, p. 473.</ref>

In August, Johnson, with the Joint Chiefs' support, decided to expand the air campaign and exempted only Hanoi, Haiphong and a buffer zone with China from the target list.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 477.</ref> Later that month McNamara told a Senate subcommittee that an expanded air campaign would not bring Hanoi to the peace table. The Joint Chiefs were astounded, and threatened mass resignation; McNamara was summoned to the White House for a three-hour dressing down; nevertheless, Johnson had received reports from the CIA confirming McNamara's analysis at least in part. In the meantime an election establishing a constitutional government in the South was concluded and provided hope for peace talks.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 478–479.</ref>

[[File:The Wise Men, Cabinet Room meeting - NARA - 192586.tif|thumb|350px|left|Johnson meets with a group of foreign policy advisors, collectively called "the Wise Men," in November 1967 to discuss the Vietnam War effort.]]

With the war arguably in a stalemate and in light of the widespread disapproval of the conflict, Johnson convened a group of veteran government foreign policy experts, informally known as "the Wise Men" to gain a fresh, in-depth view of the war—Dean Acheson, Gen. Omar Bradley, George Ball, Mac Bundy, Arthur Dean, Douglas Dillon, Abe Fortas, Averell Harriman, Henry Cabot Lodge, Robert Murphy and Max Taylor.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 494.</ref> They unanimously opposed leaving Vietnam, and encouraged Johnson to "stay the course."<ref name=PoliticoWiseMen>{{cite web| title=Johnson meets with 'The Wise Men,' March 25, 1968| last=Glass| first=Andrew| date=March 25, 2010| url=http://www.politico.com/story/2010/03/johnson-meets-with-the-wise-men-march-25-1968-034945| publisher=[[Politico]]| location=Arlington, Virginia| accessdate=July 11, 2017}}</ref> Afterward, on November 17, in a nationally televised address, the president assured the American public, "We are inflicting greater losses than we're taking...We are making progress." Less than two weeks later, an emotional Robert McNamara announced his resignation as Defense Secretary. Behind closed doors, he had begun regularly expressing doubts over Johnson's war strategy, angering the President. He joins a growing list of Johnson's top aides who resigned over the war, including Bill Moyers, McGeorge Bundy and George Ball.<ref name=VietnamAPP/><ref>Dallek 1998, p. 495.</ref>

[[File:L B Johnson Model Khe Sanh.jpeg|thumb|[[Walt Whitman Rostow]] shows President Lyndon B. Johnson a model of the [[Battle of Khe Sanh|Khe Sanh]] area in February 1968]]

On January 30, 1968, the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese began [[Tet offensive]] against South Vietnam's five largest cities. While the Tet offensive failed militarily, it was a psychological victory, definitively turning American public opinion against the war effort. Iconically, [[Walter Cronkite]] of CBS news, voted the nation's "most trusted person" in February expressed on the air that the conflict was deadlocked and that additional fighting would change nothing. Johnson reacted, saying "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost middle America".<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 505–506.</ref> Indeed, demoralization about the war was everywhere; 26% then approved of Johnson's handling of Vietnam; 63% disapproved. Johnson agreed to increase the troop level by 22,000, despite a recommendation from the Joint Chiefs for ten times that number,<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 509.</ref>

By March 1968, Johnson was secretly desperate for a way out of the war. Clark Clifford, the new Defense Secretary, described the war as "a loser" and proposed to "cut losses and get out".<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 511.</ref> He decided to restrict future bombing with the result that 90 percent of North Vietnam's population and 75 percent of its territory was off-limits to bombing. On March 25, after being briefed by officials at the State Department, the Pentagon and the CIA, the Wise Men meet once more with the president.<ref name=PoliticoWiseMen/> This time they advised against any further troop increases and recommended that the administration seek a negotiated peace. While initially incensed by their conclusions, Johnson quickly came to accept that their assessment of the situation was accurate.<ref>{{cite web| title=March 25, 1968: Johnson meets with the "Wise Men"| work=On This Day in History| url=http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/johnson-meets-with-the-wise-men-2| publisher=[[A&E Networks]]| location=New York| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref>

On March 31, Johnson announced that he would halt the bombing in North Vietnam, while at the same time announcing that he would not seek re-election.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 513.</ref> In April, he succeeded in opening discussions of peace talks and after extensive negotiations over the site, Paris was agreed to and talks began in May. When the talks failed to yield any results the decision was made to resort to private discussions in Paris.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 538–541.</ref> Two months later it was apparent that private discussions proved to be no more productive.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 564.</ref> Despite recommendations in August from Harriman, Vance, Clifford and Bundy to halt bombing as an incentive for Hanoi to seriously engage in substantive peace talks, Johnson refused.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 569.</ref> In October, when the parties came close to an agreement on a bombing halt, Republican presidential nominee Richard Nixon intervened with the South Vietnamese, and made promises of better terms, so as to delay a settlement on the issue until after the election.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 584–585.</ref> After the election, Johnson's primary focus on Vietnam was to get Saigon to join the Paris peace talks. Ironically, only after Nixon added his urging did they do so. Even then they argued about procedural matters until after Nixon took office.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 597.</ref>

Johnson once summed up his perspective of the Vietnam War as follows:
{{quote|I knew from the start that I was bound to be crucified either way I moved. If I left the woman I really loved{{nsmdns}}the Great Society{{nsmdns}}in order to get involved in that bitch of a war on the other side of the world, then I would lose everything at home. All my programs.... But if I left that war and let the Communists take over [[South Vietnam]], then I would be seen as a coward and my nation would be seen as an appeaser and we would both find it impossible to accomplish anything for anybody anywhere on the entire globe.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://quotes.dictionary.com/i_knew_from_the_start_that_i_was |title=Quotation by Lyndon Baines Johnson |publisher=dictionary.com |accessdate=December 1, 2013 |deadurl=yes |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/20130314044909/http://quotes.dictionary.com:80/I_knew_from_the_start_that_I_was |archivedate=March 14, 2013 }}</ref>}}

===Foreign military sales===
Congress enacted legislation in October 1968, the [[Foreign Military Sales Act of 1968]], to support the administration's policy of regional arms control, disarmament agreements, and the discouragement of arm races. The act discloses the United States commitment and sustainment to a world free from the dangers of armaments and the scourge of war by establishing governance for United States foreign military sales authorizations and military export controls.

===Middle East===
{{see also|Arab–Israeli conflict}}

Johnson's Middle Eastern policy relied on the "three pillars" of [[Israel]], [[Saudi Arabia]], and [[Iran]]. In the mid-1960s, concerns about the [[Nuclear weapons and Israel|Israeli nuclear weapons program]] led to increasing tension between Israel and neighboring [[Arab state]]s, especially [[Egypt]]. At the same time, the [[Palestine Liberation Organization]] launched terrorist against Israel from bases in the [[West Bank]] and the [[Golan Heights]]. The Johnson administration attempted to mediate the conflict, but communicated through Fortas and others that it would not oppose Israeli military action. On June 5, 1967, Israel launched an attack on Egypt, [[Syria]], and [[Jordan]], beginning the [[Six-Day War]]. Israel quickly seized control of Gaza, the West Bank, [[East Jerusalem]], and the [[Sinai Peninsula]]. On June 8, the Israeli military attacked a U.S. vessel in what became known as the [[USS Liberty incident]]; the reason for the attacks remains the subject of controversy, but the United States accepted an indemnity and an official apology from Israel for the attack. As Israeli forces closed in on the Syrian capital of [[Damascus]], the Soviet Union threatened war if Israel did not agree to a cease fire. Johnson pressured the Israeli government into accepting a cease fire, and the war ended on June 11. In the aftermath of the war, the United States and Britain sponsored [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 242|UN Resolution 242]], which called on Israel to release the territory it conquered in the war.<ref>Herring, pp. 746–751</ref>

===Latin America===

Under the direction of Assistant Secretary of State [[Thomas C. Mann]], the United States placed emphasis on Kennedy's [[Alliance for Progress]], which provided economic aid to [[Latin America]]. Like Kennedy, Johnson sought to isolate [[Cuba]], which was under the rule of the Soviet-aligned [[Fidel Castro]]. In 1965, the [[Dominican Civil War]] broke out between the government of President [[Donald Reid Cabral]] and supporters of former President [[Juan Bosch]]. Johnson dispatched over 20,000 Marines to the Dominican Republic to evacuate American citizens and restore order. The U.S. also helped arrange an agreement providing for new elections. Johnson's use of force in ending the civil war alienated many in Latin America, and the region's importance to the administration receded as Johnson's foreign policy became increasingly dominated by the Vietnam War.<ref>Herring, pp. 732–736</ref>

===Western Europe===

As the economies of Western Europe recovered, European leaders increasingly sought to recast the alliance as a partnership of equals. This trend, along with Johnson's conciliatory policy towards the Soviet Union and his escalation of the Vietnam War, led to fractures within [[NATO]]. Johnson's request that NATO leaders send even token forces to South Vietnam were denied by leaders who lacked a strategic interest in the region. [[West Germany]] and especially France pursued independent foreign policies, and in 1966 French President [[Charles de Gaulle]] withdrew France from NATO. The withdrawal of France, along with West German and British defense cuts, substantially weakened NATO, but the alliance remained intact. Johnson refrained from criticizing de Gaulle and he resisted calls to reduce U.S. troop levels on the continent.<ref>Herring, pp. 742–744</ref>


===List of international trips===
===List of international trips===
Johnson made eleven international trips to twenty countries during his presidency.<ref>{{cite web|url= https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/travels/president/johnson-lyndon-b|title= Travels of President Lyndon B. Johnson|publisher= U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian}}</ref> He flew 523,000 miles aboard [[Air Force One]] while in office. One of the most unusual international trips in presidential history occurred before Christmas in 1967. The President began the trip by going to the memorial service for Australian Prime Minister [[Harold Holt]], who had disappeared in a swimming accident and was presumed drowned. The White House did not reveal in advance to the press that the President would make the first round-the-world presidential trip. The trip was 26,959 miles completed in only 112.5 hours (4.7 days). Air Force One crossed the equator twice, stopped in Travis Air Force Base, Calif., then Honolulu, Pago Pago, Canberra, Melbourne, Vietnam, Karachi and Rome.
Nixon made fifteen international trips to 42 different countries during his presidency.<ref>{{cite web|url= https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/travels/president/nixon-richard-m|title= Travels of President Richard M. Nixon|publisher= U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian}}</ref>
[[File:US President Lyndon Johnson Presidential Trips.PNG|thumb|center|Countries visited by Johnson during his presidency.]]
[[File:US President Richard Nixon Presidential Trips.PNG|thumb|center|Countries visited by Nixon during his presidency.]]
{| class="wikitable sortable" border="1" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto"
{| class="wikitable sortable" border="1" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto"
|-
|-
Line 341: Line 277:
!style="width: 12%;"|Locations
!style="width: 12%;"|Locations
!style="width: 55%;"|Details
!style="width: 55%;"|Details
|-
|1
|{{sort|01|September 16, 1964}}
|{{flag|Canada|1921}}
|Vancouver
|Informal visit. Met with Prime Minister [[Lester B. Pearson]] in ceremonies related to the [[Columbia River Treaty]].
|-
|-
|rowspan=6|1
|2
|{{sort|02|April 14–15, 1966}}
|{{sort|01|February 23–24, 1969}}
|{{flag|Mexico|1934}}
|{{flag|Belgium}}
|Brussels
|Mexico, D.F.
|Attended the 23rd meeting of North Atlantic Council. Met with King [[Baudouin I of Belgium|Baudouin I]].
|Informal visit. Met with President [[Gustavo Díaz Ordaz]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|02|February 24–26, 1969}}
|3
|{{flag|United Kingdom}}
|{{sort|03|August 21–22, 1966}}
|London
|{{flag|Canada}}
|Informal visit. Delivered several public addresses.
|[[Campobello Island, New Brunswick|Campobello Island]],<br>[[Chamcook, New Brunswick|Chamcook]]
|Laid cornerstone at [[Roosevelt Campobello International Park]]. Conferred informally with Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson.
|-
|-
|{{sort|03|February 26–27, 1969}}
|rowspan=7|4
|{{flag|West Germany}}
|{{sort|04|October 19–20, 1966}}
|West Berlin<br>Bonn
|{{flag|New Zealand}}
| Delivered several public addresses. Addressed the [[Bundestag]].
|[[Wellington]]
|State visit. Met with Prime Minister [[Keith Holyoake]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|05|October 20–23, 1966}}
|{{sort|04|February 27–28, 1969}}
|{{flag|Australia}}
|{{flag|Italy}}
|Rome
|[[Canberra]],<br>[[Melbourne]],<br>[[Sydney]],<br>[[Brisbane]],<br>[[Townsville]]
|Met with President [[Giuseppe Saragat]] and Prime Minister [[Mariano Rumor]] and other officials.
|State visit. Met with Governor-General [[Richard Casey, Baron Casey|Richard Casey]] and Prime Minister [[Harold Holt]]. Intended as a "thank-you" visit for the Australian government's solid support for the Vietnam War effort, the president and [[First Lady of the United States|first lady]] were greeted by demonstrations from anti-war protesters.<ref name=AUS1966>{{cite news |url=http://www.smh.com.au/national/lbj-came-all-the-way--but-few-followed-20111111-1nbrg.html |title=LBJ came all the way{{snd}}but few followed |last=Humphries |first=David |date=November 12, 2011 |work=[[The Sydney Morning Herald]] |location=[[Sydney]], Australia |accessdate=December 3, 2013}}</ref>
|-
|-
|{{sort|06|October 24–26, 1966}}
|{{sort|05|February 28 – <br>March 2, 1969}}
|{{flag|Philippines|1936}}
|{{flag|France}}
|Paris
|[[Manila]],<br>[[Los Baños, Laguna|Los Baños]],<br>[[Corregidor]]
|Met with President Charles de Gaulle.
|Attended a [[Summit (meeting)|summit]] with the heads of State and government of Australia, South Korea, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Vietnam, and Thailand.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 383.</ref> The meeting ended with pronouncements to stand fast against communist aggression and to promote ideals of democracy and development in Vietnam and across Asia.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 384.</ref>
|-
|-
|{{sort|07|October 26, 1966}}
|{{sort|06|March 2, 1969}}
|{{flag|South Vietnam}}
|{{flag|Vatican City}}
|Apostolic Palace
|[[Cam Ranh Bay]]
|Audience with Pope Paul VI.
|Visited U.S. military personnel.
|-
|-
|rowspan=8|2
|{{sort|08|October 27–30, 1966}}
|{{sort|07|July 26–27, 1969}}
|{{flag|Philippines|1936}}
|Manila
|State visit. Met with President [[Ferdinand Marcos]].
|-
|{{sort|08|July 27–28, 1969}}
|{{flag|Indonesia}}
|[[Jakarta]]
|State visit. Met with President [[Suharto]].
|-
|{{sort|09|July 28–30, 1969}}
|{{flag|Thailand}}
|{{flag|Thailand}}
|[[Bangkok]]
|Bangkok
|State visit. Met with King [[Bhumibol Adulyadej]].
|State visit. Met with King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
|-
|-
|{{sort|09|October 30–31, 1966}}
|{{sort|10|July 30, 1969}}
|{{flag|Malaysia}}
|{{flag|South Vietnam}}
|[[Kuala Lumpur]]
|[[Saigon]],<br>[[Di An]]
|Met with President [[Nguyen Van Thieu]]. Visited U.S. military personnel.
|State visit. Met with Prime Minister [[Tunku Abdul Rahman]]
|-
|-
|{{sort|10|October 31 – <br>November 2, 1966}}
|{{sort|11|July 31 – August 1, 1969}}
|{{flag|South Korea|1949}}
|{{flag|India}}
|New Delhi
|[[Seoul]],<br>[[Suwon]]
|State visit. Met with President [[Park Chung-hee]] and Prime Minister [[Chung Il-kwon]]. Addressed National Assembly.
|State visit. Met with Acting President [[Mohammad Hidayatullah]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|12|August 1–2, 1969}}
|5
|{{sort|11|December 3, 1966}}
|{{flag|Pakistan}}
|[[Lahore]]
|{{flag|Mexico|1934}}
|State visit. Met with President [[Yahya Khan]].
|[[Ciudad Acuña]]
|Informal meeting with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. Inspected construction of [[Amistad Dam]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|13|August 2–3, 1969}}
|rowspan=2|6
|{{flag|Romania|1965}}
|{{sort|12|April 11–14, 1967}}
|[[Bucharest]]
|{{flag|Uruguay}}
|Official visit. Met with President [[Nicolae Ceaușescu]].
|[[Punta del Este]]
|Summit meeting with Latin American [[heads of state]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|13|April 14, 1967}}
|{{sort|14|August 3, 1969}}
|{{flag|United Kingdom}}
|{{flagicon|NGY}} [[Suriname (Kingdom of the Netherlands)|Suriname]]
|[[Paramaribo]]
|[[RAF Mildenhall]]
|Informal meeting with Prime Minister [[Harold Wilson]].
|Refueling stop en route from Uruguay.
|-
|3
|{{sort|15|September 8, 1969}}
|{{flag|Mexico}}
|Ciudad Acuña
|Dedication of Amistad Dam with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.
|-
|-
|4
|{{sort|16|August 20–21, 1970}}
|{{flag|Mexico}}
|[[Puerto Vallarta]]
|Official visit. Met with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.
|-
|rowspan=6|5
|{{sort|17|September 27–30, 1970}}
|{{flag|Italy}}
|Rome,<br>Naples
|Official visit. Met with President Giuseppe Saragat. Visited NATO Southern Command.
|-
|{{sort|18|September 28, 1970}}
|{{flag|Vatican City}}
|Apostolic Palace
|Audience with Pope Paul VI.
|-
|{{sort|19|September 30 – <br>October 2, 1970}}
|{{flag|Yugoslavia}}
|[[Belgrade]],<br>[[Zagreb]]
|State visit. Met with President [[Josip Broz Tito]].
|-
|{{sort|20|October 2–3, 1970}}
|{{flag|Spain}}
|Madrid
|State visit. Met with Generalissimo [[Francisco Franco]].
|-
|{{sort|21|October 3, 1970}}
|{{flag|United Kingdom}}
|Chequers
|Met informally with Queen Elizabeth II and Prime Minister [[Edward Heath]].
|-
|{{sort|22|October 3–5, 1970}}
|{{flag|Ireland}}
|Limerick,<br>[[Timahoe]],<br>Dublin
|State visit. Met with T Prime Minister [[Jack Lynch]].
|-
|6
|{{sort|23|November 12, 1970}}
|{{flag|France}}
|Paris
|Attended the memorial services for former President Charles de Gaulle.
|-
|7
|7
|{{sort|14|April 23–26, 1967}}
|{{sort|24|December 13–14, 1971}}
|{{flag|West Germany}}
|{{flag|Portugal}}
|[[Bonn]]
|[[Terceira Island]]
|Discussed international monetary problems with French President [[Georges Pompidou]] and Portuguese Prime Minister [[Marcelo Caetano]].
|Attended the funeral of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and conversed with various heads of state.
|-
|-
|8
|8
|{{sort|15|May 25, 1967}}
|{{sort|25|December 20–21, 1971}}
|{{flag|Canada}}
|{{flag|Bermuda|1910}}
|Hamilton
|[[Montreal]],<br>[[Ottawa]]
|Met with Governor General [[Roland Michener]]. Attended [[Expo 67]]. Conferred informally with Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson.
|Met with Prime Minister Edward Heath.
|-
|9
|{{sort|16|October 28, 1967}}
|{{flag|Mexico|1934}}
|[[Ciudad Juarez]]
|Attended transfer of [[Chamizal dispute|El Chamizal]] from the U.S. to Mexico. Conferred with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.
|-
|-
|9
|rowspan=6|10
|{{sort|17|December 21–22, 1967}}
|{{sort|26|February 21–28, 1972}}
|{{flag|Australia}}
|{{flag|China}}
|[[Shanghai]],<br>[[Peking]],<br>[[Hangchow]]
|Canberra
|State visit. Met with Party Chairman [[Mao Zedong]] and Premier [[Zhou Enlai]].
|Attended the funeral of Prime Minister Harold Holt.<ref name=AUS1966/> Conferred with other attending heads of state.
|-
|{{sort|18|December 23, 1967}}
|{{flag|Thailand}}
|[[Nakhon Ratchasima|Khorat]]
|Visited U.S. military personnel.
|-
|-
|10
|{{sort|19|December 23, 1967}}
|{{sort|27|April 13–15, 1972}}
|{{flag|South Vietnam}}
|{{flag|Canada}}
|Cam Ranh Bay
|Ottawa
|Visited U.S. military personnel. Addressing the troops, Johnson declares "...all the challenges have been met. The enemy is not beaten, but he knows that he has met his master in the field."<ref name=VietnamAPP/>
|State visit. Met with Governor General Roland Michener and Prime Minister [[Pierre Trudeau]]. Addressed Parliament. Signed the [[Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement]].<ref>{{cite book|author1=National Research Council (U.S.)|author2=Royal Society of Canada|title=The Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement: an evolving instrument for ecosystem management|date=1985|publisher=National Academy Press|location=Washington, D.C.|page=22}}</ref>
|-
|-
|rowspan=4|11
|{{sort|20|December 23, 1967}}
|{{sort|28|May 20–22, 1972}}
|{{flag|Pakistan}}
|{{flag|Austria}}
|[[Karachi]]
|[[Salzburg]]
|Met with President [[Ayub Khan (Field Marshal)|Ayub Khan]].
|Informal visit. Met with Chancellor [[Bruno Kreisky]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|21|December 23, 1967}}
|{{sort|29|May 22–30, 1972}}
|{{flag|Italy}}
|{{flag|Soviet Union|1955}}
|[[Moscow]],<br>[[Leningrad]],<br>[[Kiev]]
|[[Rome]]
|State visit. Met with Premier [[Alexei Kosygin]] and General Secretary [[Leonid Brezhnev]]. Signed the [[Strategic Arms Limitation Talks|SALT I]] and [[Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty|ABM]] Treaties.
|Met with President [[Giuseppe Saragat]] and Prime Minister [[Aldo Moro]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|22|December 23, 1967}}
|{{sort|30|May 30–31, 1972}}
|{{flag|Vatican City}}
|{{flag|Iran|1964}}
|Tehran
|[[Apostolic Palace]]
|Official visit. Met with Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.
|Audience with [[Pope Paul VI]].
|-
|{{sort|31|May 31 – June 1, 1972}}
|{{flag|Poland}}
|[[Warsaw]]
|Official visit. Met with First Secretary [[Edward Gierek]].
|-
|12
|{{sort|32|May 31 – June 1, 1973}}
|{{flag|Iceland}}
|[[Reykjavík]]
|Met with President [[Kristján Eldjárn]] and Prime Minister [[Ólafur Jóhannesson]] and French President Georges Pompidou.
|-
|13
|{{sort|33|April 5–7, 1974}}
|{{flag|France}}
|Paris
|Attended the memorial services for former President Georges Pompidou. Met afterward with interim President [[Alain Poher]], Italian President [[Giovanni Leone]], British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, West German Chancellor [[Willy Brandt]], Danish Prime Minister [[Poul Hartling]], Soviet President [[Nikolai Podgorny]] and Japanese Prime Minister [[Kakuei Tanaka]].
|-
|rowspan=7|14
|{{sort|34|June 10–12, 1974}}
|{{flag|Austria}}
|Salzburg
|Met with Chancellor Bruno Kreisky.
|-
|-
|{{sort|35|June 12–14, 1974}}
|rowspan=5|11
|{{sort|23|July 6–8, 1968}}
|{{flag|Egypt|1972}}
|Cairo,<br>Alexandria
|{{flag|El Salvador}}
|Met with President [[Anwar Sadat]].
|[[San Salvador]]
|-
|Attended the Conference of Presidents of the Central American Republics.
|{{sort|36|June 14–15, 1974}}
|-
|{{sort|24|July 8, 1968}}
|{{flag|Saudi Arabia}}
|[[Jedda]]
|{{flag|Nicaragua}}
|Met with King [[Faisal of Saudi Arabia|Faisal]].
|[[Managua]]
|-
|Informal visit. Met with President [[Anastasio Somoza Debayle]].
|{{sort|37|June 15–16, 1974}}
|{{flag|Syria}}
|[[Damascus]]
|Met with President [[Hafez al-Assad]].
|-
|{{sort|38|June 16–17, 1974}}
|{{flag|Israel}}
|[[Tel Aviv]],<br>[[Jerusalem]]
|Met with President [[Ephraim Katzir]] and Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Rabin]].
|-
|{{sort|39|June 17–18, 1974}}
|{{flag|Jordan}}
|[[Amman]]
|State visit. Met with King [[Hussein of Jordan|Hussein]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|25|July 8, 1968}}
|{{sort|40|June 18–19, 1974}}
|{{flag|Costa Rica}}
|{{flag|Portugal}}
|[[Lajes Field]]
|[[San José, Costa Rica|San José]]
|Informal visit. Met with President [[José Joaquín Trejos Fernández]].
|Met with President [[António de Spínola]].
|-
|-
|rowspan=2|15
|{{sort|26|July 8, 1968}}
|{{sort|41|June 25–26, 1974}}
|{{flag|Honduras}}
|{{flag|Belgium}}
|[[San Pedro Sula]]
|Brussels
|Informal visit. Met with President [[Oswaldo López Arellano]].
|Attended the [[1974 Brussels summit|North Atlantic Council]] Meeting. Met separately with King Baudouin I and [[Queen Fabiola of Belgium|Queen Fabiola]], Prime Minister [[Leo Tindemans]], and with German Chancellor [[Helmut Schmidt]], British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and Italian Prime Minister [[Mariano Rumor]].
|-
|-
|{{sort|27|July 8, 1968}}
|{{sort|42|June 27 – July 3, 1974}}
|{{flag|Guatemala}}
|{{flag|Soviet Union|1955}}
|Moscow,<br>[[Minsk]],<br>[[Oreanda]]
|[[Guatemala City]]
|Informal visit. Met with President [[Julio César Méndez Montenegro]].
|Official visit. Met with General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, President Nikolai Podgorny and Premier Alexei Kosygin. Signing of the [[Threshold Test Ban Treaty]].
|}
|}


== Domestic affairs ==
==Elections==
=== Election of 1964 ===
{{Main article|United States presidential election, 1964}}
{{Further|United States Senate elections, 1964|United States House of Representatives elections, 1964}}
[[File:ElectoralCollege1964.svg|thumb|right|1964 Presidential election results]]


=== Economy ===
The [[1964 Democratic National Convention]] easily re-nominated Johnson and celebrated his accomplishments after less than one year in office.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 154–155.</ref> Early in the campaign, Robert F. Kennedy was a widely popular choice to run as Johnson's vice presidential running mate, but Johnson and Kennedy had never liked one another.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 135–137.</ref> Hubert Humphrey was ultimately selected as Johnson's running mate, with the hope that Humphrey would strengthen the ticket in the Midwest and industrial Northeast.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 157.</ref> Johnson, knowing full well the degree of frustration inherent in the office of vice president, put Humphrey through a gauntlet of interviews to guarantee his absolute loyalty and having made the decision, he kept the announcement from the press until the last moment to maximize media speculation and coverage.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 157–59.</ref> At the end of the Democratic Convention, polls showed Johnson in a comfortable position to obtain re-election.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 155–156.</ref>
{{further|Nixon Shock|1970s energy crisis}}


At the time when Nixon took office in January 1969, [[inflation]] was at 4.7%, its highest rate since the Korean War, and rising. The [[Great Society]] had been enacted under Johnson, which, together with the Vietnam War costs, was causing large budget deficits. There was little unemployment (3.3%,<ref name=RNdomestic>{{cite web| url=https://millercenter.org/president/nixon/domestic-affairs| title=Richard Nixon: Domestic Affairs| publisher= Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia| location=Charlottesville, Virginia| accessdate=February 24, 2016}}</ref>), but interest rates were at their highest in a century.{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=225–226}} Nixon's major economic goal was to reduce inflation; the most obvious means of doing so was to end the war.{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=225–226}} That however could not be accomplished overnight. The administration adopted a policy of restricting the growth of the money supply to address the inflation problem. In February 1970, as a part of the effort to keep federal spending down, Nixon delayed pay raises to federal employees by six months. When the nation's [[postal worker]]s went on strike, he used the Army to keep the postal system going. In the end, the government met the postal workers' wage demands, undoing some of the desired budget-balancing.<ref>{{cite book| title=The American Kings: Growth in Presidential Power from George Washington to Barack Obama| last=Shinkoskey| first=Robert Kimball| publisher=Wipf and Stock| location=Eugene, Oregon| date=2014| isbn=978-1-62564-194-6| page=290}}</ref> According to political economist Nigel Bowles's 2011 study of Nixon's economic policies, the new president did little to alter Johnson's policies through the first year of his presidency.{{r|Bowles-Small}} The president and congressional Republicans entered the [[United States elections, 1970|1970 campaign season]] faced with unemployment, inflation, and Democratic demands for an [[incomes policy]], all of which contributed to a lackluster Republican performance in the midterm congressional elections (Republicans gained two seats in the Senate but lost nine in the House; Democrats controlled both Houses of Congress throughout Nixon's presidency).{{sfn|Ambrose 1989|pp=431–432}}
Johnson and his Republican opponent, [[Barry Goldwater]], both sought to portray the election as a choice between a liberal and a conservative. Goldwater was perhaps the most conservative major party nominee since the passage of the [[New Deal]].<ref>Zelizer, pp. 151–152.</ref> Early in the 1964 presidential campaign, Goldwater had appeared to be a strong contender. His support in the South threatened to flip Southern states to the Republican Party in the 1964 election, especially after the passage of the Civil Rights Act. However, Goldwater lost momentum as the campaign progressed. On September 7, 1964, Johnson's campaign managers broadcast the "[[Daisy (television commercial)|Daisy ad]]," which successfully portrayed Goldwater as a dangerous warmonger.<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 170.</ref> The combination of an effective aid campaign, Goldwater's perceived extremism, a poorly-organized Goldwater campaign, and Johnson's popularity led Democrats to a major election victory.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 155–159.</ref> Johnson won the presidency by a landslide with 61.05&nbsp;percent of the vote, making it the highest ever [[List of United States presidential elections by popular vote margin|share of the popular vote]].<ref>Leip, David. ''[http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/ Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections]''</ref> At the time, this was also the widest popular margin in the 20th century—more than 15.95&nbsp;million votes—this was later surpassed by incumbent President Nixon's victory in [[United States presidential election, 1972|1972]].<ref>Dallek 1998, p. 182.</ref> In the [[Electoral College (United States)|Electoral College]], Johnson defeated Goldwater by margin of 486 to 52.


In 1970, Congress had granted the president the power to impose [[wage]] and [[price controls]], though the Democratic congressional leadership, knowing Nixon had opposed such controls through his career, did not expect Nixon to actually use the authority.{{r|Bowles-Small}} With inflation unresolved by August 1971, and an election year looming, Nixon convened a summit of his economic advisers at [[Camp David]]. He then announced temporary wage and price controls, allowed the dollar to float against other currencies, and ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold.{{sfn|Aitken|pp=399–400}} Bowles points out, "by identifying himself with a policy whose purpose was inflation's defeat, Nixon made it difficult for Democratic opponents&nbsp;... to criticize him. His opponents could offer no alternative policy that was either plausible or believable since the one they favored was one they had designed but which the president had appropriated for himself."{{r|Bowles-Small}} Nixon's policies dampened inflation in 1972, although their aftereffects contributed to inflation during his second term and into the Ford administration.{{sfn|Aitken|pp=399–400}}
Democrats scored large gains in every section of the country except the [[Deep South]] in the [[United States elections, 1964|1964 congressional elections]].<ref>[http://library.cqpress.com/cqalmanac/cqal64-1302939 "The 1964 Election Results."] In CQ Almanac 1964, 20th ed., 1021-68. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1965. Retrieved June 20, 2017.</ref> The party's majority in the House grew by 36 seats, and its majority in the Senate by two, giving it a [[veto]]-proof [[supermajority]] in both chambers.<ref>{{cite web| title=Congress Profiles: 89th Congress (1965–1967)| url=http://history.house.gov/Congressional-Overview/Profiles/89th/| publisher=Office of the Historian, United States House of Representatives| location=Washington, D.C.| accessdate=June 20, 2017}}</ref> These major gains came primarily as a result of the strident tone of Republican [[Barry Goldwater]]'s [[Barry Goldwater presidential campaign, 1964|1964 presidential campaign]], and a large sympathy vote cast in honor of President Kennedy.<ref name=midtermspast>{{cite web| last=Cook| first=Rhodes| title=Midterms Past: The ’66 Parallel| work=Sabato's Crystal Ball| url=http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/frc2010042901/| publisher=[[University of Virginia Center for Politics]]| location=Charlottesville, Virginia| accessdate=June 20, 2017|date=April 29, 2010}}</ref> The huge election victory emboldened Johnson to propose liberal legislation in the [[89th United States Congress]].<ref>Zelizer, pp. 161–162.</ref>


As Nixon began his second term, the economy was plagued by a [[1973–1974 stock market crash|stock market crash]] and a surge in inflation. With the legislation authorizing price controls set to expire on April 30, the [[Senate Democratic Caucus]] recommended a 90-day freeze on all profits, interest rates, and prices.<ref name=Hetzel>{{cite book| last = Hetzel| first = Robert L.| year = 2008| title = The Monetary Policy of the Federal Reserve| publisher = Cambridge University Press| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-521-88132-6| page = 92}}</ref> Nixon re-imposed price controls in June 1973, echoing his 1971 plan, as food prices rose; this time, he focused on agricultural exports and limited the freeze to 60 days.<ref name=Hetzel/> The price controls became unpopular with the public and business people, who saw powerful labor unions as preferable to the price board bureaucracy.<ref name=Hetzel/> Business owners, however, now saw the controls as permanent rather than temporary, and voluntary compliance among small businesses decreased.<ref name=Hetzel/> The controls and the accompanying [[Economic shortage|food shortage]]s—as meat disappeared from grocery stores and farmers drowned chickens rather than sell them at a loss—only fueled more inflation.<ref name=Hetzel/> Despite their failure to rein in inflation, controls were slowly ended, and on April 30, 1974, their statutory authorization lapsed.<ref name=Hetzel/> Ultimately, inflation would rise to 12.1% by the end of the year.<ref name=RNdomestic/>
===Mid-term elections of 1966===
{{Further|United States Senate elections, 1966|United States House of Representatives elections, 1966}}
In the 1966 [[United States midterm election|midterm elections]], Democrats lost 47 seats in the House to the Republicans, and also three in the Senate. Despite their losses, the Democrats retained control of both chambers of Congress. Republicans campaigned on law and order concerns stemming from urban riots, Johnson's conduct of the Vietnam War, and on the sluggish economy, warning of looming inflation and growing federal deficits.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 249–250.</ref> The devastating losses that Democrats suffered hit the party's liberal wing hardest, which in turn decreased Johnson's ability to push his agenda through Congress.<ref>{{cite book| last=Busch| first=Andrew E.| title=Horses in Midstream: U.S. Midterm Elections and Their Consequences, 1894–1998| date=1999| publisher=University of Pittsburgh Press| location=Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania| pages=94–100| isbn=0822975076}}</ref> The elections also helped the Republicans rehabilitate their image after their disastrous 1964 campaign.<ref name=midtermspast/>


=== Election of 1968 ===
=== Governmental reorganization ===
Nixon advocated a "[[New Federalism]]", which would devolve power to state and local elected officials, though Congress was hostile about these ideas and enacted only a few of them.{{sfn|Aitken|p=395}} Nixon hoped to reduce the number of government departments to eight: The existing departments of [[United States Department of State|State]], [[United States Department of Justice|Justice]], [[United States Department of the Treasury|Treasury]], and [[United States Department of Defense|Defense]], with the remainder of the Executive Branch made parts of new departments of Economic Affairs, Natural Resources, Human Resources, and Community Development. Although Nixon did not succeed in this,{{sfn|Black|p=846}} was able to convince Congress to eliminate one Cabinet-level department, the [[United States Post Office Department]], which in July 1971 (as a result of the [[Postal Reorganization Act]]) was transformed into the [[United States Postal Service]], an independent entity within the executive branch of the federal government.<ref>{{cite web| title=Postal Reorganization Act Law and Legal Definition| url=https://definitions.uslegal.com/p/postal-reorganization-act/| publisher=USLegal| accessdate=June 26, 2017}}</ref> [[United States Postmaster General|Postmaster General]] [[Winton M. Blount]] continued to serve through this transition until January 1, 1972.
{{Main article|United States presidential election, 1968}}


=== Federal regulations ===
As he had served less than two years of President Kennedy's term, Johnson was constitutionally eligible for election to a second full term in the 1968 presidential election under the provisions of the [[Twenty-second Amendment to the United States Constitution|22nd Amendment]].<ref>{{cite news|title=Johnson Can Seek Two Full Terms|newspaper=The Washington Post|date=November 24, 1963|page=A2}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Law Permits 2 Full Terms for Johnson|first=William|last=Moore|newspaper=The Chicago Tribune|date=November 24, 1963|page=7}}</ref> However, beginning in 1966, the press sensed a "[[credibility gap]]" between what Johnson was saying in press conferences and what was happening on the ground in Vietnam, which led to much less favorable coverage.<ref>{{cite news| url=http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/6883| publisher=American Chronicle| date=March 15, 2006| title=Happy Anniversary to the first scheduled presidential press conference – 93 years young!| first=Robert| last=Rouse}}</ref> By year's end, the Democratic governor of [[Missouri]], [[Warren E. Hearnes]], warned that Johnson would lose the state by 100,000 votes, despite winning by a 500,000 margin in 1964. "Frustration over Vietnam; too much federal spending and... taxation; no great public support for your Great Society programs; and ... public disenchantment with the civil rights programs" had eroded the President's standing, the governor reported. There were bright spots; in January 1967, Johnson boasted that wages were the highest in history, unemployment was at a 13-year low, and corporate profits and farm incomes were greater than ever; a 4.5 percent jump in consumer prices was worrisome, as was the rise in [[interest rate]]s. Johnson asked for a temporary 6 percent surcharge in [[income tax]]es to cover the mounting deficit caused by increased spending. Johnson's approval ratings stayed below 50 percent; by January 1967, the number of his strong supporters had plunged to 16%, from 25 percent four months before. He ran about even with Republican [[George W. Romney|George Romney]] in trial matchups that spring. Asked to explain why he was unpopular, Johnson responded, "I am a dominating personality, and when I get things done I don't always please all the people." Johnson also blamed the press, saying they showed "complete irresponsibility and lie and misstate facts and have no one to be answerable to." He also blamed "the preachers, liberals and professors" who had turned against him.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 391–396; quotes on pp. 391 and 396.</ref>
Environmental policy had not been a significant issue in the 1968 election; the candidates were rarely asked for their views on the subject. He saw that the first [[Earth Day]] in April 1970 presaged a wave of voter interest on the subject, and sought to use that to his benefit; in June he announced the formation of the [[United States Environmental Protection Agency|Environmental Protection Agency]] (EPA), broke new ground by discussing environment policy in his [[State of the Union speech]]es. Other initiatives supported by Nixon included the: [[Clean Air Act (United States)|Clean Air Act of 1970]]{{snd}}expanding the federal mandate to control [[air pollution]] and protect air quality; [[Occupational Safety and Health Act (United States)|Occupational Safety and Health Act]]{{snd}}establishing [[Occupational Safety and Health Administration]] (OSHA) and [[National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health]] (NIOSH); and the [[National Environmental Policy Act]]{{snd}}requiring [[environmental impact statement]]s for many Federal projects.{{sfn|Aitken|pp=397–398}} Other significant regulatory legislation enacted during Nixon's presidency included the: [[Noise Control Act]] (1972); [[Marine Mammal Protection Act]] (1972); [[Consumer Product Safety Act]] (1972); and the [[Endangered Species Act]] (1973).<ref name=RNdomestic/>


While applauding Nixon's progressive policy agenda, environmentalists found much to criticize in his record.<ref name=RNdomestic/> The administration strongly supported continued funding of the "[[Noise pollution|noise-polluting]]" [[Supersonic transport]] (SST), which Congress dropped funding for in 1971. Additionally, he [[veto]]ed the [[Clean Water Act]] of 1972, and after Congress overrode the veto, Nixon [[impoundment of appropriated funds|impounded]] the funds Congress had authorized to implement it. While not opposed to the goals of the legislation, Nixon objected to the amount of money to be spent on reaching them, which he deemed excessive.{{sfn|Aitken|p=396}} Faced as he was with a generally liberal Democratic Congress, perceived as being [[spendthrift]] (in 1972 John Ehrlichman used the term "credit-card Congress"<ref>{{cite book| title=Congressional Abdication on War and Spending| last=Fisher| first=Louis| series=Joseph V. Hughes Jr. and Holly O. Hughes Series on the Presidency and Leadership (Book 7)| publisher=Texas A&M University Press| location=College Station, Texas| date=2000| page=117| isbn=0-89096-951-5}}</ref>), Nixon used this power on multiple occasions during his presidency.<ref name=campbell2008>{{cite book| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VitlO1mWxzAC&pg=RA1-PA1972#v=onepage&q&f=false| pages=348–351| title=Disasters, Accidents, and Crises in American History: A Reference Guide to the Nation's Most Catastrophic Events| publisher=Infobase Publishing| location=New York| date=2008| last=Campbell| first=Ballard C.| isbn=0-8160-6603-5}}</ref> Congress's response came in the form of the [[Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974]], which established a new budget process, and included a procedure providing congressional control over the impoundment of funds by the president. Nixon, mired in Watergate, signed the legislation July 12.<ref>{{cite web| last=Kosar| first=Kevin| title=So... this is Nixon’s fault?| publisher=[[Politico]]| url=http://www.politico.com/agenda/story/2015/10/richard-nixon-congressional-budget-control-act-history-000282| date=October 21, 2015| accessdate=June 29, 2017}}</ref>
As the 1968 election approached, Johnson began to lose control of the Democratic Party, which was splitting into four factions. The first group consisted of Johnson and Humphrey, labor unions, and local party bosses (led by Chicago Mayor [[Richard J. Daley]]). The second group consisted of antiwar students and intellectuals who rallied behind [[Eugene McCarthy]] in an effort to "[[Dump Johnson movement|dump Johnson]]." McCarthy came in a surprisingly close second in the March 12 [[New Hampshire primary]], the first [[Democratic Party presidential primaries, 1968|1968 Democratic primary]]. The third group included Catholics, Hispanics and African Americans, who rallied behind [[Robert Kennedy]]. Kennedy entered the race shortly after the New Hampshire primary. The fourth group included traditionally segregationist white Southerners, who rallied behind [[George C. Wallace]] and the [[American Independent Party]]. Johnson could see no way to win the war<ref name="scholastic"/> and no way to unite the party long enough for him to win re-election.<ref>Gould 2010.</ref> At the end of a March 31 speech, Johnson shocked the nation when he announced he would not run for re-election by concluding with the line: "I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/speeches/detail/3388|title=Remarks on Decision not to Seek Re-Election (March 31, 1968)|publisher=The Miller Center, University of Virginia|accessdate=December 4, 2013}}</ref>


=== Healthcare ===
[[File:Lyndon Johnson Richard Nixon 1968.jpg|thumb|300px|President Johnson meets with Republican candidate [[Richard Nixon]] in the White House, July 1968]]
In August 1970, Democratic Senator [[Ted Kennedy]] introduced legislation to establish a [[Single-payer healthcare|single-payer]] [[universal health care]], financed by taxes and with no [[Cost sharing]]).<ref name="NHI: CQ Almanac 1970">{{cite book| year=1971| chapter=National health insurance| title=Congressional Quarterly Almanac 91st Congress 2nd Session{{snd}}1970| volume=26| location=Washington, D.C.| publisher=Congressional Quarterly| pages=603–605| issn=0095-6007| oclc=1564784}}</ref> In February 1971, Nixon proposed more limited health insurance reform, an [[Health insurance mandate#Employer mandates|employee mandate]] to offer private health insurance if employees volunteered to pay 25 percent of premiums, the federalization of [[Medicaid]] for poor families with dependent minor children, and support for [[health maintenance organization]]s (HMOs).<ref name="NHI: CQ Almanac 1971">{{cite book| year=1972| chapter=Health insurance: hearings on new proposals| title=Congressional Quarterly Almanac 92nd Congress 1st Session{{snd}}1971| volume=27| location=Washington, D.C.| publisher=Congressional Quarterly|pages=541–544|issn=0095-6007|oclc=1564784}}</ref> This market-based system would, Nixon argued, "build on the strengths of the [[Private healthcare|private system]]."<ref>{{cite news| title=Recalling the Nixon-Kennedy health plan| last=Stockman| first=Farah| date=June 23, 2012| url=https://www.bostonglobe.com/opinion/2012/06/22/stockman/bvg57mguQxOVpZMmB1Mg2N/story.html| work=Boston Globe| location=Boston, Massachusetts| accessdate=June 26, 2017}}</ref> Both the House and Senate held hearings on national health insurance in 1971, but no legislation emerged from either committee,<ref name=elusivequest>{{cite book| title=Universal Coverage: The Elusive Quest for National Health Insurance| pages=88–97| last=Mayes| first=Rick| publisher=University of Michigan Press| location=Ann Arbor, Michigan| date=2004| isbn=0-472-11457-3| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rIvM9Tk0mqUC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false}}</ref> as [[United States House Committee on Ways and Means|House Ways and Means]] committee chairman [[Wilbur Mills]] or [[United States Senate Committee on Finance|Senate Finance]] committee chairman [[Russell B. Long|Russell Long]].<ref name="NHI: CQ Almanac 1971"/> In October 1972, Nixon signed the Social Security Amendments of 1972, extending Medicare to those under 65 who had been severely disabled for over two years or had [[End Stage Renal Disease Program|end stage renal disease]], and gradually raising the Medicare Part A payroll tax from 1.1 to 1.45 percent (in 1986).<ref name="SS: CQ Almanac 1972">{{cite book| year=1973| chapter=Welfare reform deleted from Social Security bill| title=Congressional Quarterly Almanac 92nd Congress 2nd Session{{snd}}1972| volume=28| location=Washington, D.C.| publisher=Congressional Quarterly|pages=899–914| issn=0095-6007| oclc=1564784}}</ref> In December 1973, he signed the [[Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973]], establishing a trial federal program to promote and encourage the development of HMOs.<ref name="HMO: CQ Almanac 1973">{{cite book| year=1974| chapter=Limited experimental health bill enacted| title=Congressional Quarterly Almanac 93rd Congress 1st Session{{snd}}1973| volume=29| location=Washington, D.C.| publisher=Congressional Quarterly| pages=499–508| issn=0095-6007| oclc=1564784}}</ref>
The next day, his approval ratings increased from 36% to 49%.<ref>{{cite book|last=Updegrove|first=Mark K.|title=Indomitable will: LBJ in the presidency|year=2012|publisher=Crown|location=New York|isbn=978-0-307-88771-9|edition=1st|page=272}}</ref> Humphrey [[Hubert Humphrey presidential campaign, 1968|entered the race]] after Johnson's withdrawal. Historians have debated the factors that led to Johnson's surprise decision. Shesol says Johnson wanted out of the White House but also wanted vindication; when the indicators turned negative he decided to leave.<ref>{{cite book|author=Jeff Shesol|title=Mutual Contempt: Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and the Feud that Defined a Decade|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bVrRvYV7i78C&pg=PA545|year=1998|publisher=W W Norton |pages=545–47 |accessdate=October 25, 2015}}</ref> Gould says that Johnson had neglected the party, was hurting it by his Vietnam policies, and underestimated McCarthy's strength until the very last minute, when it was too late for Johnson to recover.<ref>Gould 2010, pp. 16–18.</ref> Woods said Johnson realized he needed to leave in order for the nation to heal.<ref>{{cite book|author=Randall Bennett Woods|title=LBJ: architect of American ambition|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Sb8W_Ba3jkkC&pg=PA834|year=2007|publisher=Harvard University Press|pages=834–35|accessdate=October 25, 2015}}</ref> Dallek says that Johnson had no further domestic goals, and realized that his personality had eroded his popularity. His health was not good, and he was preoccupied with the Kennedy campaign; his wife was pressing for his retirement and his base of support continued to shrink. Leaving the race would allow him to pose as a peacemaker.<ref>Dallek 1998, pp. 518–525.</ref> Bennett, however, says Johnson "had been forced out of a reelection race in 1968 by outrage over his policy in Southeast Asia."<ref>{{cite book|author=Anthony J. Bennett|title=The Race for the White House from Reagan to Clinton: Reforming Old Systems, Building New Coalitions|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XH4Os4Cjr-cC&pg=PT160|year=2013|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|page=160|accessdate=October 25, 2015}}</ref> Johnson may have hoped that the convention would ultimately choose to draft him back into the race.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Nelson|first1=Justin A.|title=Drafting Lyndon Johnson: The President's Secret Role in the 1968 Democratic Convention|journal=Presidential Studies Quarterly|date=December 2000|volume=30|issue=4|pages=688–713|jstor=27552141}}</ref>


There was a renewed push for health insurance reform in 1974. In January, representatives [[Martha Griffiths]] and [[James C. Corman]] introduced the Health Security Act, a universal national health insurance program providing comprehensive benefits without any cost sharing backed by the [[AFL-CIO]] and [[UAW]].<ref name=elusivequest/> The following month Nixon again proposed the Comprehensive Health Insurance Act{{snd}}an employer mandate to offer private health insurance if employees volunteered to pay 25 percent of premiums, replacement of Medicaid by state-run health insurance plans available to all with income-based premiums and cost sharing, and replacement of Medicare with a new federal program that eliminated the limit on hospital days, added income-based out-of-pocket limits, and added outpatient prescription drug coverage.<ref name=elusivequest/><ref name="NHI: CQ Almanac 1974">{{cite book|publisher=Congressional Quarterly|year=1975|chapter=National health insurance: no action in 1974|title=Congressional Quarterly Almanac. 93rd Congress 2nd Session{{snd}}1974|volume=30|location=Washington, D.C.|pages=386–394|issn=0095-6007|oclc=1564784}}</ref> In April, Kennedy and Mills introduced the National Health Insurance Act, a bill to provide near-universal national health insurance with benefits identical to the expanded Nixon plan—but with mandatory participation by employers and employees through payroll taxes and with lower cost sharing.<ref name=elusivequest/> Both plans were criticized by labor, consumer, and senior citizens organizations, and neither gained traction.<ref>{{cite web| title=Democrats' health plans echo Nixon's failed GOP proposal| last=Hall| first=Kevin G.| url=http://www.mcclatchydc.com/news/politics-government/article24472651.html| publisher=McClatchy Washington Bureau| location=Washington, D.C.| accessdate=June 28, 2017}}</ref> That summer, after Nixon's resignation and President Ford's call for health insurance reform, Mills tried to advance a compromise based on Nixon's plan, but gave up when unable to get more than a 13–12 majority of his committee to support his compromise.<ref name=elusivequest/><ref name="Wainess 1999">{{cite journal|last=Wainess|first=Flint J.|date=April 1999|title=The Ways and Means of national health care reform, 1974 and beyond|journal=Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law|volume=24|issue=2|pages=305–333|issn=0361-6878|oclc=2115780|pmid=10321359|doi=10.1215/03616878-24-2-305|url=http://jhppl.dukejournals.org/content/24/2/305.abstract}}</ref>
After [[Robert Kennedy's assassination]] in June, Humphrey won the Democratic nomination with Johnson's backing at the tumultuous [[1968 Democratic National Convention]].<ref name="sabato1">{{cite news|last1=Sabato|first1=Larry|title=The Ball of Confusion That Was 1968|url=http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/the-ball-of-confusion-that-was-1968/|accessdate=August 22, 2016|publisher=Sabato's Crystal Ball|date=March 16, 2016}}</ref> Personal correspondences between the President and some in the Republican Party suggested Johnson tacitly supported [[Nelson Rockefeller|Nelson Rockefeller's]] campaign, but [[Richard Nixon]] won the Republican nomination.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Perlstein|first=Rick|authorlink=Rick Perlstein|title=[[Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America]]|year=2008|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=978-0-7432-4302-5}}</ref> After the convention, polls showed Humphrey losing by 20 points to Nixon.<ref name="sabato1"/> Humphrey's polling numbers improved after a September 30 speech in which he broke with Johnson's war policy, calling for an end to the bombing of North Vietnam.<ref name="sabato1"/> In what was termed the [[October surprise]], Johnson announced to the nation on October 31, 1968, that he had ordered a complete cessation of "all air, naval and artillery bombardment of [[North Vietnam]]", effective November 1, should the [[Hanoi]] Government be willing to negotiate and citing progress with the [[Paris Peace Accords|Paris peace talks]]. However, Nixon won the election, narrowly edging Humphrey with a plurality of the popular vote and winning a majority of the electoral college.<ref name="sabato1"/> Nixon successfully [[Southern strategy|pursued]] southern whites and working class northerners, two [[New Deal coalition]] groups that Johnson had alienated.<ref>Zelizer, p. 306.</ref> Wallace, the candidate of many southern Democrats, chose to run as the [[American Independent Party]] nominee, and ultimately captured 13.5% of the popular vote and 46 electoral votes. Democrats maintained control of both houses of Congress, and while Nixon had campaigned on a new Vietnam policy, he had largely avoided talking about undoing the Great Society programs.<ref>Zelizer, pp. 314–315.</ref>


===Medical research initiatives===
==Legacy and evaluation==
Nixon submitted two significant [[medical research]] initiatives to Congress in February 1971.<ref>{{cite web| last=Nixon| first=Richard| title=Special Message to the Congress Proposing a National Health Strategy| date=February 18, 1971| website=Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, University of California, Santa Barbara| url=http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=3311| accessdate=June 29, 2017}}</ref> The first, popularly referred to as the [[War on Cancer]], resulted in passage that December of the National Cancer Act, which injected nearly $1.6 billion (equivalent to $9 billion in 2016) in federal funding to cancer research over a three-year period. It also provided for establishment of medical centers dedicated to clinical research and cancer treatment, 15 of them initially, whose work is coordinated by the [[National Cancer Institute]].<ref>{{cite web| title=Nixon's War on Cancer: Why it mattered| date=September 21, 2016| last=Russell| first=Sabin| url=http://www.fredhutch.org/en/news/center-news/2016/09/nixons-war-on-cancer-and-why-it-mattered.html| publisher=[[Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center]]| location=Seattle, Washington| accessdate=June 29, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web| title=History of the National Cancer Institute| publisher=National Cancer Institute{{snd}}National Institutes of Health| location= Bethesda, Maryland| url=https://www.cancer.gov/about-nci/overview/history#1971| accessdate=June 29, 2017}}</ref> The second initiative, focused on [[Sickle-cell disease]] (SCD), resulted in passage of the National Sickle Cell Anemia Control Act in May 1972. Long ignored, the lifting of SCD from obscurity to high visibility reflected the changing dynamics of electoral politics and race relations in America during the early 1970s. Under this legislation, the [[National Institutes of Health]] established several sickle cell research and treatment centers and the [[Health Resources and Services Administration|Health Services Administration]] established sickle cell screening and education clinics around the country.<ref>{{cite book| last=Wailoo| first=Keith| year=2001| publisher=University of North Carolina Press| title=Dying in the City of the Blues: Sickle Cell Anemia and the Politics of Race and Health| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=r2PqCQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false| isbn=978-0-8078-4896-8| pages=165–166}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal| last=Wailoo| first=Keith| title=Sickle Cell Disease — A History of Progress and Peril| journal=New England Journal of Medicine| pages=805–807|date=March 2, 2017| volume=376| issue=9| url=http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp1700101| doi=10.1056/NEJMp1700101| accessdate=June 29, 2017}}</ref>
Johnson's presidency left a lasting mark on the United States, transforming the United States with the establishment of [[Medicare (United States)|Medicare]] and [[Medicaid]], various anti-poverty measures, environmental protections, educational funding, and other federal programs.<ref name="ktumulty2">{{cite news|last1=Tumulty|first1=Karen|title=The Great Society at 50|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/sf/national/2014/05/17/the-great-society-at-50/|accessdate=August 21, 2016|publisher=Washington Post|date=May 17, 2014}}</ref> The civil rights legislation passed under Johnson are nearly-universally praised for their role in removing barriers to racial equality.<ref name="ktumulty2"/> Historians argue that Johnson's presidency marked the peak of [[modern liberalism in the United States]] after the [[New Deal]] era, and Johnson is [[Historical rankings of Presidents of the United States|ranked favorably]] by many historians.<ref>{{cite web|last=Dallek |first=Robert |url=http://hnn.us/articles/439.html |title=Presidency: How Do Historians Evaluate the Administration of Lyndon Johnson? |publisher=History News Network |accessdate=June 17, 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://legacy.c-span.org/PresidentialSurvey/president/Lyndon_Johnson.aspx |title=Survey of Presidential Leadership&nbsp;– Lyndon Johnson |publisher=[[C-SPAN]] |accessdate=June 17, 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110209101510/http://legacy.c-span.org/PresidentialSurvey/president/Lyndon_Johnson.aspx|archive-date=February 9, 2010}}</ref> Johnson's persuasiveness and understanding of Congress helped him to pass remarkable flurry of legislation and gained him a reputation as a legislative master.<ref name="erothstein1">{{cite news|last1=Rothstein|first1=Edward|title=Legacy Evolving at a Presidential Library|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/09/arts/design/at-the-lbj-presidential-library-giving-nuance-to-history.html?rref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FJohnson%2C%20Lyndon%20B.|accessdate=August 21, 2016|publisher=New York Times|date=April 8, 2014}}</ref> Johnson was aided by his party's large Congressional majorities and a public that was receptive to new federal programs,<ref>{{cite news|last1=Nyhan|first1=Brendan|title=Why Comparisons Between L.B.J. and Obama Can Mislead|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/22/upshot/why-comparisons-between-lbj-and-obama-can-mislead.html?rref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FJohnson%2C%20Lyndon%20B.|accessdate=August 21, 2016|publisher=New York Times|date=May 22, 2014}}</ref> but he also faced a Congress dominated by the powerful [[conservative coalition]] of southern Democrats and Republicans, who had successfully blocked most liberal legislation since the start of [[World War II]].<ref>Zelizer, pp. 3–5.</ref> Though Johnson established many lasting programs, other aspects of the Great Society, including the [[Office of Economic Opportunity]], were later abolished.<ref name="ktumulty2"/> Johnson's handling of the Vietnam War remains broadly unpopular, and, much as it did during his tenure, often overshadows his domestic accomplishments.<ref name="erothstein1"/><ref name="ktumulty1">{{cite news|last1=Tumulty|first1=Karen|title=LBJ’s presidency gets another look as civil rights law marks its 50th anniversary|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/lbjs-presidency-gets-another-look-as-civil-rights-law-marks-its-50th-anniversary/2014/04/08/d31b9d2e-bf2d-11e3-bcec-b71ee10e9bc3_story.html|accessdate=August 21, 2016|publisher=Washington Post|date=April 8, 2014}}</ref> The perceived failures of the Vietnam War nurtured disillusionment with government, and the [[New Deal coalition]] fell apart in large part due to tensions over the Vietnam War and the 1968 election.<ref name="ktumulty2"/><ref name="cohen1"/> Republicans won five of six presidential elections after Johnson left office, and [[Ronald Reagan]] came into office vowing to undo the Great Society, though Reagan and other Republicans were unable to repeal many of Johnson's programs.<ref name="ktumulty2"/>

=== U.S. space program ===
[[File:President Nixon welcomes the Apollo 11 astronauts aboard the U.S.S. Hornet.jpg|thumb|Nixon visits the [[Apollo 11]] astronauts in [[quarantine]] aboard USS ''Hornet''.]]
{{further|Space policy of the United States}}
After a [[Apollo program|nearly decade-long national effort]], the United States won the race to land astronauts on the moon on July 20, 1969, with the flight of [[Apollo 11]]. Nixon spoke with [[Neil Armstrong]] and [[Buzz Aldrin]] during their moonwalk. He called the conversation "the most historic phone call ever made from the White House".{{sfn|Parmet|p=563}} Nixon, however, was unwilling to keep funding for the [[National Aeronautics and Space Administration]] (NASA) at the high level seen through the 1960s as NASA prepared to send men to the moon. NASA Administrator [[Thomas O. Paine]] drew up ambitious plans for the establishment of a permanent base on the moon by the end of the 1970s and the launch of a manned expedition to Mars as early as 1981. Nixon, however, rejected both proposals.<ref>{{cite web| last = Handlin| first = Daniel| date = November 28, 2005| title = Just another Apollo? Part two| publisher = The Space Review| url = http://www.thespacereview.com/article/507/1| accessdate = July 16, 2011}}</ref> On May 24, 1972, Nixon approved a five-year cooperative program between NASA and the [[Soviet space program]], culminating in the [[Apollo–Soyuz Test Project]], a joint mission of an American [[Apollo program|Apollo]] and a Soviet [[Soyuz program|Soyuz]] spacecraft in 1975.<ref>{{cite web| publisher = [[National Aeronautics and Space Administration]]| title = The Partnership&nbsp;– ch. 6–11| url = http://www.hq.nasa.gov/office/pao/History/SP-4209/ch6-11.htm| accessdate = July 16, 2011}}</ref>

=== Desegregation ===
The Nixon years witnessed the first large-scale efforts to [[desegregation|desegregate]] the nation's public schools.{{sfn|Boger|p=6}} Particularly in the South, Nixon sought a middle way between the segregationist Wallace and liberal Democrats, whose support of integration was alienating some Southern whites.<ref>{{cite web| last = Sabia| first = Joseph J.| url = http://hnn.us/articles/5331.html| title = Why Richard Nixon Deserves to Be Remembered Along with ''Brown''| publisher = History News Network| date = May 31, 2004| accessdate = May 11, 2012}}</ref> Soon after beginning his first term, Nixon appointed Vice President Agnew to lead a task force, which worked with local leaders—both white and black—to determine how to integrate local schools. Agnew had little interest in the work, and most of it was done by Labor Secretary [[George Shultz]]. Federal aid was available, and a meeting with President Nixon was a possible reward for compliant committees. By September 1970, less than ten percent of black children were attending segregated schools. By 1971, however, tensions over desegregation surfaced in Northern cities, with angry protests over the [[Desegregation busing in the United States|busing]] of children to schools outside their neighborhood to achieve racial balance. Nixon opposed busing personally but enforced court orders requiring its use.{{sfn|Parmet|pp=595–597, 603}}

In addition to desegregating public schools, the administration worked to increase the number of racial minorities hired across the nation in various construction trades. The first [[affirmative action]] program set up, the [[Philadelphia Plan]], implemented in 1969, required [[government contractors]] in [[Philadelphia]] to hire minority workers.<ref>{{cite news| last=Delaney| first=Paul| date=July 20, 1970| newspaper=The New York Times| title=Nixon Plan for Negro Construction Jobs Is Lagging| url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20813F7355A1B7493C2AB178CD85F448785F9}}</ref>

=== Constitutional amendments ===
When Congress extended the [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]] in 1970 it included a provision lowering the age qualification to vote in all elections—federal, state, and local—to 18. Later that year, in ''[[Oregon v. Mitchell]]'' (1970), the Supreme Court held that Congress had the authority to lower the voting age qualification in federal elections, but not the authority to do so in state and local elections.<ref>{{cite journal| last=Tokaji| first=Daniel P.| title=Intent and Its Alternatives: Defending the New Voting Rights Act| journal=Alabama Law Review| date=2006| volume=58| issue=2| pages=349–375| url=http://www.law.ua.edu/pubs/lrarticles/Volume%2058/Issue%202/tokaji.pdf| accessdate=July 1, 2017}}</ref> Nixon sent a letter to Congress supporting a constitutional amendment to lower the voting age, and Congress quickly moved forward with a proposed constitutional amendment guaranteeing the 18 year-old vote.<ref>{{cite web| title='Old Enough To Fight, Old Enough To Vote'| url=https://www.nixonfoundation.org/2014/06/old-enough-fight-old-enough-vote/| date=June 30, 2014| publisher=Richard Nixon Foundation| location=Yorba Linda, California| accessdate=July 1, 2017}}</ref> Sent to the states for [[ratification]] on March 23, 1971, the proposal became the [[Twenty-sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution]] on July 1, 1973 after being ratified by the requisite number of states (38).<ref>{{cite web| last=Annenberg Classroom| title=Right To Vote At Age 18| url=https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendments/amendment-xxvi| publisher=National Constitution Center| location=Philadelphia, Pennsylvania| accessdate=July 1, 2017}}</ref>

Nixon also endorsed the [[Equal Rights Amendment]] (ERA), which passed both houses of Congress in 1972 and was submitted to the state legislatures for ratification.{{sfn|Frum|p=246}} The amendment failed to be ratified by 38 states within the period set by Congress for ratification. Nixon had campaigned as an ERA supporter in 1968, though feminists criticized him for doing little to help the ERA or their cause after his election. Nevertheless, he appointed more women to administration positions than Lyndon Johnson had.<ref>{{cite web| title=Richard M. Nixon, Domestic Politics| publisher=Public Broadcasting Service| work=American Experience| url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/general-article/nixon-domestic/| accessdate=May 11, 2012}}</ref>

===Vietnam War opposition===
{{Main|Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War}}
Over the course of the Vietnam War a large segment of the American population came to be opposed to U.S. involvement in South Vietnam. Public opinion steadily turned against the war following 1967, and by 1970 only a third of Americans believed that the U.S. had not made a mistake by sending troops to fight in Vietnam.<ref>{{cite journal| title=American Public Opinion and the War in Vietnam| last1=Lunch| first1=William L.| last2= Sperlich| first2=Peter W.| url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/106591297903200104| journal=[[Western Political Quarterly]]| date=March 1, 1979| volume=32| issue=1| pages=21–44}}</ref> During the late-1960s opponents of the war turned to [[teach-in]]s and street [[protest]]s, such as those at the 1968 Democratic National Convention and the [[Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam|1969 Vietnam Moratorium]], in an effort to turn U.S. political opinion.

Opinions concerning the war grew more polarized after the [[Selective Service System]] instituted a [[Draft lottery (1969)|draft lottery in December 1969]]. Some 30,000<ref>{{cite book| last1=Baskir| first1=Lawrence M.| last2=Strauss| first2=William A.| date=1987| title=Chance and Circumstance: The Draft, the War, and the Vietnam Generation| location=New York| publisher=Alfred A. Knopf| pages=174–175| isbn=978-0-394-41275-7}}.</ref> young men fled to Canada to [[Draft evasion|evade the draft]] between 1970 and 1973. Tensions ran higher as well, especially after the [[Kent State shootings|fatal shooting]] of four students at [[Kent State University]] in 1970, which led to nationwide university protests, and the mid-1971 publication of the first ''[[Pentagon Papers]]''.<ref>{{cite web| title=Vietnam War Protests| url=http://www.history.com/topics/vietnam-war/vietnam-war-protests| work=history.com| publisher=A&E Networks| location=New York| accessdate=June 28, 2017}}</ref> Antiwar protests ended with the final withdrawal of troops after the Paris Peace Accords were signed in 1973.

== Election of 1972 ==
{{main|United States presidential election, 1972}}
[[File:Nixon campaigns.jpg|thumb|left|Nixon meets the public during the 1972 presidential campaign.]]
Nixon was a popular incumbent president in 1972, as he was credited with achieving [[détente]] with the People's Republic of China and the [[Soviet Union]]. Virtually assured the Republican nomination,{{sfn|Black|p=795}} polls showed that he held a strong lead in the [[Republican Party presidential primaries, 1972|Republican primaries]]. He was challenged in the primaries by [[Pete McCloskey]] from California, who ran as an anti-war candidate, and [[John Ashbrook]], who opposed Nixon's détente policy. In the New Hampshire primary McCloskey garnered 19.8% of the vote to Nixon’s 67.6%, with Ashbrook receiving 9.7%. The president's re-nomination was never in doubt after that. At the [[1972 Republican National Convention|Republican National Convention]] that August he received 1,347 of the 1,348 votes on the first ballot (McCloskey received one). Delegates also re-nominated Spiro Agnew by acclamation. Throughout the convention chanted "Four more years! Four more years!"<ref>{{cite magazine| title=A New Majority for Four More Years?| work=[[TIME]]| date=September 4, 1972 |volume=100| issue=10| url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,910380-1,00.html|accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref>

[[File:ElectoralCollege1972.svg|right|thumb|1972 electoral vote results]]
The President had initially expected his Democratic opponent to be Senator [[Ted Kennedy]] of Massachusetts, but he was largely removed from contention after the 1969 [[Chappaquiddick incident]].{{sfn|Black|p=617}} Instead, Senator [[Edmund Muskie]] of Maine was the front runner, with Senator [[George McGovern]] of South Dakota in a close second place.{{sfn|Black|p=766}} In the end, McGovern won the nomination at the [[1972 Democratic National Convention|Democratic National Convention]].{{sfn|Black|p=816}} Senator [[Thomas Eagleton]] of Missouri was the vice-presidential choice, but after it was disclosed that he had undergone [[mental health]] treatment, including [[electroshock therapy]], in the past, Eagleton withdrew from the race. McGovern replaced him with [[Sargent Shriver]] of [[Maryland]], a [[Kennedy family|Kennedy]] in-law.<ref name=TIME100.7>{{cite magazine| magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]]| date=August 14, 1972| title=Behavior: Evaluating Eagleton| volume=100| issue=7| url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,906223,00.html| accessdate = July 23, 2011}}</ref>

Nixon dismissed the Democratic platform as cowardly and divisive.{{sfn|Black|p=834}} McGovern intended to sharply reduce defense spending{{sfn|White|p=123}} and supported amnesty for draft evaders as well as [[abortion rights]]. With some of his supporters believed to be in favor of drug legalization, McGovern was perceived as standing for "amnesty, abortion and acid".<ref name=TIME100.7/> McGovern was also damaged by his choosing and then rejecting Eagleton.<ref>{{cite magazine| magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]]| date = November 20, 1972| title = Democrats: The long journey to disaster| volume=100| issue=21| url = http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,712186,00.html| accessdate = July 23, 2011}}</ref>

Nixon, ahead in most polls for the entire election cycle, focused on the prospect of peace in Vietnam and an upsurge in the economy. He was elected to a second term on November 7, 1972 in one of the [[List of United States presidential elections by popular vote margin|largest landslide election victories in American history]]. He won over 60% of the popular vote, receiving 47,169,911 votes to McGovern’s 29,170,383, and won an even larger electoral college victory, garnering 520 votes (49 states) to 17 (one state and the [[District of Columbia]]) for McGovern<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.history.com/topics/us-presidents/presidential-elections|title=Presidential Elections|website=history.com|publisher=A&E Networks| location=New York| accessdate=June 25, 2017}}</ref>{{sfn|Parmet|p=629}} (additionally, one faithless elector in Virginia who had been pledged to Nixon voted for political activist [[John Hospers]]).

== Watergate and resignation ==

=== Watergate ===
{{Watergate|Events}}
{{main|Watergate scandal|Impeachment process against Richard Nixon}}

The term ''Watergate'' has come to encompass an array of clandestine and often illegal activities undertaken by members of the Nixon administration. Those activities included "dirty tricks" such as bugging the offices of political opponents and people of whom Nixon or his officials were suspicious. Nixon and his close aides ordered harassment of activist groups and political figures, using the [[FBI]], [[CIA]], and the [[IRS]]. These activities became known after five men were caught [[Watergate burglaries|breaking into]] [[Democratic National Committee]] offices at the [[Watergate complex]] in Washington, D.C. on June 17, 1972. ''[[The Washington Post]]'' picked up on the story; reporters [[Carl Bernstein]] and [[Bob Woodward]] relying on an informant known as "[[Deep Throat (Watergate)|Deep Throat]]"—later revealed to be [[W. Mark Felt|Mark Felt]], associate director at the FBI—were able to link the men to the Nixon administration. The White House, through Presidential Press Secretary [[Ron Ziegler]], repeatedly dismissed Woodward and Bernstein's reports, and tried to brush the incident aside as a "third rate burglary attempt."<ref>{{cite magazine| title=Politics: The Bugs at the Watergate| work=[[TIME]]| date=July 3, 1972 |volume=100| issue=1| url=http://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,877806,00.html|accessdate=June 27, 2017}}</ref> That August, Nixon categorically denied that any of his White House staff had prior knowledge of the crime, and the episode had no impact on his reelection campaign.<ref name=DAH>{{cite encyclopedia |last1=Flannagan |first1=Richard M. |last2=Konig| first2=Louis W.| editor-last=Kutler |editor-first=Stanley I. |title=Watergate |encyclopedia=Dictionary of American History |url=http://www.blackwellreference.com/public/tocnode?id=g9781577180999_chunk_g978157718099925_ss1-59|date=1970 |publisher=Charles Scribners & Sons| edition=3rd| volume=vol. 8| pages=425–428| isbn=0684805332|accessdate=November 26, 2016}}</ref> He downplayed the scandal as mere politics, calling news articles biased and misleading. As a series of revelations later made it clear however, Nixon aides had committed crimes in attempts to sabotage the Democrats and other. By early in 1973, senior aides such as [[White House Counsel]] [[John Dean]] and [[White House Chief of Staff|Chief of Staff]] [[H. R. Haldeman]] faced prosecution.<ref name=RNlibrarypresident/><ref>{{cite news| newspaper = The Washington Post| title = The Post Investigates| series = The Watergate Story| url = https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/part1.html| accessdate = July 17, 2011}}</ref><ref name=govtacts>{{cite news| newspaper = The Washington Post| title = The Government Acts| series = The Watergate Story| url = https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/part2.html| accessdate = July 16, 2011}}</ref>

In May 1973 the Senate [[United States Senate Watergate Committee|conducted an investigation of the Watergate scandal]]. The investigation, known as the "Watergate hearings," was televised and widely watched. As the various witnesses gave details, not only of the Watergate break-in, but of various other alleged acts of malfeasance by various administration officials, Nixon's approval rating plummeted.<ref name=RNdomestic/> On June 25, Dean named Nixon as having helped to plan the burglary's cover-up,<ref name=DAH/> and the following month, White House aide [[Alexander Butterfield]] testified that Nixon had a secret taping system that recorded his conversations and phone calls in the Oval Office. These tapes were [[subpoena]]ed by Watergate independent [[special prosecutor]] [[Archibald Cox]]. Nixon refused to release them, citing [[executive privilege]].<ref name=campbell2008/>

The White House and Cox remained at loggerheads until October, when Nixon had Cox fired in what was called the "[[Saturday Night Massacre]]." The firing infuriated Congress and engendered public protest. On October 30, the [[House Judiciary Committee]] began consideration of possible impeachment procedures; the following day [[Leon Jaworski]] was named as Cox's replacement, and soon thereafter the president agreed to turn over the requested tapes.<ref name=toppled>{{cite magazine| title=Watergate and the White House: The 'Third-rate Burglary' That Toppled a President| url=https://www.usnews.com/news/articles/2014/08/08/watergate-and-the-white-house-the-third-rate-burglary-that-toppled-a-president| date=August 8, 2014| orig-year=This article originally appeared on August 19, 1974| magazine=U.S. News & World Report| accessdate=June 23, 2017}}</ref> When the tapes were turned over a few weeks later, Nixon's lawyers revealed that an audio tape of conversations, held in the White House on June 20, 1972, featured an 18½ minute gap.<ref name=govtacts/> [[Rose Mary Woods]], the President's personal secretary, claimed responsibility for the gap, alleging that she had accidentally wiped the section while transcribing the tape, though her explanation was widely mocked. The gap, while not conclusive proof of wrongdoing by the President, cast doubt on Nixon's statement that he had been unaware of the cover-up.{{sfn|Aitken|pp=511–512}} That same month, during an hour-long televised question-and-answer session with the press,{{sfn|Frum|p=26}} Nixon insisted that he had made mistakes, but had no prior knowledge of the burglary, did not break any laws, and did not learn of the cover-up until early 1973. He boldly declared,
{{quote|People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook. I've earned everything I've got.<ref>{{cite news| last = Kilpatrick| first = Carroll| date = November 18, 1973| newspaper = The Washington Post| title = Nixon tells editors, 'I'm not a crook'| url = https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/watergate/articles/111873-1.htm| accessdate = July 17, 2011}}</ref>}}

[[File:Impeach Nixon retouched.jpg|thumb|left|upright|A demonstrator demands Nixon's [[Impeachment in the United States|impeachment]], October 1973.]]
Through the winter months Nixon continued to deflect accusations of wrongdoing and vowed that he would be vindicated.<ref name=govtacts/> Meanwhile, in the courts and in Congress, developments continued to propel the unfolding saga toward a climax. On March 1, a grand jury indicted [[Watergate Seven|seven former administration officials]] for conspiring to hinder the investigation of the Watergate burglary. The grand jury, it was disclosed later, also named Nixon as an [[unindicted co-conspirator|unindicted conspirator]].<ref name=toppled/> In April the House Judiciary Committee voted to subpoena tapes of 42 presidential conversations, and the special prosecutor subpoenaed more tapes and documents as well. The White House refused both subpoenas, citing executive privilege once more.<ref name=campbell2008/>

In an unexpected move at the end of April, the president announced the release of 1,200 pages of transcripts of White House conversations between him and his aides. The [[U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]], opened [[Impeachment in the United States|impeachment]] hearings against the president on May 9.<ref name=toppled/> These hearings, which were televised, culminated in votes for articles of impeachment, the first being 27–11 in favor on July 27, 1974 on [[obstruction of justice]]; six Republicans voted "yes" along with all 21 Democrats.<ref>{{cite web| title=TIME magazine's take on Watergate in the '70s| last=Angley| first=Natalie| publisher=[[CNN]]| date=August 17, 2015| accessdate=June 27, 2017}}</ref> On July 24, the Supreme Court [[United States v. Nixon|ruled unanimously]] that the full tapes, not just selected transcripts must be released.{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|pp=394–395}}

[[File:Nixon Oval Office meeting with H.R. Haldeman "Smoking Gun" Conversation June 23, 1972.wav|thumb|Nixon Oval Office meeting with H.R. Haldeman "Smoking Gun" Conversation June 23, 1972 [https://www.nixonlibrary.gov/forresearchers/find/tapes/watergate/trial/exhibit_01.pdf Full Transcript]]]

Even though his base of support had been diminished by the continuing series of revelations, Nixon hoped to avoid impeachment. However, one of the newly released tapes, the [[Watergate tapes#The "smoking gun" tape|"Smoking Gun Tape"]], recorded soon after the break-in, demonstrated that Nixon had been told of the White House connection to the Watergate burglaries soon after they took place, and had approved plans to thwart the investigation. In a statement accompanying the release of the tapes on August 5, 1974, Nixon accepted blame for misleading the country about when he had been told of the truth behind the Watergate break-in, stating that he had a lapse of memory.{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|pp=414–416}} With their release, Nixon's [[Consent of the governed|popular support]] all but evaporated,<ref name=schmidt>{{citation|quote=In 1974, President Richard Nixon resigned in the wake of a scandal when it was obvious that public opinion no longer supported him.|title=American Government and Politics Today, 2013-2014 Edition|first=Steffen W.|last=Schmidt|publisher=Wadsworth Publishing|year=2013|isbn=978-1133602132|page=181}}</ref> and his political support collapsed. He met with Republican congressional leaders two days later, and was told he faced certain impeachment in the House and had, at most, 18 senators who might vote against his conviction on the articles of impeachment—far fewer than the 34 he needed to avoid removal from office.<ref name=RNdomestic/>{{sfn|Black|p=978}} That night, knowing his presidency was effectively over, Nixon finalized his decision to resign.<ref name=lasthours>{{cite web| title=The Last Hours of the Nixon Presidency, 40 Years Ago| date=August 8, 2014| first=Christopher| last=Klein| work=History in the Headlines| url=http://www.history.com/news/the-last-hours-of-the-nixon-presidency-40-years-ago|publisher=[[A&E Networks]]| location=New York| accessdate=June 22, 2017}}</ref>

=== Resignation {{anchor|Resignation of Richard Nixon}} ===
{{listen
| filename = Nixon resignation audio with buzz removed.ogg
| title = Richard Nixon resigns
| description = Resignation speech of President Richard Nixon, delivered August 8, 1974.
| format = [[Ogg]]
}}

At 11:00&nbsp;a.m. on August 8, his last full day in office, Nixon met with Vice President Ford to inform him of the resignation decision and discus the [[United States presidential transition|presidential transition]].<ref name=lasthours/> That evening, [[Richard Nixon's resignation speech|Nixon announced his intention to resign]] to the nation.<ref>{{cite book| title=Gerald R. Ford: An Honorable Life| last=Cannon| first=James| publisher=The University of Michigan Press| location=Ann Arbor| date=2013| isbn=978-0-472-11604-1| page=7}}</ref> The speech was delivered from the Oval Office and was carried live on radio and television. Nixon stated that he was resigning for the good of the country as he had lost the political support in Congress necessary to govern effectively, and asked the nation to support the new president, Gerald Ford. Nixon went on to review the accomplishments of his presidency, especially in foreign policy,{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|pp=435–436}} and concluded by expressing his personal philosophy<ref>{{cite web| title=The 37th President Is First to Quit Post| last=Herbers| first=John| authorlink=John Herbers| work=The Learning Network: On This Day| url=https://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/0808.html#article| date=August 9, 1974| publisher=[[The New York Times]]| accessdate=June 23, 2017}}</ref> about perseverance in public service:
{{quote |Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what [[Theodore Roosevelt]] once said about [[Citizenship in a Republic|the man in the arena]], 'whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes up short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly'.<ref>{{cite web| date = August 8, 1974| title = President Nixon's Resignation Speech: August 8, 1974| publisher = [[PBS]]| work = Character Above All: An Exploration Of Presidential Leadership| url = https://www.pbs.org/newshour/character/links/nixon_speech.html| accessdate = July 15, 2011}}</ref> {{Cws |title=Full text |link=Richard Nixon's resignation speech |nobullet=yes}}}}

[[Image:Nixon-depart.png|thumb|right|Nixon displays the [[V sign|V-for-victory sign]] as he departs the White House after resigning, August 9, 1974]]
Nixon's speech contained no admission of wrongdoing, and was termed "a masterpiece" by [[Conrad Black]], one of his biographers. Black opined that "What was intended to be an unprecedented humiliation for any American president, Nixon converted into a virtual parliamentary acknowledgement of almost blameless insufficiency of legislative support to continue. He left while devoting half his address to a recitation of his accomplishments in office."{{sfn|Black|p=983}} The initial response from network commentators was generally favorable, with only [[Roger Mudd]] of [[CBS]] stating that Nixon had evaded the issue, and had not admitted his role in the cover-up.{{sfn|Ambrose 1991|p=437}}

Nixon resigned from office on August 9, 1974. Early that morning White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig brought Nixon a prepared letter of resignation, which was addressed to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger as required by the [[Presidential Succession Act]]. The brief letter read: “I hereby resign the Office of President of the United States.” Kissinger would subsequently sign his initials, acknowledging that he had received it, and write the time—11:35&nbsp;a.m.—denoting when Nixon's presidency [[Coming into force|officially ended]]. Then, with his family at his side, Nixon gave an emotional farewell talk in the [[East Room]] to an assembly of White House staff and Cabinet officials. Afterward, he and the first lady departed the White House for the last time.<ref name=lasthours/>

This was the ninth time in U.S. history that an incumbent President did not complete a term that he had been elected to; it was, however, the first to occur for a reason other than death. To date, Nixon is the only president to have resigned. One month after leaving office, President Ford granted Nixon an unconditional [[pardon]] for all federal crimes he "committed or may have committed or taken part in" while president.<ref>{{cite web| title=Ford Grants Nixon Pardon for Any Crimes in Office| last=Herbers| first=John| authorlink=John Herbers| work=The Learning Network: On This Day| url=https://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/0908.html#article| date=September 9, 1974| publisher=[[The New York Times]]| accessdate=June 23, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web| url=http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1974/Ford-Pardons-Nixon/12305808208934-3/| title=Ford Pardons Nixon| work=1974 Year in Review |publisher=[[United Press International]]| accessdate=December 22, 2016}}</ref> {{Cws |title=Full text |link=Proclamation 4311 |nobullet=yes}}
{{further|Pardon of Richard Nixon}}

== References ==

{{Reflist
| colwidth = 30em
| refs =
<ref name="Goh-Small">Goh, Evelyn. "The China card" in {{harvnb|Small|pp=425–443}}.</ref>
<ref name="Hanhimäki-Small">Hanhimäki, Jussi M. "Foreign Policy Overview" in {{harvnb|Small|pp=345–361}}.</ref>
<ref name="Bowles-Small">Bowles, Nigel. "Economic Policy" in {{harvnb|Small|pp=235–251}}.</ref>
}}


'''Works cited'''
==References==
{{reflist|24em}}
{{refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite book| last = Aitken| first = Jonathan| year = 1996| title = Nixon: A Life| publisher = Regnery Publishing| location = Washington, D.C.| isbn = 978-0-89526-720-7| ref = {{sfnRef|Aitken}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Ambrose| first = Stephen E.| year = 1989| title = Nixon: The Triumph of a Politician 1962–1972| publisher = Simon & Schuster| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-671-72506-8| ref ={{sfnRef|Ambrose 1989}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Ambrose | first = Stephen E.| year = 1991| title = Nixon: Ruin and Recovery 1973–1990| publisher = Simon & Schuster| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-671-69188-2 | ref = {{sfnRef|Ambrose 1991}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Black| first = Conrad| year = 2007| authorlink = Conrad Black| title = Richard M. Nixon: A Life in Full| publisher = PublicAffairs Books| location = New York| isbn = 978-1-58648-519-1| ref = {{sfnRef|Black}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Boger| first = John Charles| year = 2005| title = School Resegregation: Must the South Turn Back?| publisher = University of North Carolina Press| location = Chapel Hill, N.C.| isbn = 978-0-8078-5613-0| ref = {{sfnRef|Boger}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Dallek| first = Robert| authorlink = Robert Dallek| year = 2007| title = Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power| publisher = HarperCollins| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-06-072230-2| ref = {{sfnRef|Dallek}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Drew| first = Elizabeth| authorlink = Elizabeth Drew| year = 2007| title = Richard M. Nixon| series = The American Presidents Series| publisher = Times Books| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-8050-6963-1| ref = {{sfnRef|Drew}}}}
* {{cite book | last1 = Evans| first1 = Rowland| authorlink1 = Rowland Evans| last2 = Novak| first2 = Robert| authorlink2 = Robert Novak | year = 1971| title = Nixon in the White House: The Frustration of Power| publisher = Random House | location = New York | isbn = 978-0-394-46273-8| ref = {{sfnRef|Evans & Novak}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Frum| first = David| authorlink = David Frum| year = 2000| title = How We Got Here: The '70s| publisher = Basic Books| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-465-04195-4| ref = {{sfnRef|Frum}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Gaddis| first = John Lewis| year = 1982| title = Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy| publisher = Oxford University Press| location = Oxford| isbn = 978-0-19-503097-6| ref = {{sfnRef|Gaddis}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Guan| first = Ang Cheng| year = 2003| title = Ending the Vietnam War: The Vietnamese Communists' Perspective| publisher = RoutledgeCurzon| location = Florence, Kentucky| isbn = 978-0-415-40619-2| ref = {{sfnRef|Guan}}}}
* {{cite book | last = Hetzel| first = Robert L. | year = 2008| title = The Monetary Policy of the Federal Reserve| publisher = Cambridge University Press| location = New York | isbn = 978-0-521-88132-6| ref = {{sfnRef|Hetzel}}}}
* {{cite book|last1=Leuchtenberg|first1=William|title=The American President: From Teddy Roosevelt to Bill Clinton|date=2015|publisher=Oxford University Press | ref = {{sfnRef|Leuchtenberg}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Parmet| first = Herbert S.| year = 1990| title = Richard Nixon and His America| publisher = Little, Brown & Co| location = Boston| isbn = 978-0-316-69232-8| ref = {{sfnRef|Parmet}}}}
* {{cite book | last = Schulzinger | first = Robert D.| year = 2003| title = A Companion to American Foreign Relations| publisher = Blackwell Publishing| location = Oxford| isbn = 978-1-4051-4986-0| ref = {{sfnRef|Schulzinger}}}}
* {{cite book| editor-last = Small| editor-first = Melvin| year = 2011| title = A Companion to Richard M. Nixon| publisher = Wiley-Blackwell| location = Oxford| isbn = 978-1-4443-3017-5| url=https://www.questia.com/library/120083897/a-companion-to-richard-m-nixon| ref = {{sfnRef|Small}}| editor-link = Melvin Small}}
* {{cite book| last = White | first = Theodore H.| authorlink = Theodore H. White| year = 1973| title = The Making of the President 1972| publisher = Antheneum| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-689-10553-1| ref = {{sfnRef|White}}}}
* {{cite book| last = Zhai| first = Qiang | year = 2000| title = China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975| publisher = University of North Carolina Press| location = Chapel Hill, N.C.| isbn = 978-0-8078-4842-5| ref = {{sfnRef|Zhai}}}}
{{refend}}


== Further reading ==
===Works cited===
{{Main|Bibliography of Richard Nixon}}
* {{cite book|last=Bernstein|first=Irving|title=Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson|year=1996|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0195063127}}
* {{cite book|last=Caro|first=Robert|title=The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Passage of Power|year=2012|publisher=[[Alfred A. Knopf]]|isbn=0375713255}}
* {{cite book|last=Dallek|first=Robert|title=Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961–1973|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G_J3PEegwdYC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false|year=1998|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-513238-0}}
* {{cite book|last=Gould|first=Lewis L.|title=1968: The Election That Changed America|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0yPdDZsjjJ4C|year=2010|publisher=Ivan R. Dee|location=Chicago|isbn=978-1566638623|accessdate=October 25, 2015}}
*{{cite book|last1=Herring|first1=George C.|title=From Colony to Superpower; U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776|date=2008|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-507822-0}}
* {{cite book|last=Woods|first=Randall|title=LBJ: Architect of American Ambition|year=2006|publisher=Free Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0684834580}}
* {{cite book|last1=Zelizer|first1=Julian|title=The Fierce Urgency of Now|date=2015|publisher=Penguin Books}}


* {{Cite book| last=Farrell |first=John A. |date=2017| url=http://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/225246/richard-nixon-by-john-a-farrell/ |title=Richard Nixon: The Life |location=New York |publisher=Doubleday |isbn=9780385537353}}
==Further reading==
* {{Cite book |first=Evan |last=Thomas |author-link=Evan Thomas |year=2015 |title=Being Nixon: A Man Divided |location=New York |publisher=Random House |isbn=9780812995367 |oclc=904756092 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZFoDBwAAQBAJ}}
{{See also|Lyndon B. Johnson bibliography}}
* {{cite book|last=Andrew|first=John A.|title=Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society|year=1999|publisher=Ivan R. Dee|location=Chicago|isbn=978-1566631853|oclc=37884743}}
* {{Cite book| last=Litwak |first=Robert S. |title=Détente and the Nixon Doctrine: American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969-1976 |series=LSE Monographs in International Studies |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=0521338344 |date=1986}}
* {{cite web| title=The President| publisher=Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum| work=The Life| url =https://www.nixonlibrary.gov/thelife/apolitician/thepresident/}}
* Berman, Larry. ''Lyndon Johnson's War: The Road to Stalemate in Vietnam'' (1991)
* {{cite book|last=Bornet|first=Vaughn Davis|title=The Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson|year=1983|publisher=University Press of Kansas|location=Lawrence|isbn=978-0700602421}}
* {{cite book| last = Perlstein| first = Richard| authorlink = Rick Perlstein| year = 2008| title = [[Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America]]| publisher = Scribner| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-7432-4302-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Brands|first=H. W.|author-link=H. W. Brands|title=The Wages of Globalism: Lyndon Johnson and the Limits of American Power|year=1997|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0195113778}}
* {{cite book| last = Reeves| first = Richard| authorlink = Richard Reeves (American writer)| year = 2001| title = President Nixon: Alone in the White House| publisher = Simon & Schuster| location = New York| isbn = 978-0-684-80231-2}}
* {{cite book| last = Safire| first = William| authorlink = William Safire| year = 2005| origyear = 1975| title = Before The Fall: An Insider View of the Pre-Watergate White House, with a 2005 Preface by the Author| publisher = Transaction Publishers| url = https://books.google.com/?id=xahIAOPX8JwC| isbn = 978-1-4128-0466-0}} Originally published: Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1975 (new material 2005)
* Cohen, Warren I., and Nancy Bernkopf Tuckerm, eds. ''Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World: American Foreign Policy 1963–1968'' (Cambridge UP, 1994).
* {{Cite book| last1=Woodward |first1=Bob Woodward |last2=Bernstein |first2=Carl |title=All The President's Men |date=1974 |publisher=Simon & Schuster |isbn=0671894412 |asin=B007CKLSZW}}
* Colman, Jonathan. ''The Foreign Policy of Lyndon B. Johnson: The United States and the World, 1963–1969'' (Edinburgh University Press, 2010) 231 pp.
* {{cite book|last=Dallek|first=Robert|title=Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President|year=2004|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=978-1280502965|url=https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=103184871}}, Abridged version of his two-volume biography
* Ellis, Sylvia (2013). ''Freedom's Pragmatist: Lyndon Johnson and Civil Rights.'' Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida.
* Gavin, Francis J. and Mark Atwood Lawrence, eds. (2014) ''Beyond the Cold War: Lyndon Johnson and the New Global Challenges of the 1960s'' DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199790692.001.0001 online
* {{cite book|last=Schulman|first=Bruce J.|title=Lyndon B. Johnson and American Liberalism: A Brief Biography with Documents|year=1995|publisher=Bedford Books of St. Martin's Press|location=Boston|isbn=978-0312083519}}
* Vandiver, Frank E. ''Shadows of Vietnam: Lyndon Johnson's Wars'' (1997)
* Woods, Randall B. ''Prisoners of Hope: Lyndon B. Johnson, the Great Society, and the Limits of Liberalism'' (2016), 480pp.
* Zarefsky, David. ''President Johnson's War on Poverty'' (1986).


{{-}}
{{s-start}}
{{s-start}}
{{s-other|[[List of Presidents of the United States|U.S. presidential administrations]]}}
{{s-other|[[List of Presidents of the United States|U.S. Presidential Administrations]]}}
{{s-bef|before=[[Presidency of John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]]}}
{{s-bef|before=[[Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson|L.&nbsp;B. Johnson]]}}
{{s-ttl|title=L.&nbsp;B. Johnson presidency|years=1963–1969}}
{{s-ttl|title=Nixon Presidency|years=1969&ndash;1974}}
{{s-aft|after=[[Presidency of Richard Nixon|Nixon]]}}
{{s-aft|after=[[Presidency of Gerald Ford|Ford]]}}
{{s-end}}
{{s-end}}


{{Lyndon B. Johnson}}
{{Richard Nixon}}
{{US Presidential Administrations}}
{{US Presidential Administrations}}


[[:Category:Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson| ]]
[[:Category:Presidency of Richard Nixon| ]]
[[:Category:United States presidential administrations|Johnson, Lyndon B.]]
[[:Category:United States presidential administrations|Nixon, Richard]]
[[:Category:1960s in the United States]]
[[:Category:1960s in the United States]]
[[:Category:History of the United States (1945–64)]]
[[:Category:1970s in the United States]]
[[:Category:History of the United States (1964–80)]]
[[:Category:History of the United States (1964–80)]]
[[:Category:Lyndon B. Johnson]]
[[:Category:Richard Nixon]]
[[:Category:1963 establishments in the United States]]
[[:Category:1969 establishments in the United States]]
[[:Category:1969 disestablishments in the United States]]
[[:Category:1974 disestablishments in the United States]]

Revision as of 07:32, 30 January 2018

Richard Nixon by James Anthony Wills.

The presidency of Richard Nixon began on January 20, 1969, when Nixon was inaugurated, and ended on August 9, 1974, when he resigned in the face of almost certain impeachment and removal from office, the first U.S. president ever to do so. He was succeeded by Vice President Gerald Ford, who had become vice president nine months earlier, following Spiro Agnew's resignation from office. A Republican, Nixon took office after the 1968 presidential election, in which he defeated Hubert Humphrey, the then–incumbent Vice President. Four years later, in 1972, he won reelection in a landslide victory over George McGovern.

Nixon, the 37th United States president, succeeded Lyndon B. Johnson, who had launched the Great Society, a set of domestic programs financed and run by the federal government. In contrast, Nixon advocated a "New Federalism" domestic program model, one in which certain powers would devolve back to the states. The creation of the EPA, passage of the Endangered Species Act, and the integration of Southern public schools happened during his presidency, as did the end of military draft and the Apollo program, which successfully landed Americans on the Moon.

Nixon's primary focus while in office was on foreign affairs. His foreign policy agenda, known as the Nixon Doctrine, called for indirect assistance to American allies in the Cold War, with the "Vietnamization" of the Vietnam War being the most notable example of his doctrine. Nixon pursued a detente with the People's Republic of China, taking advantage of the Sino-Soviet split and significantly altering the nature of the Cold War. Nixon also signed the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and SALT I, two landmark arms control treaties with the Soviet Union.

Nixon's domestic and foreign policy accomplishments as president were however, largely overshadowed by the scandals that enveloped his administration. Nixon was forced to resign from office after Congress began impeachment proceedings in reaction to the Watergate Scandal. He remains the only president to ever resign from office. Regarding his lasting legacy, historian Stephen Ambrose wrote, "Nixon wanted to be judged by what he accomplished. What he will be remembered for is the nightmare he put the country through in his second term and for his resignation."[1]

Election of 1968

One year prior to the 1968 Republican Convention the early favorite for the party's presidential nomination was Michigan governor George Romney. Later that year however, his prospects foundered on the issue of Vietnam,[2] and by the end of 1967, Nixon was, according to Time magazine, the "man to beat."[3] Nixon entered the new year confident that, with the Democrats torn apart over the war in Vietnam, a Republican had a good chance of winning, although he expected the election to be as close as in 1960.[4]

Nixon won a resounding victory in the first Republican Party primary on March 12 in New Hampshire, winning 78% of the vote. Antiwar Republicans wrote in the name of New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, the leader of the GOP's liberal wing, who received 11% of the vote. He later defeated Nixon in the Massachusetts primary on April 30 but otherwise fared poorly in the state primaries and conventions. That spring, California governor Ronald Reagan emerged as the leading voice of Republican conservatism, attaining second place in two primaries and winning the contest in his home state.

At the Republican National Convention in Miami Beach, Florida, Reagan and Rockefeller discussed joining forces in a stop-Nixon movement, with each hoping to be nominated in a brokered convention. No such movement materialized, and Nixon secured the nomination on the first ballot.[5] He selected Maryland governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate, a choice which Nixon believed would unite the party, appealing to both Northern moderates and Southerners disaffected with the Democrats.[6] Nixon's acceptance speech was a message of hope:

We extend the hand of friendship to all people. To the Soviet people. To the Chinese people. To all the people of the world. And we work toward the goal of an open world, open sky, open cities, open hearts, open minds.[7]

Democrats began 1968 expecting that President Johnson, who was constitutionally eligible for election to a second full term under the provisions of the 22nd Amendment, would again be the party's presidential nominee. Those expectations were shattered by Senator Eugene McCarthy, who had entered the campaign late in November to give voice to those in the party opposed to Johnson's Vietnam policies.[8] McCarthy narrowly lost to Johnson in the first Democratic Party primary on March 12 in New Hampshire, winning 42% of the vote to Johnson's 49%. The results startled the party establishment and spurred Senator Robert F. Kennedy of New York to enter the race. Two weeks later, Johnson told a stunned the nation that he would not seek a second term. In the weeks that followed, much of the momentum that had been moving the McCarthy campaign forward shifted toward Kennedy.[9] This, one of the most tumultuous Democratic primary election seasons in modern times, concluded with Kennedy being assassinated on June 4 in Los Angeles, following a rally celebrating his victory in the California primary.

Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who announced his candidacy in late April saying he would run on the Kennedy-Johnson record, but would be his "own man,"[8] won the presidential nomination at Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine was selected as his running mate. Outside the convention hall, thousands of young antiwar activists who had gathered to protest the Vietnam War clashed violently with police. The mayhem, which had been broadcast to the world in television, crippled the Humphrey campaign. Post-convention Labor Day surveys had Humphrey trailing Nixon by more than 20 percentage points.[10]

1968 electoral vote results.

In addition to Nixon and Humphrey, the race was joined by former Democratic Alabama governor George Wallace, a vocal segregationist, who ran on the American Independent Party ticket. Throughout the campaign, Nixon portrayed himself as a figure of stability during a period of national unrest and upheaval.[11] He appealed to what he later called the "silent majority" of socially conservative Americans who disliked the hippie counterculture and the anti-war demonstrators. Agnew became an increasingly vocal critic of these groups, solidifying Nixon's position with the right.[12] Nixon waged a prominent television advertising campaign, meeting with supporters in front of cameras.[13] He stressed that the crime rate was too high, and attacked what he perceived as a surrender by the Democrats of the United States' nuclear superiority.[14] Nixon promised "peace with honor" in the Vietnam War and proclaimed that "new leadership will end the war and win the peace in the Pacific".[15] He did not release specifics of how he hoped to end the war, resulting in media intimations that he must have a "secret plan".[15] His slogan of "Nixon's the One" proved to be effective.[13]

In a three-way race, Nixon defeated Humphrey by about 500,000 votes – 43.4% to 42.7%; Wallace received 13.5% of the vote. In the Electoral College, Nixon's victory was substantial. He secured 301 votes to Humphrey’s 191 and 46 for Wallace (including one faithless elector in North Carolina who had been pledged to Nixon.[10][16] In his victory speech, Nixon pledged that his administration would try to bring the divided nation together.[17]

Administration

Cabinet

The Nixon cabinet
OfficeNameTerm
PresidentRichard Nixon1969–1974
Vice PresidentSpiro Agnew1969–1973
none1973
Gerald Ford1973–1974
Secretary of StateWilliam P. Rogers1969–1973
Henry Kissinger1973–1974
Secretary of the TreasuryDavid M. Kennedy1969–1971
John Connally1971–1972
George P. Shultz1972–1974
William E. Simon1974
Secretary of DefenseMelvin R. Laird1969–1973
Elliot Richardson1973
James R. Schlesinger1973–1974
Attorney GeneralJohn N. Mitchell1969–1972
Richard Kleindienst1972–1973
Elliot Richardson1973–1974
William B. Saxbe1974
Postmaster GeneralWinton M. Blount1969–1971
Secretary of the InteriorWally Joseph Hickel1969–1971
Rogers Morton1971–1974
Secretary of AgricultureClifford M. Hardin1969–1971
Earl Butz1971–1974
Secretary of CommerceMaurice Stans1969–1972
Peter Peterson1972–1973
Frederick B. Dent1973–1974
Secretary of LaborGeorge P. Shultz1969–1970
James Day Hodgson1970–1973
Peter J. Brennan1973–1974
Secretary of Health,
Education, and Welfare
Robert Finch1969–1970
Elliot Richardson1970–1973
Caspar Weinberger1973–1974
Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development
George W. Romney1969–1973
James Thomas Lynn1973–1974
Secretary of TransportationJohn A. Volpe1969–1973
Claude Brinegar1973–1974
Administrator of the
Environmental Protection Agency
William Ruckelshaus1970–1973
Russell E. Train1973–1974
Director of the Office of
Management and Budget
Robert Mayo1969–1970
George P. Shultz1970–1972
Caspar Weinberger1972–1973
Roy Ash1973–1974
United States Trade RepresentativeCarl J. Gilbert1969–1971
William Denman Eberle1971–1974
Chief of StaffH.R. Haldeman1969–1973
Alexander Haig1973–1974
President Nixon's cabinet in 1971.

For the major decisions of his presidency, Nixon relied on the Executive Office of the President rather than his Cabinet. Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman and adviser John Ehrlichman emerged as his two most influential staffers regarding domestic affairs, and much of Nixon's interaction with other staff members was conducted through Haldeman.[18] Unlike many of his fellow Cabinet members, Attorney General John N. Mitchell held sway within the White House, and Mitchell led the search for Supreme Court nominees.[19] In foreign affairs, Nixon enhanced the importance of the National Security Council, which was led by National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger.[18] Nixon's first Secretary of State, William P. Rogers, was largely sidelined. In 1973, Kissinger succeeded Rogers as Secretary of State while continuing to serve as National Security Advisor. Nixon presided over the reorganization of the Bureau of the Budget into the more powerful Office of Management and Budget, further concentrating executive power in the White House.[18] Rather than relying on the Republican National Committee, his re-election campaign was primarily waged through the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CREEP), whose top leadership was composed of former White House personnel, including Mitchell.[20] Despite his centralization of power in the White House, Nixon allowed his Cabinet officials great leeway in setting domestic policy in subjects he was not strongly interested in, such as the environmental policy.[21] In 1973, as the Watergate scandal came to light, Nixon accepted the resignations of Haldeman, Erlichman, and Mitchell's successor as Attorney General, Richard Kleindienst.[22] Haldeman was succeeded by Alexander Haig, who became the dominant figure in the White House during the last months of Nixon's presidency as Nixon increasingly focused on Watergate.[23]

Vice presidency

As the Watergate scandal heated up in mid-1973, Vice President Spiro Agnew became a target in an unrelated investigation of corruption in Baltimore County, Maryland of public officials and architects, engineering, and paving contractors. He was accused of accepting kickbacks in exchange for contracts while serving as Baltimore county executive, then when he was Governor of Maryland and Vice President.[24] On October 10, 1973, Agnew became the second Vice President to resign the office (after John C. Calhoun in 1832). That same day, he pleaded no contest to tax evasion in the sum of $13,551.47 for 1967. He was fined $10,000 and avoided prison time.[24] Nixon used his authority under the 25th Amendment to nominate Gerald Ford for vice president. The well-respected Ford was confirmed by Congress and took office on December 6, 1973.[25][26] This was the first time since the office of vice president was established in 1789 that intra-term vacancy in it was filled. The Speaker of the House, Carl Albert of Oklahoma, was next in line to the presidency during this 57-day vacancy.

Judicial appointments

Warren E. Burger, 15th Chief Justice of the United States (1969–1986)

Nixon made four successful (and two unsuccessful) appointments to the Supreme Court while in office, shifting the Court in a more conservative direction following the era of the liberal Warren Court.[27] Nominated were:

  • Warren E. Burger – Chief Justice (to replace Earl Warren),
    nominated May 23, 1969 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate June 9, 1969.[28] He tended to take conservative positions in cases.[27]
  • Harry Blackmun – Associate Justice (to replace Abe Fortas),
    nominated April 15, 1970 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate May 12, 1970.[28] While initially conservative, Blackmun became more liberal during his tenure.[27]
  • Lewis F. Powell Jr. – Associate Justice (to replace Hugo Black),
    nominated October 22, 1971 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate December 6, 1971.[28] Powell compiled a conservative voting record on the Court.[27]
  • William Rehnquist – Associate Justice (to replace John Marshall Harlan II),
    nominated October 22, 1971 and confirmed by the U.S. Senate December 10, 1971.[28] Rehnquist, a conservative, succeeded Burger as chief justice in 1986, remaining in that position until 2005.[27]

Additionally, Nixon appointed 231 federal judges, surpassing the previous record of 193 set by Franklin D. Roosevelt. In addition to his four Supreme Court appointments, Nixon appointed 46 judges to the United States Courts of Appeals, and 181 judges to the United States district courts.

Foreign policy

Europe

Just weeks after his 1969 inauguration, Nixon made an eight-day trip to Europe, that began in Brussels on February 23, 1969. He met with Britain’s Prime Minister Harold Wilson in London and France's President Charles de Gaulle in Paris. He also stopped in Bonn, Berlin and Rome and met with Pope Paul VI in Vatican City . He also made groundbreaking trips to several Eastern European Communist nations, including: Romania (1969), Yugoslavia (1970), and the Soviet Union (1972 and 1974).

Asia

China

President Nixon shakes hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai upon arriving in Beijing

Even those who opposed Nixon occasionally praise his work in China. The extent to which his visit had any profound consequences of note, however, remain very much open to debate. Nixon laid the groundwork for his overture to China prior to becoming president, writing the before his election that: "There is no place on this small planet for a billion of its potentially most able people to live in angry isolation."[29] Assisting him in this venture was his National Security Advisor and future Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, with whom the President worked closely, bypassing Cabinet officials. With relations between the Soviet Union and China at a nadir—border clashes between the two took place during Nixon's first year in office—Nixon sent private word to the Chinese through Pakistan, a country friendly to both China and United States,[30] that he desired closer relations with the Chinese. A breakthrough came in early 1971, when Chairman Mao invited a team of American table tennis players to visit China and play against top Chinese players. Nixon followed up by sending Kissinger to China for clandestine meetings with Chinese officials.[29] On July 15, 1971, it was simultaneously announced by Beijing and by Nixon (on television and radio) that the President would visit China the following February. The announcements astounded the world.[31] The secrecy allowed both sets of leaders time to prepare the political climate in their countries for the contact.[32]

In February 1972, President and Mrs. Nixon traveled to China. Kissinger briefed Nixon for over 40 hours in preparation.[33] Upon touching down, the President and First Lady emerged from Air Force One and greeted Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. Nixon made a point of shaking Zhou's hand, something which then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had refused to do in 1954 when the two met in Geneva.[34] Over 100 television journalists accompanied the president. On Nixon's orders, television was strongly favored over printed publications, as Nixon felt that the medium would capture the visit much better than print. It also gave him the opportunity to snub the print journalists he despised.[34]

Nixon and Kissinger met for an hour with Mao and Zhou at Mao's official private residence, where they discussed a range of issues.[35] Mao later told his doctor that he had been impressed by Nixon, whom he considered forthright, unlike the leftists and the Soviets.[35] He also said he was suspicious of Kissinger,[35] though the National Security Advisor referred to their meeting as his "encounter with history".[34] A formal banquet welcoming the presidential party was given that evening in the Great Hall of the People. The following day, Nixon met with Zhou; during this meeting he stated that he believed “there is one China, and Taiwan is a part of China.”[36][37] When not in meetings, Nixon toured architectural wonders including the Forbidden City, Ming Tombs, and the Great Wall.[34] Americans received their first glimpse into Chinese life through the cameras which accompanied Pat Nixon, who toured the city of Beijing and visited communes, schools, factories, and hospitals.[34]

The visit ushered in a new era of Sino-American relations.[11] Fearing the possibility of a Sino-American alliance, the Soviet Union yielded to pressure for détente with the United States.[38]

Vietnam

At the time Nixon took office, about 300 American soldiers were dying each week in Vietnam,[39] and the war was broadly unpopular in the United States, with widespread, sometimes violent protests against the war taking place on a regular basis (including a protest at Nixon's inauguration). The Johnson administration had agreed to suspend bombing in exchange for negotiations without preconditions, but this agreement never fully took force. According to Walter Isaacson, soon after taking office, Nixon had concluded that the Vietnam War could not be won and he was determined to end the war quickly.[40] Conversely, Black argues that Nixon sincerely believed he could intimidate North Vietnam through the Madman theory.[41] Nixon sought some arrangement which would permit American forces to withdraw, while leaving South Vietnam secure against attack.[42]

In mid-1969, Nixon began efforts to negotiate peace with the North Vietnamese, sending a personal letter to North Vietnamese leaders, and peace talks began in Paris. Initial talks, however, did not result in an agreement.[43] In July 1969, Nixon visited South Vietnam, where he met with his U.S. military commanders and President Nguyen Van Thieu. Amid protests at home demanding an immediate pullout, he implemented a strategy of replacing American troops with Vietnamese troops, known as "Vietnamization".[11] He soon instituted phased U.S. troop withdrawals[44] but authorized incursions into Laos, in part to interrupt the Ho Chi Minh trail, used to supply North Vietnamese forces, that passed through Laos and Cambodia. Nixon announced the ground invasion of Cambodia to the American public on April 30, 1970.[45] His responses to protesters included an impromptu, early morning meeting with them at the Lincoln Memorial on May 9, 1970.[46][47] Documents uncovered from the Soviet archives after 1991 reveal that the North Vietnamese attempt to overrun Cambodia in 1970 was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by Pol Pot's then second in command, Nuon Chea.[48] Nixon's campaign promise to curb the war, contrasted with the escalated bombing, led to claims that Nixon had a "credibility gap" on the issue.[44]

In 1971, excerpts from the "Pentagon Papers", which had been leaked by Daniel Ellsberg, were published by The New York Times and The Washington Post. When news of the leak first appeared, Nixon was inclined to do nothing; the Papers, a history of United States' involvement in Vietnam, mostly concerned the lies of prior administrations and contained few real revelations. He was persuaded by Kissinger that the papers were more harmful than they appeared, and the President tried to prevent publication. The Supreme Court eventually ruled for the newspapers.[49]

As U.S. troop withdrawals continued, conscription was reduced and in 1973 ended; the armed forces became all-volunteer.[50] After years of fighting, the Paris Peace Accords were signed at the beginning of 1973. The agreement implemented a cease fire and allowed for the withdrawal of remaining American troops; however, it did not require the 160,000 North Vietnam Army regulars located in the South to withdraw.[51] Once American combat support ended, there was a brief truce, before fighting broke out again, this time without American combat involvement. North Vietnam conquered South Vietnam in 1975.[52] Communist governments also took power in Laos and Cambodia.

Cambodia

Nixon delivers an address to the nation about the bombings in Cambodia, April 30, 1969

Nixon approved a secret B-52 carpet bombing campaign of North Vietnamese positions in Cambodia in March 1969 (code-named Operation Menu), without the consent of Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.[53][54][55] The bombing of Cambodia continued into the 1970s in support of the Cambodian government of Lon Nol—which was then battling a Khmer Rouge insurgency in the Cambodian Civil War—as part of Operation Freedom Deal. It is estimated that between 50,000 and 150,000 people were killed during the bombing of Cambodia between 1970 and 1973.[55] The relationship between the massive carpet bombing of Cambodia by the United States and the growth of the Khmer Rouge, in terms of recruitment and popular support, has been a matter of interest to historians. Some historians have cited the U.S. intervention and bombing campaign as a significant factor leading to increased support of the Khmer Rouge among the Cambodian peasantry. However, Pol Pot biographer David Chandler argues that the bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted – it broke the Communist encirclement of Phnom Penh".[56] Chandler states that "If you just made a very cold, calculating, military decision, the bombing of 1973 was in fact a sensible thing to do [at the time], because had it not happened, the Khmer Rouge would have taken Phnom Penh [much earlier] and South Vietnam would have had a communist country on its flank."[57] Peter Rodman and Michael Lind claimed that the US intervention saved Cambodia from collapse in 1970 and 1973.[58][59] Craig Etcheson agreed that it was "untenable" to assert that US intervention caused the Khmer Rouge victory while acknowledging that it may have played a small role in boosting recruitment for the insurgents.[60] William Shawcross, however, wrote that the "Khmer Rouge were born out of the inferno that American policy did much to create" and that Sihanouk's "collaboration with both powers [the United States and North Vietnam] ... was intended to save his people by confining the conflict to the border regions. It was American policy that engulfed the nation in war."[61]

Latin America

Nixon and Mexican president Gustavo Díaz Ordaz riding a presidential motorcade in San Diego, California, September 1970

Cuba

Nixon had been a firm supporter of Kennedy in the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion and 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis; on taking office he stepped up covert operations against Cuba and its president, Fidel Castro. He maintained close relations with the Cuban-American exile community through his friend, Bebe Rebozo, who often suggested ways of irritating Castro. These activities concerned the Soviets and Cubans, who feared Nixon might attack Cuba in violation of the understanding between Kennedy and Khrushchev which had ended the missile crisis. In August 1970, the Soviets asked Nixon to reaffirm the agreement. Despite his hard line against Castro, Nixon agreed. The process—which began in secret, but quickly leaked—had not been completed when the U.S. deduced that the Soviets were expanding their base at the Cuban port of Cienfuegos in October 1970. A minor confrontation ensued, which was concluded with an understanding that the Soviets would not use Cienfuegos for submarines bearing ballistic missiles. The final round of diplomatic notes, reaffirming the 1962 accord, were exchanged in November.[62]

Chile

The election of Marxist candidate Salvador Allende as President of Chile in September 1970 led Nixon to order that Allende not be allowed to take office. Edward Korry, US Ambassador to Chile, told Nixon that he saw no alternative to Allende. According to the ambassador, Nixon said, "That son of a bitch, that son a bitch...Not you, Mr. Ambassador. It's that son of a bitch Allende. We're going to smash him." [63]: 25  Nixon pursued a vigorous campaign of covert resistance to Allende, intended to first prevent Allende from taking office, called Track I, and then when that failed, to provide a "military solution", called Track II.[64] As part of Track II, CIA operatives approached senior Chilean military leaders, using false flag operatives, and encouraged a coup d'état, providing both finances ($50,000) and weapons (submachine guns).[65][63] With US encouragement, coup plotters first assassinated Army leader, General René Schneider, as he opposed military interference in the political process.[63]

Once Allende took office, extensive covert efforts continued with US-funded black propaganda placed in El Mercurio, strikes organized against Allende, and funding for Allende opponents. When El Mercurio requested significant funds for covert support in September 1971, “...in a rare example of presidential micromanagement of a covert operation, Nixon personally authorized the $700,000—and more if necessary—in covert funds to El Mercurio."[63]: 93  CIA operatives in Santiago had been instructed by the Nixon administration to provide a military solution: "In sum, we want you to sponsor a military move which can take place, to the extent possible, in a climate of economic and political uncertainty."[64]: 177  Henry Hecksher, CIA station chief in Santiago, warned it would be violent: "We provide you with formula for chaos, which is unlikely to be bloodless." [64]: 181 

Nixon had supported a concerted effort to undermine the Chilean economy, saying he wanted "to make the economy scream" with up to "$10,000,000 available, more if necessary" for covert activities.[66] The White House effort, ordered by Nixon and carried out through Kissinger and the 40 Committee, finally succeeded when General Augusto Pinochet assumed power in a violent coup d'état on September 11, 1973.[67] During the coup, the deposed president died under disputed circumstances, and there were allegations of American involvement.[68] These allegations were proven in 2000, when more than 24,000 formerly classified papers from the White House, NSC, CIA, FBI, US Embassy, and DIA were released as part of the Chilean Declassification Project.[63]: xv–xx  The papers documented extensive evidence of the covert activities engineered by Nixon and Kissinger designed to overthrow Allende. The Nixon administration later provided covert US support for Augusto Pinochet, despite knowledge of his record of extensive torture, internal repression, and state-supported international terrorism carried out by DINA, the Chilean secret police, through its Operation Condor program. American casualties of Nixon's policies include Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi, who were executed in the National Stadium after the Pinochet coup; Boris Weisfeiler, who disappeared near a Chilean interrogation camp called Colonia Dignitad;[63]: 170, 300  Rodrigo Rojas, who was burned to death by Chilean Army soldiers;[63]: 456  and Ronni Moffitt, who was killed when Orlando Letelier was assassinated by a car bomb planted by DINA, in Washington, D.C.[63]

Soviet Union

Nixon used the improving international environment to address the topic of nuclear peace. Following the announcement of his visit to China, the Nixon administration concluded negotiations for him to visit the Soviet Union. The President and First Lady arrived in Moscow on May 22, 1972 and met with Leonid Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Communist Party; Alexei Kosygin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers; and Nikolai Podgorny, the head of state, among other leading Soviet officials.[69]

Nixon meets with Brezhnev during the Soviet leader's trip to the U.S. in 1973.

Nixon engaged in intense negotiations with Brezhnev.[69] Out of the summit came agreements for increased trade and two landmark arms control treaties: SALT I, the first comprehensive limitation pact signed by the two superpowers,[11] and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which banned the development of systems designed to intercept incoming missiles. Nixon and Brezhnev proclaimed a new era of "peaceful coexistence". A banquet was held that evening at the Kremlin.[69]

Richard Nixon in Kiev in 1972

Seeking to foster better relations with the United States, both China and the Soviet Union cut back on their diplomatic support for North Vietnam and advised Hanoi to come to terms militarily.[70][71][72] Nixon later described his strategy:

I had long believed that an indispensable element of any successful peace initiative in Vietnam was to enlist, if possible, the help of the Soviets and the Chinese. Though rapprochement with China and détente with the Soviet Union were ends in themselves, I also considered them possible means to hasten the end of the war. At worst, Hanoi was bound to feel less confident if Washington was dealing with Moscow and Beijing. At best, if the two major Communist powers decided that they had bigger fish to fry, Hanoi would be pressured into negotiating a settlement we could accept.[73]

Having made considerable progress over the previous two years in US-Soviet relations, Nixon embarked on a second trip to the Soviet Union in 1974.[74] He arrived in Moscow on June 27 to a welcome ceremony, cheering crowds, and a state dinner at the Grand Kremlin Palace that evening.[74] Nixon and Brezhnev met in Yalta, where they discussed a proposed mutual defense pact, détente, and MIRVs. While he considered proposing a comprehensive test-ban treaty, Nixon felt he would not have time as president to complete it.[74] There were no significant breakthroughs in these negotiations.[74]

Middle East

Nixon meets with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt, June 1974

As part of the Nixon Doctrine that the U.S. would avoid direct combat assistance to allies where possible, instead giving them assistance to defend themselves, the U.S. greatly increased arms sales to the Middle East—particularly Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia—during the Nixon administration.[75] The Nixon administration strongly supported Israel, an American ally in the Middle East but the support was not unconditional. Nixon believed that Israel should make peace with its Arab neighbors and that the United States should encourage it. The president believed that—except during the Suez Crisis—the U.S. had failed to intervene with Israel, and should use the leverage of the large U.S. military aid to Israel to urge the parties to the negotiating table. However, the Arab-Israeli conflict was not a major focus of Nixon's attention during his first term—for one thing, he felt that no matter what he did, American Jews would oppose his reelection.

When an Arab coalition led by Egypt and Syria attacked in October 1973, beginning the Yom Kippur War, Israel suffered initial losses. The U.S. took no action for several days, until Nixon ordered an airlift to Israel, taking personal responsibility for any response by Arab nations. Nixon cut through inter-departmental squabbles and bureaucracy to initiate an airlift of American arms. By the time the U.S. and Soviet Union negotiated a truce, Israel had penetrated deep into enemy territory. A long-term effect was the movement of Egypt away from the Soviets toward the U.S. But Israel's victory came at the cost to the U.S. of the 1973 oil crisis; the members of OPEC decided to raise oil prices in response to the American support of Israel.[76] After Nixon chose to go off the gold standard, foreign countries increased their currency reserves in anticipation of currency fluctuation, which caused deflation of the dollar and other world currencies. Since oil was paid for in dollars, OPEC was receiving less value for their product. They cut production and announced price hikes as well as an embargo targeted against the United States and the Netherlands, specifically blaming U.S. support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War for the actions.[77] The embargo caused gasoline shortages and rationing in the United States in late 1973, and was eventually ended by the oil-producing nations as peace took hold.[78] Kissinger played a major role in the settlement, and was also able to reestablish U.S. relations with Egypt for the first time since 1967; Nixon made one of his final international visits as president there in June 1974.[79]

List of international trips

Nixon made fifteen international trips to 42 different countries during his presidency.[80]

Countries visited by Nixon during his presidency.
Dates Country Locations Details
1 February 23–24, 1969  Belgium Brussels Attended the 23rd meeting of North Atlantic Council. Met with King Baudouin I.
February 24–26, 1969  United Kingdom London Informal visit. Delivered several public addresses.
February 26–27, 1969  West Germany West Berlin
Bonn
Delivered several public addresses. Addressed the Bundestag.
February 27–28, 1969  Italy Rome Met with President Giuseppe Saragat and Prime Minister Mariano Rumor and other officials.
February 28 –
March 2, 1969
 France Paris Met with President Charles de Gaulle.
March 2, 1969  Vatican City Apostolic Palace Audience with Pope Paul VI.
2 July 26–27, 1969  Philippines Manila State visit. Met with President Ferdinand Marcos.
July 27–28, 1969  Indonesia Jakarta State visit. Met with President Suharto.
July 28–30, 1969  Thailand Bangkok State visit. Met with King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
July 30, 1969  South Vietnam Saigon,
Di An
Met with President Nguyen Van Thieu. Visited U.S. military personnel.
July 31 – August 1, 1969  India New Delhi State visit. Met with Acting President Mohammad Hidayatullah.
August 1–2, 1969  Pakistan Lahore State visit. Met with President Yahya Khan.
August 2–3, 1969  Romania Bucharest Official visit. Met with President Nicolae Ceaușescu.
August 3, 1969  United Kingdom RAF Mildenhall Informal meeting with Prime Minister Harold Wilson.
3 September 8, 1969  Mexico Ciudad Acuña Dedication of Amistad Dam with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.
4 August 20–21, 1970  Mexico Puerto Vallarta Official visit. Met with President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.
5 September 27–30, 1970  Italy Rome,
Naples
Official visit. Met with President Giuseppe Saragat. Visited NATO Southern Command.
September 28, 1970  Vatican City Apostolic Palace Audience with Pope Paul VI.
September 30 –
October 2, 1970
 Yugoslavia Belgrade,
Zagreb
State visit. Met with President Josip Broz Tito.
October 2–3, 1970  Spain Madrid State visit. Met with Generalissimo Francisco Franco.
October 3, 1970  United Kingdom Chequers Met informally with Queen Elizabeth II and Prime Minister Edward Heath.
October 3–5, 1970  Ireland Limerick,
Timahoe,
Dublin
State visit. Met with T Prime Minister Jack Lynch.
6 November 12, 1970  France Paris Attended the memorial services for former President Charles de Gaulle.
7 December 13–14, 1971  Portugal Terceira Island Discussed international monetary problems with French President Georges Pompidou and Portuguese Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano.
8 December 20–21, 1971  Bermuda Hamilton Met with Prime Minister Edward Heath.
9 February 21–28, 1972  China Shanghai,
Peking,
Hangchow
State visit. Met with Party Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai.
10 April 13–15, 1972  Canada Ottawa State visit. Met with Governor General Roland Michener and Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Addressed Parliament. Signed the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement.[81]
11 May 20–22, 1972  Austria Salzburg Informal visit. Met with Chancellor Bruno Kreisky.
May 22–30, 1972  Soviet Union Moscow,
Leningrad,
Kiev
State visit. Met with Premier Alexei Kosygin and General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev. Signed the SALT I and ABM Treaties.
May 30–31, 1972  Iran Tehran Official visit. Met with Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.
May 31 – June 1, 1972  Poland Warsaw Official visit. Met with First Secretary Edward Gierek.
12 May 31 – June 1, 1973  Iceland Reykjavík Met with President Kristján Eldjárn and Prime Minister Ólafur Jóhannesson and French President Georges Pompidou.
13 April 5–7, 1974  France Paris Attended the memorial services for former President Georges Pompidou. Met afterward with interim President Alain Poher, Italian President Giovanni Leone, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, Danish Prime Minister Poul Hartling, Soviet President Nikolai Podgorny and Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka.
14 June 10–12, 1974  Austria Salzburg Met with Chancellor Bruno Kreisky.
June 12–14, 1974  Egypt Cairo,
Alexandria
Met with President Anwar Sadat.
June 14–15, 1974  Saudi Arabia Jedda Met with King Faisal.
June 15–16, 1974  Syria Damascus Met with President Hafez al-Assad.
June 16–17, 1974  Israel Tel Aviv,
Jerusalem
Met with President Ephraim Katzir and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
June 17–18, 1974  Jordan Amman State visit. Met with King Hussein.
June 18–19, 1974  Portugal Lajes Field Met with President António de Spínola.
15 June 25–26, 1974  Belgium Brussels Attended the North Atlantic Council Meeting. Met separately with King Baudouin I and Queen Fabiola, Prime Minister Leo Tindemans, and with German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and Italian Prime Minister Mariano Rumor.
June 27 – July 3, 1974  Soviet Union Moscow,
Minsk,
Oreanda
Official visit. Met with General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, President Nikolai Podgorny and Premier Alexei Kosygin. Signing of the Threshold Test Ban Treaty.

Domestic affairs

Economy

At the time when Nixon took office in January 1969, inflation was at 4.7%, its highest rate since the Korean War, and rising. The Great Society had been enacted under Johnson, which, together with the Vietnam War costs, was causing large budget deficits. There was little unemployment (3.3%,[82]), but interest rates were at their highest in a century.[83] Nixon's major economic goal was to reduce inflation; the most obvious means of doing so was to end the war.[83] That however could not be accomplished overnight. The administration adopted a policy of restricting the growth of the money supply to address the inflation problem. In February 1970, as a part of the effort to keep federal spending down, Nixon delayed pay raises to federal employees by six months. When the nation's postal workers went on strike, he used the Army to keep the postal system going. In the end, the government met the postal workers' wage demands, undoing some of the desired budget-balancing.[84] According to political economist Nigel Bowles's 2011 study of Nixon's economic policies, the new president did little to alter Johnson's policies through the first year of his presidency.[85] The president and congressional Republicans entered the 1970 campaign season faced with unemployment, inflation, and Democratic demands for an incomes policy, all of which contributed to a lackluster Republican performance in the midterm congressional elections (Republicans gained two seats in the Senate but lost nine in the House; Democrats controlled both Houses of Congress throughout Nixon's presidency).[86]

In 1970, Congress had granted the president the power to impose wage and price controls, though the Democratic congressional leadership, knowing Nixon had opposed such controls through his career, did not expect Nixon to actually use the authority.[85] With inflation unresolved by August 1971, and an election year looming, Nixon convened a summit of his economic advisers at Camp David. He then announced temporary wage and price controls, allowed the dollar to float against other currencies, and ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold.[87] Bowles points out, "by identifying himself with a policy whose purpose was inflation's defeat, Nixon made it difficult for Democratic opponents ... to criticize him. His opponents could offer no alternative policy that was either plausible or believable since the one they favored was one they had designed but which the president had appropriated for himself."[85] Nixon's policies dampened inflation in 1972, although their aftereffects contributed to inflation during his second term and into the Ford administration.[87]

As Nixon began his second term, the economy was plagued by a stock market crash and a surge in inflation. With the legislation authorizing price controls set to expire on April 30, the Senate Democratic Caucus recommended a 90-day freeze on all profits, interest rates, and prices.[88] Nixon re-imposed price controls in June 1973, echoing his 1971 plan, as food prices rose; this time, he focused on agricultural exports and limited the freeze to 60 days.[88] The price controls became unpopular with the public and business people, who saw powerful labor unions as preferable to the price board bureaucracy.[88] Business owners, however, now saw the controls as permanent rather than temporary, and voluntary compliance among small businesses decreased.[88] The controls and the accompanying food shortages—as meat disappeared from grocery stores and farmers drowned chickens rather than sell them at a loss—only fueled more inflation.[88] Despite their failure to rein in inflation, controls were slowly ended, and on April 30, 1974, their statutory authorization lapsed.[88] Ultimately, inflation would rise to 12.1% by the end of the year.[82]

Governmental reorganization

Nixon advocated a "New Federalism", which would devolve power to state and local elected officials, though Congress was hostile about these ideas and enacted only a few of them.[89] Nixon hoped to reduce the number of government departments to eight: The existing departments of State, Justice, Treasury, and Defense, with the remainder of the Executive Branch made parts of new departments of Economic Affairs, Natural Resources, Human Resources, and Community Development. Although Nixon did not succeed in this,[90] was able to convince Congress to eliminate one Cabinet-level department, the United States Post Office Department, which in July 1971 (as a result of the Postal Reorganization Act) was transformed into the United States Postal Service, an independent entity within the executive branch of the federal government.[91] Postmaster General Winton M. Blount continued to serve through this transition until January 1, 1972.

Federal regulations

Environmental policy had not been a significant issue in the 1968 election; the candidates were rarely asked for their views on the subject. He saw that the first Earth Day in April 1970 presaged a wave of voter interest on the subject, and sought to use that to his benefit; in June he announced the formation of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), broke new ground by discussing environment policy in his State of the Union speeches. Other initiatives supported by Nixon included the: Clean Air Act of 1970 – expanding the federal mandate to control air pollution and protect air quality; Occupational Safety and Health Act – establishing Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH); and the National Environmental Policy Act – requiring environmental impact statements for many Federal projects.[92] Other significant regulatory legislation enacted during Nixon's presidency included the: Noise Control Act (1972); Marine Mammal Protection Act (1972); Consumer Product Safety Act (1972); and the Endangered Species Act (1973).[82]

While applauding Nixon's progressive policy agenda, environmentalists found much to criticize in his record.[82] The administration strongly supported continued funding of the "noise-polluting" Supersonic transport (SST), which Congress dropped funding for in 1971. Additionally, he vetoed the Clean Water Act of 1972, and after Congress overrode the veto, Nixon impounded the funds Congress had authorized to implement it. While not opposed to the goals of the legislation, Nixon objected to the amount of money to be spent on reaching them, which he deemed excessive.[93] Faced as he was with a generally liberal Democratic Congress, perceived as being spendthrift (in 1972 John Ehrlichman used the term "credit-card Congress"[94]), Nixon used this power on multiple occasions during his presidency.[95] Congress's response came in the form of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which established a new budget process, and included a procedure providing congressional control over the impoundment of funds by the president. Nixon, mired in Watergate, signed the legislation July 12.[96]

Healthcare

In August 1970, Democratic Senator Ted Kennedy introduced legislation to establish a single-payer universal health care, financed by taxes and with no Cost sharing).[97] In February 1971, Nixon proposed more limited health insurance reform, an employee mandate to offer private health insurance if employees volunteered to pay 25 percent of premiums, the federalization of Medicaid for poor families with dependent minor children, and support for health maintenance organizations (HMOs).[98] This market-based system would, Nixon argued, "build on the strengths of the private system."[99] Both the House and Senate held hearings on national health insurance in 1971, but no legislation emerged from either committee,[100] as House Ways and Means committee chairman Wilbur Mills or Senate Finance committee chairman Russell Long.[98] In October 1972, Nixon signed the Social Security Amendments of 1972, extending Medicare to those under 65 who had been severely disabled for over two years or had end stage renal disease, and gradually raising the Medicare Part A payroll tax from 1.1 to 1.45 percent (in 1986).[101] In December 1973, he signed the Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973, establishing a trial federal program to promote and encourage the development of HMOs.[102]

There was a renewed push for health insurance reform in 1974. In January, representatives Martha Griffiths and James C. Corman introduced the Health Security Act, a universal national health insurance program providing comprehensive benefits without any cost sharing backed by the AFL-CIO and UAW.[100] The following month Nixon again proposed the Comprehensive Health Insurance Act – an employer mandate to offer private health insurance if employees volunteered to pay 25 percent of premiums, replacement of Medicaid by state-run health insurance plans available to all with income-based premiums and cost sharing, and replacement of Medicare with a new federal program that eliminated the limit on hospital days, added income-based out-of-pocket limits, and added outpatient prescription drug coverage.[100][103] In April, Kennedy and Mills introduced the National Health Insurance Act, a bill to provide near-universal national health insurance with benefits identical to the expanded Nixon plan—but with mandatory participation by employers and employees through payroll taxes and with lower cost sharing.[100] Both plans were criticized by labor, consumer, and senior citizens organizations, and neither gained traction.[104] That summer, after Nixon's resignation and President Ford's call for health insurance reform, Mills tried to advance a compromise based on Nixon's plan, but gave up when unable to get more than a 13–12 majority of his committee to support his compromise.[100][105]

Medical research initiatives

Nixon submitted two significant medical research initiatives to Congress in February 1971.[106] The first, popularly referred to as the War on Cancer, resulted in passage that December of the National Cancer Act, which injected nearly $1.6 billion (equivalent to $9 billion in 2016) in federal funding to cancer research over a three-year period. It also provided for establishment of medical centers dedicated to clinical research and cancer treatment, 15 of them initially, whose work is coordinated by the National Cancer Institute.[107][108] The second initiative, focused on Sickle-cell disease (SCD), resulted in passage of the National Sickle Cell Anemia Control Act in May 1972. Long ignored, the lifting of SCD from obscurity to high visibility reflected the changing dynamics of electoral politics and race relations in America during the early 1970s. Under this legislation, the National Institutes of Health established several sickle cell research and treatment centers and the Health Services Administration established sickle cell screening and education clinics around the country.[109][110]

U.S. space program

Nixon visits the Apollo 11 astronauts in quarantine aboard USS Hornet.

After a nearly decade-long national effort, the United States won the race to land astronauts on the moon on July 20, 1969, with the flight of Apollo 11. Nixon spoke with Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin during their moonwalk. He called the conversation "the most historic phone call ever made from the White House".[111] Nixon, however, was unwilling to keep funding for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) at the high level seen through the 1960s as NASA prepared to send men to the moon. NASA Administrator Thomas O. Paine drew up ambitious plans for the establishment of a permanent base on the moon by the end of the 1970s and the launch of a manned expedition to Mars as early as 1981. Nixon, however, rejected both proposals.[112] On May 24, 1972, Nixon approved a five-year cooperative program between NASA and the Soviet space program, culminating in the Apollo–Soyuz Test Project, a joint mission of an American Apollo and a Soviet Soyuz spacecraft in 1975.[113]

Desegregation

The Nixon years witnessed the first large-scale efforts to desegregate the nation's public schools.[114] Particularly in the South, Nixon sought a middle way between the segregationist Wallace and liberal Democrats, whose support of integration was alienating some Southern whites.[115] Soon after beginning his first term, Nixon appointed Vice President Agnew to lead a task force, which worked with local leaders—both white and black—to determine how to integrate local schools. Agnew had little interest in the work, and most of it was done by Labor Secretary George Shultz. Federal aid was available, and a meeting with President Nixon was a possible reward for compliant committees. By September 1970, less than ten percent of black children were attending segregated schools. By 1971, however, tensions over desegregation surfaced in Northern cities, with angry protests over the busing of children to schools outside their neighborhood to achieve racial balance. Nixon opposed busing personally but enforced court orders requiring its use.[116]

In addition to desegregating public schools, the administration worked to increase the number of racial minorities hired across the nation in various construction trades. The first affirmative action program set up, the Philadelphia Plan, implemented in 1969, required government contractors in Philadelphia to hire minority workers.[117]

Constitutional amendments

When Congress extended the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in 1970 it included a provision lowering the age qualification to vote in all elections—federal, state, and local—to 18. Later that year, in Oregon v. Mitchell (1970), the Supreme Court held that Congress had the authority to lower the voting age qualification in federal elections, but not the authority to do so in state and local elections.[118] Nixon sent a letter to Congress supporting a constitutional amendment to lower the voting age, and Congress quickly moved forward with a proposed constitutional amendment guaranteeing the 18 year-old vote.[119] Sent to the states for ratification on March 23, 1971, the proposal became the Twenty-sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution on July 1, 1973 after being ratified by the requisite number of states (38).[120]

Nixon also endorsed the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which passed both houses of Congress in 1972 and was submitted to the state legislatures for ratification.[121] The amendment failed to be ratified by 38 states within the period set by Congress for ratification. Nixon had campaigned as an ERA supporter in 1968, though feminists criticized him for doing little to help the ERA or their cause after his election. Nevertheless, he appointed more women to administration positions than Lyndon Johnson had.[122]

Vietnam War opposition

Over the course of the Vietnam War a large segment of the American population came to be opposed to U.S. involvement in South Vietnam. Public opinion steadily turned against the war following 1967, and by 1970 only a third of Americans believed that the U.S. had not made a mistake by sending troops to fight in Vietnam.[123] During the late-1960s opponents of the war turned to teach-ins and street protests, such as those at the 1968 Democratic National Convention and the 1969 Vietnam Moratorium, in an effort to turn U.S. political opinion.

Opinions concerning the war grew more polarized after the Selective Service System instituted a draft lottery in December 1969. Some 30,000[124] young men fled to Canada to evade the draft between 1970 and 1973. Tensions ran higher as well, especially after the fatal shooting of four students at Kent State University in 1970, which led to nationwide university protests, and the mid-1971 publication of the first Pentagon Papers.[125] Antiwar protests ended with the final withdrawal of troops after the Paris Peace Accords were signed in 1973.

Election of 1972

Nixon meets the public during the 1972 presidential campaign.

Nixon was a popular incumbent president in 1972, as he was credited with achieving détente with the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union. Virtually assured the Republican nomination,[126] polls showed that he held a strong lead in the Republican primaries. He was challenged in the primaries by Pete McCloskey from California, who ran as an anti-war candidate, and John Ashbrook, who opposed Nixon's détente policy. In the New Hampshire primary McCloskey garnered 19.8% of the vote to Nixon’s 67.6%, with Ashbrook receiving 9.7%. The president's re-nomination was never in doubt after that. At the Republican National Convention that August he received 1,347 of the 1,348 votes on the first ballot (McCloskey received one). Delegates also re-nominated Spiro Agnew by acclamation. Throughout the convention chanted "Four more years! Four more years!"[127]

1972 electoral vote results

The President had initially expected his Democratic opponent to be Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts, but he was largely removed from contention after the 1969 Chappaquiddick incident.[128] Instead, Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine was the front runner, with Senator George McGovern of South Dakota in a close second place.[129] In the end, McGovern won the nomination at the Democratic National Convention.[130] Senator Thomas Eagleton of Missouri was the vice-presidential choice, but after it was disclosed that he had undergone mental health treatment, including electroshock therapy, in the past, Eagleton withdrew from the race. McGovern replaced him with Sargent Shriver of Maryland, a Kennedy in-law.[131]

Nixon dismissed the Democratic platform as cowardly and divisive.[132] McGovern intended to sharply reduce defense spending[133] and supported amnesty for draft evaders as well as abortion rights. With some of his supporters believed to be in favor of drug legalization, McGovern was perceived as standing for "amnesty, abortion and acid".[131] McGovern was also damaged by his choosing and then rejecting Eagleton.[134]

Nixon, ahead in most polls for the entire election cycle, focused on the prospect of peace in Vietnam and an upsurge in the economy. He was elected to a second term on November 7, 1972 in one of the largest landslide election victories in American history. He won over 60% of the popular vote, receiving 47,169,911 votes to McGovern’s 29,170,383, and won an even larger electoral college victory, garnering 520 votes (49 states) to 17 (one state and the District of Columbia) for McGovern[135][136] (additionally, one faithless elector in Virginia who had been pledged to Nixon voted for political activist John Hospers).

Watergate and resignation

Watergate

The term Watergate has come to encompass an array of clandestine and often illegal activities undertaken by members of the Nixon administration. Those activities included "dirty tricks" such as bugging the offices of political opponents and people of whom Nixon or his officials were suspicious. Nixon and his close aides ordered harassment of activist groups and political figures, using the FBI, CIA, and the IRS. These activities became known after five men were caught breaking into Democratic National Committee offices at the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C. on June 17, 1972. The Washington Post picked up on the story; reporters Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward relying on an informant known as "Deep Throat"—later revealed to be Mark Felt, associate director at the FBI—were able to link the men to the Nixon administration. The White House, through Presidential Press Secretary Ron Ziegler, repeatedly dismissed Woodward and Bernstein's reports, and tried to brush the incident aside as a "third rate burglary attempt."[137] That August, Nixon categorically denied that any of his White House staff had prior knowledge of the crime, and the episode had no impact on his reelection campaign.[138] He downplayed the scandal as mere politics, calling news articles biased and misleading. As a series of revelations later made it clear however, Nixon aides had committed crimes in attempts to sabotage the Democrats and other. By early in 1973, senior aides such as White House Counsel John Dean and Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman faced prosecution.[11][139][140]

In May 1973 the Senate conducted an investigation of the Watergate scandal. The investigation, known as the "Watergate hearings," was televised and widely watched. As the various witnesses gave details, not only of the Watergate break-in, but of various other alleged acts of malfeasance by various administration officials, Nixon's approval rating plummeted.[82] On June 25, Dean named Nixon as having helped to plan the burglary's cover-up,[138] and the following month, White House aide Alexander Butterfield testified that Nixon had a secret taping system that recorded his conversations and phone calls in the Oval Office. These tapes were subpoenaed by Watergate independent special prosecutor Archibald Cox. Nixon refused to release them, citing executive privilege.[95]

The White House and Cox remained at loggerheads until October, when Nixon had Cox fired in what was called the "Saturday Night Massacre." The firing infuriated Congress and engendered public protest. On October 30, the House Judiciary Committee began consideration of possible impeachment procedures; the following day Leon Jaworski was named as Cox's replacement, and soon thereafter the president agreed to turn over the requested tapes.[141] When the tapes were turned over a few weeks later, Nixon's lawyers revealed that an audio tape of conversations, held in the White House on June 20, 1972, featured an 18½ minute gap.[140] Rose Mary Woods, the President's personal secretary, claimed responsibility for the gap, alleging that she had accidentally wiped the section while transcribing the tape, though her explanation was widely mocked. The gap, while not conclusive proof of wrongdoing by the President, cast doubt on Nixon's statement that he had been unaware of the cover-up.[142] That same month, during an hour-long televised question-and-answer session with the press,[143] Nixon insisted that he had made mistakes, but had no prior knowledge of the burglary, did not break any laws, and did not learn of the cover-up until early 1973. He boldly declared,

People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook. I've earned everything I've got.[144]

A demonstrator demands Nixon's impeachment, October 1973.

Through the winter months Nixon continued to deflect accusations of wrongdoing and vowed that he would be vindicated.[140] Meanwhile, in the courts and in Congress, developments continued to propel the unfolding saga toward a climax. On March 1, a grand jury indicted seven former administration officials for conspiring to hinder the investigation of the Watergate burglary. The grand jury, it was disclosed later, also named Nixon as an unindicted conspirator.[141] In April the House Judiciary Committee voted to subpoena tapes of 42 presidential conversations, and the special prosecutor subpoenaed more tapes and documents as well. The White House refused both subpoenas, citing executive privilege once more.[95]

In an unexpected move at the end of April, the president announced the release of 1,200 pages of transcripts of White House conversations between him and his aides. The House Judiciary Committee, opened impeachment hearings against the president on May 9.[141] These hearings, which were televised, culminated in votes for articles of impeachment, the first being 27–11 in favor on July 27, 1974 on obstruction of justice; six Republicans voted "yes" along with all 21 Democrats.[145] On July 24, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the full tapes, not just selected transcripts must be released.[146]

Nixon Oval Office meeting with H.R. Haldeman "Smoking Gun" Conversation June 23, 1972 Full Transcript

Even though his base of support had been diminished by the continuing series of revelations, Nixon hoped to avoid impeachment. However, one of the newly released tapes, the "Smoking Gun Tape", recorded soon after the break-in, demonstrated that Nixon had been told of the White House connection to the Watergate burglaries soon after they took place, and had approved plans to thwart the investigation. In a statement accompanying the release of the tapes on August 5, 1974, Nixon accepted blame for misleading the country about when he had been told of the truth behind the Watergate break-in, stating that he had a lapse of memory.[147] With their release, Nixon's popular support all but evaporated,[148] and his political support collapsed. He met with Republican congressional leaders two days later, and was told he faced certain impeachment in the House and had, at most, 18 senators who might vote against his conviction on the articles of impeachment—far fewer than the 34 he needed to avoid removal from office.[82][149] That night, knowing his presidency was effectively over, Nixon finalized his decision to resign.[150]

Resignation

At 11:00 a.m. on August 8, his last full day in office, Nixon met with Vice President Ford to inform him of the resignation decision and discus the presidential transition.[150] That evening, Nixon announced his intention to resign to the nation.[151] The speech was delivered from the Oval Office and was carried live on radio and television. Nixon stated that he was resigning for the good of the country as he had lost the political support in Congress necessary to govern effectively, and asked the nation to support the new president, Gerald Ford. Nixon went on to review the accomplishments of his presidency, especially in foreign policy,[152] and concluded by expressing his personal philosophy[153] about perseverance in public service:

Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, 'whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes up short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly'.[154] Full text Wikisource has information on "Richard Nixon's resignation speech"

Nixon displays the V-for-victory sign as he departs the White House after resigning, August 9, 1974

Nixon's speech contained no admission of wrongdoing, and was termed "a masterpiece" by Conrad Black, one of his biographers. Black opined that "What was intended to be an unprecedented humiliation for any American president, Nixon converted into a virtual parliamentary acknowledgement of almost blameless insufficiency of legislative support to continue. He left while devoting half his address to a recitation of his accomplishments in office."[155] The initial response from network commentators was generally favorable, with only Roger Mudd of CBS stating that Nixon had evaded the issue, and had not admitted his role in the cover-up.[156]

Nixon resigned from office on August 9, 1974. Early that morning White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig brought Nixon a prepared letter of resignation, which was addressed to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger as required by the Presidential Succession Act. The brief letter read: “I hereby resign the Office of President of the United States.” Kissinger would subsequently sign his initials, acknowledging that he had received it, and write the time—11:35 a.m.—denoting when Nixon's presidency officially ended. Then, with his family at his side, Nixon gave an emotional farewell talk in the East Room to an assembly of White House staff and Cabinet officials. Afterward, he and the first lady departed the White House for the last time.[150]

This was the ninth time in U.S. history that an incumbent President did not complete a term that he had been elected to; it was, however, the first to occur for a reason other than death. To date, Nixon is the only president to have resigned. One month after leaving office, President Ford granted Nixon an unconditional pardon for all federal crimes he "committed or may have committed or taken part in" while president.[157][158] Full text Wikisource has information on "Proclamation 4311"

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Works cited

Further reading

U.S. Presidential Administrations
Preceded by Nixon Presidency
1969–1974
Succeeded by

Nixon, Richard Category:1960s in the United States Category:1970s in the United States Category:History of the United States (1964–80) Category:Richard Nixon Category:1969 establishments in the United States Category:1974 disestablishments in the United States