|Regions with significant populations|
|Related ethnic groups|
|Chinese||臺灣人 / 台灣人|
Taiwanese people (traditional Chinese: 台灣人; simplified Chinese: 台湾人; pinyin: Táiwān rén; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Tâi-oân-lâng) may refer to individuals who either claim or are imputed cultural identity focused on Taiwan, or Taiwan Area including Penghu islands, Kinmen, and Matsu islands which has been governed by the Taiwan since 1945 which mainly consist of 2 ethnic group of one being Han Chinese and Taiwanese Aborigines. The Han Chinese mainly consist of Hokkien people, Hakka people, Cantonese people, Fuzhou people and Mainland Chinese who arrived after World War II and Chinese Civil War with Chinese Nationalists. At least three competing (occasionally overlapping) paradigms are used to identify someone as a Taiwanese person: a nationalist criteria, self-identification (including the concept of "New Taiwanese") criteria, and socio-cultural criteria. These standards are fluid, in keeping with an evolving social and political milieu. The complexity resulting from competing and evolving standards is compounded by a larger dispute regarding Taiwan's identity crisis, the political status of Taiwan, and its potential de jure Taiwan independence or political integration with China.
98% of Taiwan's population is made up of Han Chinese People, while 2% are Taiwanese aborigines. The composite category of "Taiwanese People" is often reputed by many Taiwanese to include a significant population of at least four constituent ethnic groups: the Hokkien (70%), the Hakka (15%), Fuzhou people (2%) mainly native of Matsu Islands, waishengren (or mainland Chinese) (11%), and Original inhabitant (2%) (Copper 2003:12–13; Hsiao 2004:105). Although the concept of the "four great ethnic groups" was a deliberate attempt by the Hokkien-dominated Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to defuse Chinese Taiwanese people tensions, this conception has become a dominant frame of reference for dealing with Taiwanese ethnic and national issues (Makeham 2005:4–5). Despite the wide use of the "four great ethnic groups" in public discourse as essentialized identities, the relationships between the peoples of Taiwan have been in a constant state of convergence and negotiation for centuries. The continuing process of cross-ethnic mixing with ethnicities from within and outside Taiwan, combined with the disappearance of ethnic barriers due to a shared socio-political experience, has led to the emergence of "Taiwanese" as a larger ethnic group (Harrell & Huang 1994:14–15), except on the island of Kinmen whose populace consider themselves as Kinmenese or Chinese, and as well as inhabitant of Matsu Islands whereby they also consider themselves as Chinese.
- 1 Definitions of Taiwanese
- 2 The history of Taiwanese identity
- 3 The current situation of Taiwanese identity
- 4 Major socio-cultural subgroups
- 5 Genetic studies
- 6 Notable Taiwanese people
- 7 See also
- 8 Notes
- 9 References
- 10 External links
Definitions of Taiwanese
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Identities are not fixed, but fluid and change with time and memory or in response to a changing environment rather than stemming from a primordial or authentic source.(Bhabha 1994:1; Brown 2004:5). New identities are continually emerging based on individuals’ perceptions of commonalities and differences as the patterns of local communities, kinship and language pattern usage change with economic, cultural and demographic change, and on the national experience (Harrell 1996:5).
The word "Taiwanese people" has multiple meanings and can refer to one of the following:
- All citizens of the Republic of China. Those who hold the citizenship (nationality) of the Republic of China, not necessarily those based in Taiwan or Penghu, but also include those living in Kinmen, Matsu Islands and other ruling territory of the Republic of China. This meaning is not accepted by the people of Kinmen and Matsu Islands.
- Ancestors who before the Japanese rule of Taiwan had moved to the island of Taiwan, its minor islands, Penghu islands etc. This includes the ancient Yue people, Han-Chinese, Taiwanese aborigines as well as Dutch people. In addition, this includes Japanese migrants from Japan to Taiwan during the Japanese rule of Taiwan and their descendents today.
- People living outside Taiwan before or after 1949, but are of Taiwanese ancestry or descent, who may live in other territories including Mainland China and do not necessarily hold the nationality of the Republic of China. They may not necessarily be born or live in Taiwan. Outside Taiwan, they are typically known as "Overseas Taiwanese" or "people of Taiwanese descent" ("taiyi 台裔", "tairen 台人")
- Besides the factors as above for consideration, whether one identify oneself as a Taiwanese, depends also on how a person and another person (predominantly those of kinship)'s self-identification.
The history of Taiwanese identity
The earliest notion of a Taiwanese group identity emerged in the form of a national identity following the Qing Dynasty's ceding of Taiwan to Japan in the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895 (Morris 2002:3–6). Prior to Japanese rule, residents of Taiwan developed relationships based on class solidarity and social connections rather than ethnic identity. Although Han often cheated Aborigines, they also married and supported one another against other residents of the same ethnic background. Taiwan was the site of frequent feuding based on ethnicity, lineage and place of origin (Lamley 1981; Harrell 1990[citation not found]; Shepherd 1993:310–323).
In the face of the Japanese colonial hierarchy, the people of Taiwan were faced with the unequal binary relationship between colonizer/colonized. This duality between "one" and "other" was evident in the seven years of violence between the Japanese and groups of united anti-Japanese Han and Aborigines (Katz 2005). Only later did the Japanese attempt to incorporate Taiwanese into the Japanese identity as "loyal subjects", but the difference between the experience of the colonized and the colonizer polarized the two groups (Fujii 2006:70–73).
The concept of "race" was utilized as a tool to confirm and facilitate Japanese political policies. A system of household registers based on the notion of race to separate and define groups of subjects. From within the group of "non-Japanese" the government divided Han citizens into "Han" and "Hakka" based on their perception of linguistic and cultural differences. The Japanese also maintained the Qing era classification of aborigines as either "raw" or "cooked" (Brown 2004:8), which to the Japanese embodied the social ramification of ethnic origin and perceived loyalty to the empire (Wolf & Huang 1980:19).
Martial law era
In 1945, the Taiwanese faced a new unequal binary relationship when Taiwan entered the political sphere of the Republic of China (ROC). Shortly following the Kuomintang's arrival, however, social conflict erupted in the midst of rampant government corruption, soaring inflation and an increasing flow of immigrants from China. The latter were preferred for jobs in the civil service as opposed to Taiwanese who were regarded as "untrustworthy"(Phillips 2003:8–9). Recurrent violent suppression of dissent also played an important role in enforcing a separate sense of "Taiwanese-ness" (Gates 1981:253–275).
Under the Kuomintang's structure, "Taiwanese" became a strong "regional" identity. The term has often been used synonymously with benshengren, a term which covered both Hokkien and Hakka whose ancestors arrived in Taiwan before the Japanese restrictions on immigration in 1895. "Taiwanese" was used in contrast with waishengren (mainlanders), who included the people who followed the KMT to Taiwan between 1945 and 1949 and their descendants. The government tended to stress provincial identities, with identification cards and passports issued until the late 1990s displaying one's ancestral province and county. During this period the terms "cooked" and "raw" Aborigines disappeared. The former "raw" Aborigines were termed Shandi Tongbao, Gaoshanzu (Mountain Race) or Gaoshan Tongbao (Mountain Compatriots).
With Taiwan's political liberalization in the 1970s and 1980s, encouraged by Taiwan's changing international status, the concept of a "Taiwanese people" became politicized by opponents of the KMT. The "tang wai" movement deployed concepts of "Taiwanese identity" against the authoritarian KMT government, often using extreme tactics to build a short-term ethno-centric opposition to the KMT (Edmunson 2002:34–42)[citation not found]. The campaign saw resonance with the people of Taiwan and the term "Taiwanese" has been used by politicians of all parties to refer to the electorate in an effort to secure votes. The concept of a separate Taiwanese identity has become such an integral factor to the election culture in Taiwan, that identifying as a Taiwanese has become essential to being elected in Taiwan (Corcuff 2002:243–249).
The term "New Taiwanese" (新台灣人) was coined by former President of the Republic of China, Lee Teng-hui in 1995 to bridge the ethnic cleavage which formed following the February 28 Incident in 1947 and characterized the frigid relations between waishengren and benshengren during forty years of martial law. Although the "xin Taiwan guan" (新台灣觀; New Taiwanese Concept) or "xin Taiwan lun" (新台灣論; The debate on the new Taiwanese identity) was originally aimed at the successive generations of Taiwanese with mainlander ancestry, it has been further articulated by Lee and other political and social leaders to refer to any person who loves Taiwan and is committed to calling Taiwan home. Although critics have called the "New Taiwanese Concept" a political ploy to win votes from benshengren who regarded the KMT as an alien regime, it has remained an important factor in the dialectic between ethnic identities in Taiwan. Despite being adopted early on by former Provincial Governor James Soong (1997) and later by, then Taipei mayoral candidate Ma Ying-jeou (1999), the term has since been dropped from contemporary political rhetoric (Corcuff 2002:186–188).
In contemporary Taiwan the phenomenon of mixed marriages between couples comprising different ethnic groups has grown to include people from the Indian subcontinent, southeast Asia, Europe, the Americas and the Pacific Islands. The increasing number of marriages between Taiwanese and other countries creates a problem for the rigid definitions of ethnic identity used by both the ROC and the PRC when discussing Taiwan (Harrell 1995). In one-fourth of all marriages in Taiwan today, one partner will be from another country and one out of every twelve children is born to a family of mixed parentage. As Taiwan's birthrate is among the lowest in the world, this contingent is playing an increasingly important role in changing Taiwan's demographic makeup. By 2010, this social-cultural group of people is typically known as "Taiwan's new resident" (Taiwan Xinzhumin 台灣新住民）.
The current situation of Taiwanese identity
In a 2002 poll by the Democratic Progressive Party, over 50% of the respondents considered themselves "Taiwanese" only, up from less than 20% in 1991 (Dreyer 2003). In a poll released in December 2006 by the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF), 57% of people on Taiwan consider themselves to be Taiwanese, 23% Chinese and 20% both Chinese and Taiwanese (China Post, 2006). In June 2008, according to a poll from a Taiwanese television network TVBS, when the respondents are not told that a Taiwanese can also be a Chinese, 68% of the respondents identify themselves as "Taiwanese" while 18% would call themselves "Chinese". According to an annual household interview polls conducted by the National Chengchi University, in 1991, only 13.6 percent of people identified themselves as Taiwanese, while by 2014, the number had risen to 60.2 percent and those who identified themselves as Chinese declined to only 3.4 percent. The poll also found "in 2014, around 32.6 percent of interviewees think of themselves as both Taiwanese and Chinese." In 2006, Wu Nai-teh of Academia Sinica said that "many Taiwanese are still confused about identity, and are easily affected by political, social and economic circumstances."
The sense of a collective Taiwanese identity has continued to increase despite fluctuations in support for pro-independence political parties. This has been cited as evidence that the concept of Taiwanese identity is not the product of local political manipulation, but an actual phenomenon of ethnic and sociopolitical identities (Corcuff 2002:137–149, 207; Hsiao 2003:157–170).
Major socio-cultural subgroups
According to the government, the majority of Taiwan's 23.3 million population consist of 98% Han Chinese (GIO 2004) with a minority Austronesian population of about 523,000. Migration to Taiwan from southern Asia began approximately 12,000 BC, but large-scale migration to Taiwan did not occur until the 18th to the beginning of the 20th century as a result of political and economic chaos in Mainland China (Shepherd 1993; Bellwood 2000; Blust 1988). The first large scale migration occurred as a result of the Manchu invasion and conquest of China, overthrowing the Ming dynasty and establishing the Qing dynasty, which was established in 1644 and remained until 1911.
In 1624, the Dutch East India Company established an outpost in Tainan in southern Taiwan after expelling the Spanish. The Dutch soon realized Taiwan's potential as a colony for trading deer hide, venison, rice, and sugar. However, Aborigines were not interested in developing the land and transporting settlers from Europe would be too costly. Due to the resulting labor shortage, the Dutch hired Han farmers from across the Taiwan Strait who fled the Manchu invasion of Ming dynasty China (Andrade 2006). During the Guo Huaiyi Rebellion, the Dutch massacred these Hoklo settlers on Taiwan. Koxinga brought along many more Chinese settlers during the Siege of Fort Zeelandia in which he expelled the Dutch. Migration of male laborers from Fujian, steadily increased into the 18th and 19th century. In time, this migration and the gradual removal of ethnic markers (coupled with the acculturation, intermarriage and assimilation of plains Aborigines with the Han) resulted in the widespread adoption of Han patterns of behavior making Taiwanese Han the ethnic majority.
It was not until the Japanese arrival in 1895 that Taiwanese first developed a collective Taiwanese identity in contrast to that of the colonizing Japanese (Morris 2002). When the Chinese Civil War broke out between Kuomintang nationalists and the Chinese communists in 1945, there was another mass migration of people from Mainland China to Taiwan fleeing the communists. These migrants are known as the Mainlanders. The descendants of Hoklo, Hakka and plains Aborigines who have lived together on Taiwan for over four hundred years and have come to be known as benshengren, or native Taiwanese[dubious ].
Taiwanese aborigines or Aboriginal peoples (Chinese: 原住民; pinyin: yuánzhùmín; Wade–Giles: yüan2-chu4-min2; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: gôan-chū-bîn; literally: "original inhabitants") are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. They speak languages that belongs to the Austronesian language family, and are culturally, genetically and linguistically closely related to the ethnic groups of Maritime Southeast Asia and Oceania. Their ancestors are believed to have been living on the islands for approximately 8,000 years before major Han Chinese immigration began in the 17th century (Blust 1999). Taiwan's Austronesian speakers were traditionally distributed over much of the island's rugged central mountain range and concentrated in villages along the alluvial plains. Today, the bulk of the contemporary Taiwanese aborigine population reside in the mountains and the major cities. The total population of Aborigines on Taiwan is around 522,942 as of 2011, (CIP 2011) which is approximately 2.25% of Taiwan's population. The cities of Yilan, Hualien, and Taitung are known for their aboriginal communities. In the 1990s several groups of recognized indigenous tribes, which had traditionally viewed themselves as separate, united under the singular ethnonym '原住民' or 'Aborigines' (Stainton 1999).
A 2007 study found that 85% of Taiwanese Hoklo and Hakka have varying degrees of aboriginal genes.
The Hoklo or the Hokkien people are the communities who live in Republic of China that is inclusive of Kinmen, Penghu, and island of Taiwan who spoke Hokkien dialect, These Hokkien people are native to Kinmen, but mostly originated from Fujian specifically Quanzhou, Zhangzhou and Xiamen as well, some of them married into Lowland Taiwanese aborigine communities. They fled the Manchu invasion of China and revolted against the Dutch in the Guo Huaiyi Rebellion. More of them came over during the Siege of Fort Zeelandia in which they expelled the Dutch. Official statistics show that Aborigines make-up less than 2% of Taiwan's population, they are often referring to those citizens who the government identifies as Aborigines and may not reflect actual identification or hybridity. There are fragmented populations of lowland Aborigines who still acknowledge their identity and heritage throughout Taiwan. Others have assimilated to a degree where their descendants speak Taiwanese and identify with the Hoklo majority, and it is possible to find families where the older members still identify themselves as lowland aborigine, while the rest of the family may identify as Hoklo. Among the Hoklo, the common idiom, "has Tangshan father, no Tangshan mother" (有唐山公、無唐山媽, ū-tn̂g-soaⁿ-gong, bô-tn̂g-soaⁿ-má) refers how the Han people crossing the Taiwan Strait were mostly male, whereas their offspring would be through marriage with female Taiwanese aborigines. It is also called Min. The Hoklo were sometimes called "Chinese Formosans" by westerners.  
The Taiwanese Hakka communities, although arriving to Taiwan from Eastern Guangdong and the mountains of Fujian, have also likely mixed through intermarriage with lowland Aborigines as well. Hakka family trees are known for identifying the male ancestors by their ethnic Hakka heritage while leaving out information on the identity of the female ancestors. Also, during the process of intermarriage and assimilation, many of the lowland Aborigines and their families adopted Hoklo and Hakka family names. Much of this happened in Taiwan prior to the Japanese colonization of Taiwan, so that by the time of the Japanese colonization, most of the population that the Japanese classified as "Chinese" Hoklo and "Chinese" Hakka were in truth already of mixed ancestry. Physical features of both Taiwanese aborigine and Chinese can be found amongst the Taiwanese mainstream today.
It is commonly disputed that Taiwanese are not Chinese despite common societal beliefs. This is still a controversial issues among the Taiwanese and Chinese and is continuing to put a wedge between the countries. DNA studies have shown mixed results of both Chinese ancestors and Taiwanese Aborigines. This finding would support both findings which does not clear the air anymore that it was already. For now, this dispute will still be at the top of deep discussions among Taiwanese and Chinese people.
The Fuzhou people are native to Matsu Island, territory of Republic of China, the language spoken among the community are mainly Fuzhou dialect which recognised as the regional official language of Taiwan and also it is taught in the elementary schools as well as Mandarin. Most of the communities speak Fuzhou dialect and some can be found in the island of Taiwan itself. Due to slow economic growth in Matsu islands, many immigrated to the Island of Taiwan in search of wealth and social status.
The descendants of mainlanders settled first within the heart of large urban centers in Taiwan such as Taipei, Taichung, or Kaohsiung. High numbers of government officials and civil servants who followed the KMT to Taiwan and occupied the positions of the colonial government moved into the official dormitories and residences built by the Japanese for civil servants. The ghettoization of mainlander communities exacerbated the divisions imagined by non-mainlander groups, and stymied cultural integration and assimilation into mainstream Taiwanese culture (Gates 1981). Nationalization campaigns undertaken by the KMT established an official "culture", which reflected the KMT government's own preference for what it considered authentic Chinese culture. This excluded many of the local Taiwanese practices and local cultures, including the diverse cultures brought to Taiwan by the mainlanders from all parts of China (Wachman 1994). Unlike, the Hoklo and Hakka of Taiwan, who felt excluded by the new government, the mainlanders and their families supported the nationalists and embraced the official "culture" as their own, with "national culture" being taught in school (Wilson 1970). The mainlanders used their embrace of Nationalist culture to identify themselves as the authentic Chinese people of Taiwan. People identifying themselves as "mainlanders" can now be found in all parts of Taiwan, and through government agriculture and construction campaigns of the 1960s, "mainlander" communities or mixed marriage communities have been established in the high mountains and along the east coast.
New residents or immigrants
This group, known as Taiwan Xinzhumin (台灣新住民), consists of mainly new residents, originally from other nations, who have either migrated to Taiwan or inter-married with a local Taiwanese. The majority of new residents originated from Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand, Philippines etc.
The Hoklo and Hakka linguistic groups, which statistically make up the majority of Taiwan's population, can trace some of their historical cultural roots to Minnan- and Hakka-speaking peoples from what is now China, predominantly the southern provinces of Fujian and Guangdong. The original migrations from China were as male laborers under contract to the Dutch, so there was considerable intermarriage with local plains aboriginal groups. The human leukocyte antigen typing study and mitochondrial DNA analysis performed in recent years show that more than 88% of the benshengren population have some degree of aboriginal origin (Sim 2003). However, a 2009 study questioned such findings and indicated that "the great number of Han immigrants after the 18th century is the main reason to consider that the early genetic contribution from Plains Indigenes to Taiwanese Han has been largely diluted and no longer exists in any meaningful way." The lack of a totally complete and definite set of genetic record of plains Aborigines, or conclusive understanding of their proto-Austronesian roots, further complicates the use of genetic data (Blust 1988). A Mahalanobis generalized distance survey of 29 male groups categorized Taiwanese as a separate subgroup of Northern Asian different from Mongolia, Korea, Shanghai, Nanjing and Hangzhou, associating Taiwanese closer to groups from Hainan, Japan, Ainu and Atayal (Pietrusewsky 2000:400–409).
Notable Taiwanese people
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- There is missing data for Taiwanese in China.
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